Pub Date : 2007-12-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340701723216
Beverley Carron Payne
This bibliography contains books, articles and chapters that appeared in 2006 and the early part of 2007 with some of earlier date sighted too late for inclusion previously. Most official publications are excluded. Works of fiction are usually omitted unless they are considered likely to be of special interest to Pacific historians. Books, articles, chapters and reprints are interfiled. To reduce annotations to a minimum, items are classified by geographical areas unless the theme covers more than one island group. In this case, they will be found under a subject heading. However, anyone wanting to find all references to a particular subject, e.g. Missions, should also look at entries in geographical sections. An attempt has been made to supply complete and accurate biographical details based on personal examination, but this is not always possible if a work has been published outside Australia. Items are numbered, and an author index has been provided. Many people have contributed to the bibliography. I particularly wish to thank Niel Gunson, Hugh Laracy and Vicki Luker.
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340600826276
Max Quanchi
{"title":"Eye Contact: Photographing Indigenous Australians. By Jane Lydon. Durham, NC, and London, Duke University Press, 2005. 303 pp., maps, illus., refs, bibliog., index. ISBN 0-8223-3572-7 (pb). US$23.95.","authors":"Max Quanchi","doi":"10.1080/00223340600826276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223340600826276","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00223340600826276","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59021825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1080/0022334042000290388
Pacific Currents
In the mid‐1950s, interest rate differences between US and British banks, regulatory diversity between these two states and Soviet–US Cold War rivalry started to make third‐party countries and territories increasingly attractive locations for the depositing and trading of US dollars. As the post‐World War II Bretton Woods agreement started to unravel in the 1960s and 1970s, banks, fund managers and wealthy individuals searched for new homes for surplus cash, free from central government regulation. In doing so, a number of small countries and territories began to offer services to attract these funds. The rise of these Eurodollar foreign currency markets was crucial in the transition from fixed to floating exchange rates. This paper situates the emergence of the Vanuatu tax haven within the context of this transition. Drawing from the growing scholarship of ‘the offshore’ along with primary source records held in the National Archives of Australia and those of Westpac Historical Services, it argues that the formation of the New Hebrides tax haven was the result of the interplay between law (particularly English common law) and increasing liquidity in the world's Eurobond money markets. The British party to the condominium was able to script company and fiduciary law to attract tax free funds managed by trust companies, banks and accountants who established offices in the capital, Port Vila, between 1970 and 1973. The influx of these firms triggered transformations in the use of urban space, generating considerable economic growth in the New Hebrides. In doing so the local and the global became intertwined in the making of the Vanuatu tax haven. This paper maps these articulations between global markets and local places.
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Pub Date : 2004-06-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340410001684822
J. Spurway
{"title":"‘Ma'afu's word is in the hills’","authors":"J. Spurway","doi":"10.1080/00223340410001684822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223340410001684822","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2004-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00223340410001684822","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59021728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2003-06-01DOI: 10.1080/0022334032000085792
Bronwen Douglas
This paper examines intellectual interchanges between European theorists in the science of man and sailors, naturalists and artists on scientific voyages in Oceania during the century after 1750. I argue that travellers' narratives and ethnographic representations were not mere reflexes of dominant metropolitan discourses, but were also personal productions generated in the tensions and ambiguities of cross-cultural encounters. I identify countersigns of indigenous agency embedded in such materials and evaluate their trajectory from the interactions which provoked them, through varied genres and media of voyagers' representations, to their contorted appropriation by European savants. My examples are drawn from British and French accounts of visits to New Holland and Van Diemen's Land between 1770 and 1802. In this paper, Aboriginal Australians, especially Tasmanians, serve as synecdoche for the indigenous inhabitants of Oceania generally, using the regional term in its extended early 19th-century sense wh...
{"title":"Seaborne Ethnography and the Natural History of Man","authors":"Bronwen Douglas","doi":"10.1080/0022334032000085792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0022334032000085792","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines intellectual interchanges between European theorists in the science of man and sailors, naturalists and artists on scientific voyages in Oceania during the century after 1750. I argue that travellers' narratives and ethnographic representations were not mere reflexes of dominant metropolitan discourses, but were also personal productions generated in the tensions and ambiguities of cross-cultural encounters. I identify countersigns of indigenous agency embedded in such materials and evaluate their trajectory from the interactions which provoked them, through varied genres and media of voyagers' representations, to their contorted appropriation by European savants. My examples are drawn from British and French accounts of visits to New Holland and Van Diemen's Land between 1770 and 1802. In this paper, Aboriginal Australians, especially Tasmanians, serve as synecdoche for the indigenous inhabitants of Oceania generally, using the regional term in its extended early 19th-century sense wh...","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2003-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59021703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2003-01-01DOI: 10.1080/0022334032000085800
P. D’Arcy
Between 1782 and 1812, Kamehameha I conquered and unified the Hawaiian Islands. This process was unprecedented in Hawaii and coincided with increasing European contact, prompting many to attribute his success to European weapons and ideas. Those studying chiefly power in pre-unification Hawaii emphasise economic and ideological factors and fail to examine coercive capabilities in any detail, as well as the specifics of time and place. The approaches of other disciplines offer new perspectives. European military historians' emphasis on the importance of logistical, organisational and psychological factors calls for a re-evaluation of the significance of European weaponry and mercenaries in Kamehameha's wars of unification. He gained victory because his opponents overextended themselves logistically, and were weakened by internal divisions at crucial times. Military victory alone was not enough to secure power. Kamehameha also mastered the art of building and maintaining coalitions. Demilitarisation of the islands was central to the unification process. 93 D'Arcy, 'Maori and muskets'. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.60 on Thu, 21 Apr 2016 07:35:38 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
{"title":"Warfare and state formation in Hawaii: the limits on violence as a means of political consolidation","authors":"P. D’Arcy","doi":"10.1080/0022334032000085800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0022334032000085800","url":null,"abstract":"Between 1782 and 1812, Kamehameha I conquered and unified the Hawaiian Islands. This process was unprecedented in Hawaii and coincided with increasing European contact, prompting many to attribute his success to European weapons and ideas. Those studying chiefly power in pre-unification Hawaii emphasise economic and ideological factors and fail to examine coercive capabilities in any detail, as well as the specifics of time and place. The approaches of other disciplines offer new perspectives. European military historians' emphasis on the importance of logistical, organisational and psychological factors calls for a re-evaluation of the significance of European weaponry and mercenaries in Kamehameha's wars of unification. He gained victory because his opponents overextended themselves logistically, and were weakened by internal divisions at crucial times. Military victory alone was not enough to secure power. Kamehameha also mastered the art of building and maintaining coalitions. Demilitarisation of the islands was central to the unification process. 93 D'Arcy, 'Maori and muskets'. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.60 on Thu, 21 Apr 2016 07:35:38 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59021711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2003-01-01DOI: 10.1080/0022334032000085837
C. Winter
{"title":"The long arm of the Third Reich: internment of New Guinea Germans in Tatura","authors":"C. Winter","doi":"10.1080/0022334032000085837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0022334032000085837","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59021720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The 'Shadows of the colonial period' to 'Times of sharing': history writing in and about New Calidonia/Kanaky, 1969-1998","authors":"Lorenzo Veracini","doi":"10.2307/25169657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/25169657","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/25169657","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68824898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2002-06-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340220139324
M. McFarlane
In A Feminine Cinematics: Luce Irigaray, Women, and Film, Caroline Bainbridge sets up the difficult task of trying to bridge the gap between theory and praxis. As she elucidates at the beginning of her text, film theorists have recently begun inquiring about the intersection between gender and spectatorship. Bainbridge acknowledges that many feminist film theorists have opted to utilize the work of feminist theory as a way to both reconceptualize film theory and open up new dialogues within the realm of cinema. However, she argues that some feminist theorists, whose works have been cited time and again in various other disciplines, still remain unrecognized in relation to cinema. As such, their theories, which often parallel discussions within feminist film studies, are neglected. For Bainbridge, one such theorist is Luce Irigaray. With this in mind, Bainbridge’s main aim is to connect Irigaray’s theories and feminist film theory. From the start, she recognizes the potential of Irigaray’s work for reconceptualizing notions of authorship, representation, and spectatorship in film studies. Taking women’s cinema as her backdrop, Bainbridge does a commendable job of working through the theorist’s complex concepts. As those who are familiar with Irigaray’s writing already know, this is not an easy task, as the feminist philosopher is distinguished for her complicated prose and style of writing. The logical structure of the book aids Bainbridge in guiding readers throughout the chapters. Upon explicating her aim and impetus in the introduction, she uses the first chapter to discuss Irigaray’s concepts. From there, she details important dialogues occurring within feminist film theory. Bainbridge then utilizes the next two chapters to demonstrate how some films (unknowingly) centralize and elucidate Irigarayan concepts. This approach is a crucial one, as it allows readers to get their feet wet before jumping into the denser waters of an Irigarayan analysis. Once this is accomplished, Bainbridge analyzes two filmic texts, Sally Potter’s Orlando (1992) and Jane Campion’s The Piano (1993). Bainbridge pushes readers through her utilization of Irigaray’s work to reconceptualize how ‘‘the feminine’’ is represented in cinema. Some of the Irigarayan concepts and notions that she assesses include the following: female genealogy, mediation, parler femme, sexual difference, and specula(riza)tion. Her application of these theories to various films, such as Moufida Tlatli’s The Silences of the Palace (1994), Liv Ullmann’s Faithless (2000), and Marleen Gorris’s Antonia’s Line Women’s Studies in Communication, 34:104–109, 2011 Copyright # The Organization for Research on Women and Communication ISSN: 0749-1409 print=2152-999X online DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2011.566534
玛丽卡·西格尔(Marika Seigel)在《怀孕的修辞》一书的开头,叙述了她不愉快而又恐惧的怀孕和第一个孩子的出生。她将自己的许多不利经历归因于她所读的怀孕手册,她解释说:“就在我开始对怀孕手册产生个人兴趣的时候,我也开始对它们产生学术兴趣”(第15页)。西格尔是密歇根理工大学修辞学和技术传播学副教授,她利用自己在修辞学方面的专业知识来理解为什么她最初与怀孕手册的互动是消极的。这本书不仅试图理解当前的怀孕手册,还试图理解当今产前系统的历史(“我们是怎么走到这一步的?(第14页),Seigel的作品阐明了孕妇的主体地位是如何通过怀孕手册的修辞来表达的,以及生产“正常”婴儿的目标是如何将怀孕的身体塑造成危险的、需要纪律的。Seigel这本书的目的是描述怀孕手册是如何教导用户功能性地参与产前护理系统,而不是批判性地参与,同时也展示了这种趋势如何能够(也应该)被打断。她认为,这个项目不仅有助于分析手册等技术交流,而且对孕妇、医生和活动家也有实质性的影响。她对关键访问与功能访问的强调来自亚当·班克斯对“有意义的技术访问”的理论理解(第3页)。她解释说,班克斯认为个人的物质、社会、文化和政治需求必须通过四种类型的访问来满足:对技术的物质访问,向人们提供如何使用技术的知识的功能访问,允许用户访问技术的体验访问,以及允许用户批判性地评估是否以及何时使用技术的关键访问。虽然班克斯指的是数字技术,但Seigel认为他的概念也适用于“产前护理的技术系统”,其中包括孕妇、胎儿、超声波、羊膜穿刺术和血液检查等工具(第10页)。西格尔认为,这种对技术和途径的理解,让我们了解了怀孕说明是如何被阐明的,以及可能以不同的方式阐明的——这是她的书的最终目标。事实上,她断言,如果她有关键的机会接触到“产前护理的医疗技术系统”,她的第一次分娩和分娩经历可能会好得多(第3页)。第二章介绍了Seigel的理论框架和分析方法,并为每一个都提供了令人信服的理由。她解释了她个人的挫折,《女性传播研究》,38:118-124,2015版权# The Organization for Research on Women and Communication ISSN: 0749-1409 print=2152-999X online DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2014.998586
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Pub Date : 2002-01-01DOI: 10.1080/00223340220139306
R Gerard Ward
During the 1860s, settlers from Australia, New Zealand, America and Europe rushed to Fiji to buy land. The American Civil War (1861–65) had disrupted the supply of cotton, prices rose quickly, and an urgent search for new sources was stimulated. The suitability of Fiji’s environment for cotton growing had been reported by several observers in the late 1850s, and this laid the basis for the rush. Of the many cotton plantations established in Fiji, that on Mago was one of the most innovative and successful. Cotton was introduced into Fiji in the 1830s, and by the 1850s was growing wild, or ‘without attention’,2 in the vicinity of many villages. Samples of cotton from Fiji examined by the Cotton Supply Association, Manchester, in 1859 were reported ‘to be of qualities most desirable for the manufactures of this country ... [and] that such a range of excellent cotton is scarcely now received from any cotton growing country’.3 The rst commercial shipment of cotton to Manchester from Fiji was made in 1860, before the American Civil War broke out, and thus some of the conditions for a rapid expansion of cotton production were already in place before the main in ux of would-be cotton growers arrived. Many cotton plantations were established and although cotton production in the southern states of the USA gradually recovered after the end of the Civil War, ‘plantation land use [in Fiji] in the period 1868 to 1872 was almost completely dominated by cotton planting’.5 Cotton contributed over 80% of all exports from Fiji in 1867 and again in 1870–73. Although there are descriptions of several plantations in the 1870s and 1880s, few detailed maps exist from this period to show the land use and layout of individual estates. Even the evidence put before the Land Claims Commission between 1876 and 1882 included few maps showing land use, although evidence of occupation and use that had been accepted by the Fijians of the area was often crucial to the outcome of a case. Thus the map of land use on Mago in 1882, which forms the centre piece of this paper, is of particular interest because of its relative rarity (Figure 1). Figure 1 is based on a map dated 18 June 1882 and drawn at a scale of 10 chains to one inch (1:7920) by G.G. Crompton, Licensed Surveyor. It was lodged in the map les of the Department of Lands, Suva ( le number I.10) and copied for me in 1959–60. It represents the last phase of cotton growing on Mago, the results of some of the crop and livestock experimentation by the island’s rst European planters, the Ryder brothers, and the beginning of a short-lived period of sugar production by the island’s next owners, the Mango [sic] Island Company Ltd. Figure 1 shows that in mid-1882 sugar nurseries had been established and an extensive area, mostly on basaltic soils, allocated for planting in sugar. Almost 80 years later, the only cash crop was coconuts, and the area under palms was almost identical to those areas used in 1882 for coconuts, co
{"title":"Land use on Mago, Fiji: 1865-1882.","authors":"R Gerard Ward","doi":"10.1080/00223340220139306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223340220139306","url":null,"abstract":"During the 1860s, settlers from Australia, New Zealand, America and Europe rushed to Fiji to buy land. The American Civil War (1861–65) had disrupted the supply of cotton, prices rose quickly, and an urgent search for new sources was stimulated. The suitability of Fiji’s environment for cotton growing had been reported by several observers in the late 1850s, and this laid the basis for the rush. Of the many cotton plantations established in Fiji, that on Mago was one of the most innovative and successful. Cotton was introduced into Fiji in the 1830s, and by the 1850s was growing wild, or ‘without attention’,2 in the vicinity of many villages. Samples of cotton from Fiji examined by the Cotton Supply Association, Manchester, in 1859 were reported ‘to be of qualities most desirable for the manufactures of this country ... [and] that such a range of excellent cotton is scarcely now received from any cotton growing country’.3 The rst commercial shipment of cotton to Manchester from Fiji was made in 1860, before the American Civil War broke out, and thus some of the conditions for a rapid expansion of cotton production were already in place before the main in ux of would-be cotton growers arrived. Many cotton plantations were established and although cotton production in the southern states of the USA gradually recovered after the end of the Civil War, ‘plantation land use [in Fiji] in the period 1868 to 1872 was almost completely dominated by cotton planting’.5 Cotton contributed over 80% of all exports from Fiji in 1867 and again in 1870–73. Although there are descriptions of several plantations in the 1870s and 1880s, few detailed maps exist from this period to show the land use and layout of individual estates. Even the evidence put before the Land Claims Commission between 1876 and 1882 included few maps showing land use, although evidence of occupation and use that had been accepted by the Fijians of the area was often crucial to the outcome of a case. Thus the map of land use on Mago in 1882, which forms the centre piece of this paper, is of particular interest because of its relative rarity (Figure 1). Figure 1 is based on a map dated 18 June 1882 and drawn at a scale of 10 chains to one inch (1:7920) by G.G. Crompton, Licensed Surveyor. It was lodged in the map les of the Department of Lands, Suva ( le number I.10) and copied for me in 1959–60. It represents the last phase of cotton growing on Mago, the results of some of the crop and livestock experimentation by the island’s rst European planters, the Ryder brothers, and the beginning of a short-lived period of sugar production by the island’s next owners, the Mango [sic] Island Company Ltd. Figure 1 shows that in mid-1882 sugar nurseries had been established and an extensive area, mostly on basaltic soils, allocated for planting in sugar. Almost 80 years later, the only cash crop was coconuts, and the area under palms was almost identical to those areas used in 1882 for coconuts, co","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00223340220139306","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26716136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}