Pub Date : 2011-12-01DOI: 10.1080/00223344.2011.632953
Frank Bongiorno
policy making; and concludes that New Zealand did follow a distinctive (if not exceptional) path, a conclusion at odds with one of the book’s avowed intentions. It is at least debatable whether New Zealand’s historians have been as preoccupied as claimed with pursuing the elusive matter of ‘national identity’. A glance at the voluminous material produced for the Waitangi Tribunal, most of it based on a close and critical engagement with the archival and oral record, scarcely suggests any such preoccupation. And it certainly does not support the claim that historians have been prone to view the country’s history as unique, distinct or exceptional. Further, any reading of resource and conservation history and migration serves to demonstrate that New Zealand’s historians are well versed in similar areas of inquiry in other ‘regions of recent settlement’. The claim that the collection incorporates much of the research conducted since 1992 scarcely bears scrutiny. The many well-researched reports prepared as part of the Treaty of Waitangi settlement process have been practically ignored, a pity given the focused and determined effort which they represent to identify and unravel the processes of colonisation, disempowerment, and immiseration. Richard Boast’s excellent distillation of land loss on the part of Maori (Buying the Land, Selling the Land: governments and Maori land in the North Island, 1865–1921, 2008) rates no mention anywhere in the book. Further, those same studies express what is singularly lacking in this collection, namely, a sense of the regional and local. Also largely overlooked is the huge volume of family, local and regional history which has appeared in the last twenty years, much of it of great value. Has The New Oxford History of New Zealand succeeded in complicating our understanding of New Zealand’s past? Possibly, but partly on account of the conceptual wooliness apparent in some of the essays, and the use of social science jargon and assorted turgidities. Turning nouns into verbs and offering vague generalisations do not facilitate understanding, and if historical writing is not intended to inform a general readership, then, it may be asked, what is it for? Is the adjective ‘new’ justified? Not fully. Many of the themes explored are familiar, many of the interpretations offered have been offered before, and many of the conclusions reached are readily recognisable. Has the collection ‘destabilised’ the whole idea of a general history of New Zealand? It is to be hoped not, for a thorough new general history is something which in the post-Belich and the (almost) post-Treaty settlement era is greatly needed.
政策制定;并得出结论,新西兰确实走了一条与众不同(如果不是例外的话)的道路,这一结论与该书公开宣称的意图之一不符。新西兰的历史学家们是否像他们声称的那样专注于追求“民族认同”这个难以捉摸的问题,至少是有争议的。看一眼为怀唐伊法庭制作的大量材料,其中大部分是基于对档案和口头记录的密切和批判性的接触,几乎看不到任何这样的关注。它当然也不支持历史学家倾向于将这个国家的历史视为独特、独特或例外的说法。此外,任何对资源和保护历史以及移民的阅读都有助于证明新西兰的历史学家精通其他“最近定居地区”的类似调查领域。声称该收藏包含了自1992年以来进行的大部分研究的说法几乎经不起推究。作为《怀唐伊条约》(Treaty of Waitangi)解决进程的一部分,许多经过充分研究的报告实际上被忽视了,这令人遗憾,因为它们代表了确定和揭示殖民、剥夺权力和贫困过程的集中和坚定的努力。Richard自夸对毛利人土地损失的精辟总结(买地,卖地:北岛政府和毛利人的土地,1865-1921,2008)在书中没有任何地方被提及。此外,这些研究还表达了本汇编中特别缺乏的东西,即对区域和地方的认识。在很大程度上被忽视的还有近二十年来出现的大量家庭、地方和地区历史,其中大部分都很有价值。《新牛津新西兰史》成功地使我们对新西兰过去的理解复杂化了吗?有可能,但部分原因是一些文章中明显的概念模糊,以及使用社会科学术语和各种浮夸。把名词变成动词,提供模糊的概括,并不能促进理解,如果历史写作不是为了向普通读者提供信息,那么,人们可能会问,它的目的是什么?形容词new是正确的吗?不完全。书中探讨的许多主题都很熟悉,书中提供的许多解释以前也有人提出过,书中得出的许多结论也很容易辨认。这些藏品是否“动摇”了新西兰通史的整体观念?希望不是这样,因为在后贝利奇和(几乎)后《条约》解决时代,非常需要一部彻底的新的通史。
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Pub Date : 2010-06-01DOI: 10.1080/00223344.2010.484173
H. Nelson
From the release of Damien Parer's Kokoda Frontline in 1942, there have been several high quality documentary films and many popular and scholarly histories on the battles on the Kokoda Track, but until Alister Grierson's Kokoda of 2006 there was no feature film. Initially well received by an Australian public, Kokoda raises several important questions for historians. Makers of films on historical events properly draw on contemporary images: they are evocative of a time and place, guides to all that detail of dress, manners and possessions that take a crew so long to get right and that the pedantic delight in criticising, and they provide templates for shot composition. But the images in films are not subjected to the same scrutiny that historians apply to written sources. In Grierson's Kokoda, images are drawn from somewhere on the Track and relocated and, in one case, taken from another battle and another place. Film critics were concerned with placing Kokoda within the history of war films and evaluating it against other war films. When film critics considered whether Kokoda was ‘real’ or ‘convincing’, they were judging whether the behaviour of soldiers in battle moved and engaged an audience. Almost no film critics considered the film's accuracy as history, and it does repeat many popular errors about the Kokoda battles. Finally, it is interesting to consider what has been omitted and whether this has been the inevitable consequence of reducing an event spread over 100 kilometres of Track and several months to 92 minutes of film time, and whether the choices have diminished the end product as film or as history. More historians need to make themselves familiar with film and engage more readily in the public evaluation of those films claimed to be based on ‘true’ stories and illuminating what have come to be accepted as determining events in national histories.
{"title":"Kokoda","authors":"H. Nelson","doi":"10.1080/00223344.2010.484173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2010.484173","url":null,"abstract":"From the release of Damien Parer's Kokoda Frontline in 1942, there have been several high quality documentary films and many popular and scholarly histories on the battles on the Kokoda Track, but until Alister Grierson's Kokoda of 2006 there was no feature film. Initially well received by an Australian public, Kokoda raises several important questions for historians. Makers of films on historical events properly draw on contemporary images: they are evocative of a time and place, guides to all that detail of dress, manners and possessions that take a crew so long to get right and that the pedantic delight in criticising, and they provide templates for shot composition. But the images in films are not subjected to the same scrutiny that historians apply to written sources. In Grierson's Kokoda, images are drawn from somewhere on the Track and relocated and, in one case, taken from another battle and another place. Film critics were concerned with placing Kokoda within the history of war films and evaluating it against other war films. When film critics considered whether Kokoda was ‘real’ or ‘convincing’, they were judging whether the behaviour of soldiers in battle moved and engaged an audience. Almost no film critics considered the film's accuracy as history, and it does repeat many popular errors about the Kokoda battles. Finally, it is interesting to consider what has been omitted and whether this has been the inevitable consequence of reducing an event spread over 100 kilometres of Track and several months to 92 minutes of film time, and whether the choices have diminished the end product as film or as history. More historians need to make themselves familiar with film and engage more readily in the public evaluation of those films claimed to be based on ‘true’ stories and illuminating what have come to be accepted as determining events in national histories.","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":"45 1","pages":"104 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00223344.2010.484173","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59022898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340903356856
Anne Perez Hattori
In August 1899, US Naval and Marine forces arrived on Guam to establish an American military government that would replace more than two centuries of Spanish colonial rule. Within the first month of Captain Richard Leary's term as naval governor, he directed a number of decisive actions specifically against the Roman Catholic Church. These included a ban on the annual celebration of village fiestas, a prohibition on the ringing of church bells and, most dramatically, the expulsion of the island's Spanish priests. While the existing scholarship interprets these events as political actions to establish a uniquely American governmental system that enforces the separation of Church and State, this paper interrogates an additional array of intersecting economic and cultural issues to tell a story about some of the desires and anxieties regarding colonialism, capitalism, and nationalism in the Pacific.
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340903356823
Scott Flower
A vast literature about the religions and histories of Papua New Guinea (PNG) exists, but less than a handful of items mention the history of Islam or Muslims in PNG. This paper contributes to an initial attempt to establish a comprehensive historical account of Islam in PNG's broader history by detailing the formal establishment of Islam there from 1976 to 1983. Beginning with Islam's expatriate Muslim founders, it examines the challenges and events that led to the religion's institutionalisation and consolidation. This period of early effort provided the basis for a self-sustaining and, of late, growing religion. The ideational, material and migratory effects of globalisation and decolonisation appear as factors in the growth of Islam in PNG, despite persistent Christian resistance to its presence. The paper draws upon numerous unpublished archival records and interview data collected during fieldwork to PNG in 2007.
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Pub Date : 2009-06-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340902900845
Michiel van Groesen
In 1601, Olivier van Noort was the first Dutch explorer to successfully complete the circumnavigation of the world, in the wake of such illustrious adventurers as Magellan, Drake and Cavendish. His success once again reminded English and Iberian rivals that the recently established Dutch Republic had arrived on the colonial scene, where it would play an important role for centuries to come. For his voyage around the world in 1598, Van Noort — like his predecessors — directed his fleet of four vessels in a westerly direction. After traversing the Strait of Magellan, he remained close to the coast of South America before crossing the Pacific in a more or less straight route towards the Philippines. He sailed by the Mariana Islands, and then encountered a hostile Spanish fleet off the coast of Manila that forced him to head south for Bantam. Van Noort’s account, published soon after his return to Rotterdam, only very cursorily reported on his experiences in the Pacific. By the time of the second Dutch circumnavigation, the situation in Asia had changed profoundly. The Dutch East India Company (VOC), established in 1602, enjoyed a monopoly on trade in the area reached by rounding the Cape of Good Hope or by passing through the Strait of Magellan. Potential competitors in the Dutch Republic, like the Amsterdam merchant Isaac Le Maire, could only watch in agony how the statesponsored company made huge profits by cornering the international trade in pepper and spices. In 1614, Le Maire founded his own maritime company, the Australische Compagnie, in order to find a second western route to Asia, one not covered in the patent of the VOC. He financed a small fleet of two ships, the Eendracht and the Hoorn, and appointed his son Jacob Le Maire and the experienced captain Willem Cornelisz Schouten as leaders of the venture. Only the Eendracht (‘Unity’) rounded Cape Horn passing through Le Maire Strait, thus avoiding the Strait of Magellan, and eventually arrived in Batavia where the bullish governor-general Jan Pietersz Coen confiscated its
1601年,奥利维尔·范·诺特是继麦哲伦、德雷克和卡文迪什等著名探险家之后,第一个成功完成环球航行的荷兰探险家。他的成功再次提醒英国和伊比利亚的对手,刚刚成立的荷兰共和国已经登上了殖民舞台,并将在接下来的几个世纪里发挥重要作用。在1598年的环球航行中,范诺特和他的前任一样,将他的四艘船组成的船队向西航行。穿过麦哲伦海峡后,他继续靠近南美洲海岸,然后沿着一条或多或少直线的路线穿越太平洋,前往菲律宾。他经过马里亚纳群岛,然后在马尼拉海岸遇到了一支充满敌意的西班牙舰队,迫使他向南前往班塔姆。范诺特回到鹿特丹后不久就发表了他的报告,对他在太平洋的经历只做了非常粗略的描述。到荷兰人第二次环球航行时,亚洲的形势已经发生了深刻的变化。荷兰东印度公司(VOC)成立于1602年,在绕过好望角或通过麦哲伦海峡到达的地区享有贸易垄断。荷兰共和国的潜在竞争对手,如阿姆斯特丹商人艾萨克·勒梅尔(Isaac Le Maire),只能痛苦地看着这家由国家资助的公司如何通过垄断胡椒和香料的国际贸易来赚取巨额利润。1614年,勒梅尔创立了自己的海运公司——澳大利亚公司(Australische Compagnie),目的是寻找通往亚洲的第二条西方航线,这条航线并没有包括在VOC的专利中。他出资组建了一支由“Eendracht”号和“Hoorn”号两艘船组成的小舰队,并任命他的儿子雅各布·勒梅尔(Jacob Le Maire)和经验丰富的船长威廉·科内利兹·舒滕(Willem Cornelisz Schouten)为企业的领导者。只有Eendracht(“Unity”)绕过合恩角,穿过勒梅尔海峡,从而避开了麦哲伦海峡,最终到达巴达维亚,在那里,大胆的总督Jan Pietersz Coen没收了它
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Pub Date : 2008-12-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340802499625
Antony Hooper
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Pub Date : 2008-06-04DOI: 10.1080/00223346608572091
W. N. Gunson
{"title":"Unpublished Manuscripts II‐I","authors":"W. N. Gunson","doi":"10.1080/00223346608572091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223346608572091","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00223346608572091","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59024208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-12-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340701723216
Beverley Carron Payne
This bibliography contains books, articles and chapters that appeared in 2006 and the early part of 2007 with some of earlier date sighted too late for inclusion previously. Most official publications are excluded. Works of fiction are usually omitted unless they are considered likely to be of special interest to Pacific historians. Books, articles, chapters and reprints are interfiled. To reduce annotations to a minimum, items are classified by geographical areas unless the theme covers more than one island group. In this case, they will be found under a subject heading. However, anyone wanting to find all references to a particular subject, e.g. Missions, should also look at entries in geographical sections. An attempt has been made to supply complete and accurate biographical details based on personal examination, but this is not always possible if a work has been published outside Australia. Items are numbered, and an author index has been provided. Many people have contributed to the bibliography. I particularly wish to thank Niel Gunson, Hugh Laracy and Vicki Luker.
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340600826276
Max Quanchi
{"title":"Eye Contact: Photographing Indigenous Australians. By Jane Lydon. Durham, NC, and London, Duke University Press, 2005. 303 pp., maps, illus., refs, bibliog., index. ISBN 0-8223-3572-7 (pb). US$23.95.","authors":"Max Quanchi","doi":"10.1080/00223340600826276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223340600826276","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":"41 1","pages":"261-262"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00223340600826276","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59021825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1080/0022334042000290388
Pacific Currents
In the mid‐1950s, interest rate differences between US and British banks, regulatory diversity between these two states and Soviet–US Cold War rivalry started to make third‐party countries and territories increasingly attractive locations for the depositing and trading of US dollars. As the post‐World War II Bretton Woods agreement started to unravel in the 1960s and 1970s, banks, fund managers and wealthy individuals searched for new homes for surplus cash, free from central government regulation. In doing so, a number of small countries and territories began to offer services to attract these funds. The rise of these Eurodollar foreign currency markets was crucial in the transition from fixed to floating exchange rates. This paper situates the emergence of the Vanuatu tax haven within the context of this transition. Drawing from the growing scholarship of ‘the offshore’ along with primary source records held in the National Archives of Australia and those of Westpac Historical Services, it argues that the formation of the New Hebrides tax haven was the result of the interplay between law (particularly English common law) and increasing liquidity in the world's Eurobond money markets. The British party to the condominium was able to script company and fiduciary law to attract tax free funds managed by trust companies, banks and accountants who established offices in the capital, Port Vila, between 1970 and 1973. The influx of these firms triggered transformations in the use of urban space, generating considerable economic growth in the New Hebrides. In doing so the local and the global became intertwined in the making of the Vanuatu tax haven. This paper maps these articulations between global markets and local places.
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