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Communalism and a constitution: Fiji's general election of May 1999 社群主义与宪法:1999年5月斐济大选
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572909
D. Scarr
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引用次数: 2
The Noumea accord and Decolonisation in New Caledonia 《努美阿协定》和新喀里多尼亚的非殖民化
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572908
N. Maclellan
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引用次数: 31
Colonisation or incarceration? The changing role of the French penal colony in fin‐de‐siecle New Caledonia 殖民还是监禁?法国流放地在世纪末新喀里多尼亚的角色变化
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572891
Stephen A. Toth
Abstract There was a growing belief among 19th century French social theorists that the urban‐industrial milieu, with its poverty and social dislocation, was a breeding ground for criminal activity. Such opinions led legislators to remove the malfeasor, convicted of either felonies or repeated misdemeanours, from this urban environment, and relocate him to the distant land of New Caledonia where he would be restored to a moral life by serving in France's colonial project. Through his hard labour he would pay his debt to the mother country while simultaneously increasing the domain of her rule. Thus, penal colonisation was seen as not simply the banishment of dangerous and undesirable individuals, but a process of re‐socialisation that would eventually allow for their re‐insertion in civil society. This article examines how the penal‐colonial mission was transmuted by colonial officials and penal administrators. Analysis of the internal memoranda and correspondence between these two groups uncovers a funda...
在19世纪的法国社会理论家中,越来越多的人认为,城市-工业环境,由于其贫穷和社会混乱,是犯罪活动的滋生地。这些意见导致立法者将这个犯有重罪或多次轻罪的渎职者从这个城市环境中移除,并将他安置到遥远的新喀里多尼亚,在那里他将通过为法国的殖民项目服务而恢复道德生活。通过他的辛勤劳动,他将偿还对母国的债务,同时扩大母国的统治范围。因此,刑事殖民化不仅仅被视为对危险和不受欢迎的个人的驱逐,而是一个重新社会化的过程,最终允许他们重新融入公民社会。本文探讨了刑罚-殖民使命是如何被殖民官员和刑罚管理者所改变的。分析这两个集团之间的内部备忘录和通信揭示了一个基本问题……
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引用次数: 20
Bound for the colonies: A view of Indian indentured emigration in 1905 前往殖民地:对1905年印度契约移民的看法
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572915
B. Lal
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引用次数: 4
The conversion of weakebo: A big man of the me community in the 1930s 弱者的转变:20世纪30年代美国社会的一个大人物
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572901
Benny Giay
Abstract This paper balances an earlier study of the life of Zakheus Pakage, an indigenous religious leader among the Me of the Paniai Lakes region of Irian Jaya, with a brief account of the life of one of his principal adversaries, Weakebo Mote. Weakebo's strategy during the 1930s and early 1940s of allying himself firmly with both the Catholic and Protestant missions is described. He also emerged as a key supporter of the Dutch colonial administration, whose officers he continued to assist during the Japanese occupation of the Paniai area. This strategy needs to be appreciated in the light of Weakebo's opposition to Zakheus, whose clan traditionally fought with Weakebo's clan, and whose message of an independent, indigenous church posed a threat to the basis of Weakebo's standing in the community.
摘要:本文平衡了对伊里安查亚帕尼埃湖地区土著宗教领袖扎赫乌斯·帕卡奇生平的早期研究,以及对他的主要对手之一Weakebo Mote生平的简要描述。在20世纪30年代和40年代初,弱者的策略是坚定地与天主教和新教的使命结盟。他还成为荷兰殖民政府的主要支持者,在日本占领帕尼艾地区期间,他继续协助荷兰殖民政府的官员。鉴于Weakebo对Zakheus的反对,这一策略值得赞赏,Zakheus的部落传统上与Weakebo的部落发生冲突,而Zakheus的独立、本土教会的信息对Weakebo在社区中的地位构成了威胁。
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引用次数: 4
Colonial land law in dutch new guinea 荷属新几内亚殖民地土地法
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572902
A. Ploeg
Amendments proposed, in 1955, to the section of the New Guinea Act dealing with the recognition and alienation of land under indigenous tenure in Dutch New Guinea led to open debate. Orthodox views on the land rights of colonial subjects in the Dutch East Indies, and the criticisms levelled at the colonial administration by the distinguished legal expert, C. van Vollenhoven, provide a context for appreciating the debate over land law in Dutch New Guinea. The failure of the 1928 Agrarian Commission to introduce legislative change saw Dutch New Guinea, in 1949, inherit land legislation that had been in place since the late 19th century. The criticisms of the 1955 proposals voiced by V.E. Korn, van Vollenhoven's successor at Leiden, lie at the centre of a debate which essentially turned upon differing visions over the future of Dutch New Guinea and the nature of the relationship between Dutch residents and the indigenous New Guineans.
1955年对《新几内亚法》中关于承认和转让荷属新几内亚土著土地的部分提出的修正案引发了公开辩论。关于荷属东印度群岛殖民地居民土地权的正统观点,以及著名法律专家C. van Vollenhoven对殖民行政当局的批评,为了解荷属新几内亚土地法的辩论提供了一个背景。1928年农业委员会未能引入立法改革,1949年荷属新几内亚继承了自19世纪末以来一直存在的土地立法。范·伏伦霍芬在莱顿的继任者V.E.科恩对1955年各项建议提出的批评是一场辩论的核心,这场辩论基本上是围绕荷属新几内亚的未来和荷兰居民与土著新几内亚人之间关系的性质的不同看法展开的。
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引用次数: 5
Blanks in the writing: Possible histories for West New Guinea 文字上的空白:西新几内亚可能的历史
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572899
C. Ballard
Abstract A brief review of the dominant genres of history available for the territory of West New Guinea suggests that the lack of community consultation by successive political rulers has been matched by a broad disregard for indigenous voices in the writing of history. West New Guinea remains a blank on the geopolitical map, a casualty of the boundary between Asia and the Pacific imagined by former colonial powers. The evolution of a cartographic profile for West New Guinea is revealing of first Dutch and then Indonesian strategic interests. A parallel history of contest over the naming of West New Guinea's parts indicates a broad awareness of the relationship between power and knowledge, and suggests that West New Guinea history in the post‐Suharto era might again be open for radical revision.
摘要:对西新几内亚领土现有的主要历史流派的简要回顾表明,历代政治统治者缺乏社区咨询,与此同时,在历史写作中普遍无视土著的声音。西新几内亚在地缘政治地图上仍然是一片空白,是前殖民大国想象中的亚洲和太平洋边界的牺牲品。西新几内亚地图轮廓的演变首先揭示了荷兰,然后是印度尼西亚的战略利益。西新几内亚各区命名之争,也显示出对权力与知识之间关系的广泛认知,也暗示后苏哈托时代的西新几内亚历史可能再度开放,需要彻底修正。
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引用次数: 10
Delaying the ‘discovery’ of oil in west new guinea 推迟新几内亚西部石油的“发现”
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572903
Greg Poulgrain
Abstract Having relinquished sovereignty of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia), Dutch colonial authorities retained the western half of New Guinea for another 13 years until American intervention in 1962. Only 5% of Dutch New Guinea was under administrative control at the time of Indonesian independence but, by 1962, it was unmistakably Dutch and, as such, the focus of a successful, anti‐colonial campaign mounted by President Sukarno. He and President Kennedy had conferred primarily for political reasons; neither was briefed on the potential bonanza of oil awaiting exploitation in the territory. Yet Royal Dutch Shell and Standard Oil were both aware of the presence of oil, as was the Japanese admiral in command of this area during World War II. It was not just Indonesian opposition, but also an unwitting alliance with this ‘oil intelligence’, that ultimately ousted the Dutch from New Guinea.
在放弃荷属东印度群岛(印度尼西亚)的主权后,荷兰殖民当局将新几内亚的西半部保留了13年,直到1962年美国介入。在印尼独立时,荷属新几内亚只有5%的土地处于行政控制之下,但到1962年,它无疑是荷兰的,因此,苏加诺总统发起了一场成功的反殖民运动。他和肯尼迪总统主要是出于政治原因进行了磋商;两人都没有被告知该地区潜在的等待开采的石油富矿。然而,荷兰皇家壳牌公司和标准石油公司都意识到了石油的存在,就像二战期间指挥该地区的日本海军上将一样。最终将荷兰人赶出新几内亚的,不仅是印尼的反对,还有与这个“石油情报”不知情的联盟。
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引用次数: 5
The colonisation, decolonisation and recolonisation of West New Guinea 西新几内亚的殖民化、非殖民化和再殖民化
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572900
J. Pouwer
Abstract Dutch rule in West New Guinea can be described as an interregnum within a longer history of direct contacts between indigenous Papuans and other Indonesians. The early history of Dutch colonisation of West New Guinea is marked by a general indifference on the part of the authorities and a failure to commit significant resources. This history of early missionisation, exploration and gradual expansion of influence is contrasted with the much greater activity of the post‐1945 period, when Dutch attention was more sharply focused on New Guinea. During this period, Dutch perspectives on New Guinea shifted from plans for European settlement to the acknowledgement of an independent future for West Papua. A brief review of Indonesian attitudes towards Papuans helps to account for the nature of Indonesian rule in West New Guinea since 1962, a period which, in terms of its denial of benefits to Papuan people, might most accurately be described as a ‘recolonisation’.
荷兰在西新几内亚的统治可以被描述为土著巴布亚人和其他印度尼西亚人之间直接接触的较长历史中的一个过渡时期。在荷兰殖民西新几内亚的早期历史中,当局普遍漠不关心,未能投入大量资源。这段早期传教、探索和逐渐扩大影响力的历史,与1945年后荷兰更大的活动形成鲜明对比,当时荷兰的注意力更加集中在新几内亚。在此期间,荷兰对新几内亚的看法从欧洲殖民的计划转变为承认西巴布亚的独立未来。简要回顾一下印尼对巴布亚人的态度,有助于解释印尼自1962年以来在西新几内亚的统治性质,就其拒绝给予巴布亚人利益而言,这段时期可能被最准确地描述为“再殖民化”。
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引用次数: 33
A.C. de Kock's encounter with the ‘Goliath pygmies’: The first ethnographic data from the Mek culture area in the Eastern Highlands of Irian Jaya A.C. de Kock与“Goliath俾格米人”的相遇:来自伊里安查亚东部高地Mek文化地区的第一个民族志数据
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 1999-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223349908572904
Jan A. Godschalk
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引用次数: 1
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