Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1163/15718069-20230302
{"title":"Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/15718069-20230302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-20230302","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135975900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1163/15718069-20230301
{"title":"Future Issues of International Negotiation","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/15718069-20230301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-20230301","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135975902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1163/15718069-20230207
{"title":"Future Issues of International Negotiation","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/15718069-20230207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-20230207","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136144291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10092
Chao Wang, N. Lassi
Mediation often fails because disputants scheme, lie, and become emotionally untethered. Productive mediation requires cooperation, self-possession, and a degree of sincerity among disputants. Improving the capacity of disputants to engage harmoniously to achieve resolution is essential, as discussed in the United Nations Convention on International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation (the Singapore Mediation Convention). Confucius believed that ritualized mediation most effectively settled public disputes. Confucian rituals transmit norms and expectations, manifest sincerity, promote self-control, and unite disputants for harmonious resolutions, which can significantly improve modern mediation. This has implications for settlement satisfaction, mediator precision, mediation integrity, social harmony, and savings in time, money, and effort that would otherwise be allocated to litigation. Candidate rituals include calming words and actions during mediation when parties become overly competitive or heated, traditional tea ceremonies, feng shui (風水) influenced mediation environments, and traditional music.
{"title":"Can Confucian Ritual Improve Mediation?","authors":"Chao Wang, N. Lassi","doi":"10.1163/15718069-bja10092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10092","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Mediation often fails because disputants scheme, lie, and become emotionally untethered. Productive mediation requires cooperation, self-possession, and a degree of sincerity among disputants. Improving the capacity of disputants to engage harmoniously to achieve resolution is essential, as discussed in the United Nations Convention on International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation (the Singapore Mediation Convention). Confucius believed that ritualized mediation most effectively settled public disputes. Confucian rituals transmit norms and expectations, manifest sincerity, promote self-control, and unite disputants for harmonious resolutions, which can significantly improve modern mediation. This has implications for settlement satisfaction, mediator precision, mediation integrity, social harmony, and savings in time, money, and effort that would otherwise be allocated to litigation. Candidate rituals include calming words and actions during mediation when parties become overly competitive or heated, traditional tea ceremonies, feng shui (風水) influenced mediation environments, and traditional music.","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46799408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10093
Annie Chaloux, Jennyfer Boudreau, Gabriel Grégoire-Mailhot, Philippe Simard
Climate change is one of the most important issues of our time. However, its diffuse and complex nature makes it difficult to find global and effective solutions, as these require multi-scale contributions. Although the international climate regime primarily involves states, actors from other levels of government also have active international climate agendas. This is certainly true of several Canadian provinces. The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive portrait of the paradiplomatic actions that Canadian provinces have undertaken around climate change. The comparative analysis presented here is based on a conceptual framework that distinguishes three types of paradiplomatic instruments: institutionalization, the use of intra-state routes, and the use of extra-state routes. Our analysis shows that Canadian provinces pursue similar paradiplomatic strategies, but that their intensity and sustainability vary widely according to the availability of economic and human resources, as well as political will.
{"title":"Climate Paradiplomacy: A Comparative Study of Canadian Provinces (British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick)","authors":"Annie Chaloux, Jennyfer Boudreau, Gabriel Grégoire-Mailhot, Philippe Simard","doi":"10.1163/15718069-bja10093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10093","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Climate change is one of the most important issues of our time. However, its diffuse and complex nature makes it difficult to find global and effective solutions, as these require multi-scale contributions. Although the international climate regime primarily involves states, actors from other levels of government also have active international climate agendas. This is certainly true of several Canadian provinces. The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive portrait of the paradiplomatic actions that Canadian provinces have undertaken around climate change. The comparative analysis presented here is based on a conceptual framework that distinguishes three types of paradiplomatic instruments: institutionalization, the use of intra-state routes, and the use of extra-state routes. Our analysis shows that Canadian provinces pursue similar paradiplomatic strategies, but that their intensity and sustainability vary widely according to the availability of economic and human resources, as well as political will.","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43735168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10094
Hwee-rhak Park
This article analyzes the denuclearization negotiations with North Korea and recommends options to compel North Korea to denuclearize, focusing on the best alternative to a negotiated agreement (batna) concept. President Trump’s recent denuclearization summit meetings with North Korea failed because he did not employ a batna in his negotiations. A few candidates for the batna are compared and evaluated using criteria of effectiveness and feasibility. This article concludes that military strikes or economic sanctions cannot be relevant as batna s because of North Korea’s success in developing its second-strike nuclear capabilities and probable Chinese support. While South Korea’s nuclear armament does not seem feasible in the short term, another nuclear-sharing arrangement in Northeast or East Asia could be a viable and practical batna. The United States and South Korea should implement this batna gradually, reflecting the degree of the nuclear threat from North Korea.
{"title":"Compellence and batna for the Denuclearization of North Korea","authors":"Hwee-rhak Park","doi":"10.1163/15718069-bja10094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10094","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article analyzes the denuclearization negotiations with North Korea and recommends options to compel North Korea to denuclearize, focusing on the best alternative to a negotiated agreement (batna) concept. President Trump’s recent denuclearization summit meetings with North Korea failed because he did not employ a batna in his negotiations. A few candidates for the batna are compared and evaluated using criteria of effectiveness and feasibility. This article concludes that military strikes or economic sanctions cannot be relevant as batna s because of North Korea’s success in developing its second-strike nuclear capabilities and probable Chinese support. While South Korea’s nuclear armament does not seem feasible in the short term, another nuclear-sharing arrangement in Northeast or East Asia could be a viable and practical batna. The United States and South Korea should implement this batna gradually, reflecting the degree of the nuclear threat from North Korea.","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44407636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10095
Vincent J. W. Noteboom
The Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (ttip) underwent three years of negotiations by the EU and US, both experienced and capable negotiators, yet the negotiations failed, raising questions. This article delves into the factors that caused ttip’s demise by examining the negotiation structure, the impact of secrecy versus transparency, and the disruptive influence of spoilers. The change in negotiation structure caused a cascading effect, enabling disruptive actors to flourish, and causing the negotiators to switch from an integrative negotiation strategy into a distributive strategy. To enhance the chances of success and avoid similar pitfalls, this article presents recommendations: (1) maintaining a consistent negotiation structure, (2) coordinating any structural changes with the negotiation partner, (3) expanding the agreement’s scope to garner more internal political support, and (4) establishing political backing before commencing negotiations. By addressing these issues, future negotiations can mitigate risks and improve their chances of achieving desired outcomes.
{"title":"Giving Spoilers the Space : How Transparency Efforts Doomed the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (ttip)","authors":"Vincent J. W. Noteboom","doi":"10.1163/15718069-bja10095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10095","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (ttip) underwent three years of negotiations by the EU and US, both experienced and capable negotiators, yet the negotiations failed, raising questions. This article delves into the factors that caused ttip’s demise by examining the negotiation structure, the impact of secrecy versus transparency, and the disruptive influence of spoilers. The change in negotiation structure caused a cascading effect, enabling disruptive actors to flourish, and causing the negotiators to switch from an integrative negotiation strategy into a distributive strategy. To enhance the chances of success and avoid similar pitfalls, this article presents recommendations: (1) maintaining a consistent negotiation structure, (2) coordinating any structural changes with the negotiation partner, (3) expanding the agreement’s scope to garner more internal political support, and (4) establishing political backing before commencing negotiations. By addressing these issues, future negotiations can mitigate risks and improve their chances of achieving desired outcomes.","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43458867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10096
R. Tawfik
In April 2021, Egypt and Sudan announced the failure of the African Union (au)-led negotiations over the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (gerd). Why did the au fail to achieve progress on the contested issues in spite of the parties’ rhetorical commitment to settle these issues, the mediation capacity that the au developed over the last decade, and its comparative advantage as a regional organization close to the dispute? This article addresses this question. It integrates regional conflict resolution literature and water diplomacy approaches to identify the conditions of successful mediation in transboundary water conflicts, a task which contributes to ongoing au efforts to learn from past mediation experiences.
{"title":"Regional Mediation in African Transboundary Rivers Conflicts : Assessing the African Union’s Role in the Renaissance Dam Negotiations","authors":"R. Tawfik","doi":"10.1163/15718069-bja10096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10096","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In April 2021, Egypt and Sudan announced the failure of the African Union (au)-led negotiations over the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (gerd). Why did the au fail to achieve progress on the contested issues in spite of the parties’ rhetorical commitment to settle these issues, the mediation capacity that the au developed over the last decade, and its comparative advantage as a regional organization close to the dispute? This article addresses this question. It integrates regional conflict resolution literature and water diplomacy approaches to identify the conditions of successful mediation in transboundary water conflicts, a task which contributes to ongoing au efforts to learn from past mediation experiences.","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44635788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10090
M. Zahar
This article analyzes the Women’s Advisory Board (WAB) to the UN Special Envoy for Syria, a unique mechanism designed to include women in peace processes. Has the WAB fulfilled its objective? Based on ethnographic material, and primary and secondary sources, we argue that the WAB fostered a sentiment of exclusion among some of its members and of the broader spectrum of Syrian women’s organizations. The article further suggests that the WAB failed to meaningfully include women in the Syria peace process. The sources of these failures can be located in the process by which WAB participants were selected and the ‘peacemaker’ identity that they were assigned. The limits associated with the process of selection and the substance of the women’s engagement are inherent to the way the UN frames and justifies women’s inclusion. The WAB, it concludes, should not be hastily replicated as a mechanism of women’s inclusion.
{"title":"Seeking Inclusion, Breeding Exclusion? The UN’s WPS Agenda and the Syrian Peace Talks","authors":"M. Zahar","doi":"10.1163/15718069-bja10090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10090","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article analyzes the Women’s Advisory Board (WAB) to the UN Special Envoy for Syria, a unique mechanism designed to include women in peace processes. Has the WAB fulfilled its objective? Based on ethnographic material, and primary and secondary sources, we argue that the WAB fostered a sentiment of exclusion among some of its members and of the broader spectrum of Syrian women’s organizations. The article further suggests that the WAB failed to meaningfully include women in the Syria peace process. The sources of these failures can be located in the process by which WAB participants were selected and the ‘peacemaker’ identity that they were assigned. The limits associated with the process of selection and the substance of the women’s engagement are inherent to the way the UN frames and justifies women’s inclusion. The WAB, it concludes, should not be hastily replicated as a mechanism of women’s inclusion.","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48834595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-28DOI: 10.1163/15718069-bja10085
Miriam J. Anderson, G. Golan
Despite the global norm favoring women’s participation in peace negotiations, women continue to face constraints in accessing, influencing, and benefitting from peace settlements. This special issue of International Negotiation lays the groundwork for a future research agenda, calling for attention to gender-based analysis; mixed-method research designs, comparative case studies, and attention to “negative” cases; more examination of the relationship between gender-inclusivity at peace talks and the subsequent conditions for women; and policy recommendations for international actors. This introduction to the issue provides a review of the literature on women and peace negotiations, offers an overview of the issue’s six articles, and proposes a future research agenda.
{"title":"Women and Peace Negotiations: Looking Forward, Looking Back","authors":"Miriam J. Anderson, G. Golan","doi":"10.1163/15718069-bja10085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10085","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Despite the global norm favoring women’s participation in peace negotiations, women continue to face constraints in accessing, influencing, and benefitting from peace settlements. This special issue of International Negotiation lays the groundwork for a future research agenda, calling for attention to gender-based analysis; mixed-method research designs, comparative case studies, and attention to “negative” cases; more examination of the relationship between gender-inclusivity at peace talks and the subsequent conditions for women; and policy recommendations for international actors. This introduction to the issue provides a review of the literature on women and peace negotiations, offers an overview of the issue’s six articles, and proposes a future research agenda.","PeriodicalId":45224,"journal":{"name":"International Negotiation-A Journal of Theory and Practice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43778602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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