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JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY最新文献

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Books, Articles, Chapters 书籍、文章、章节
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223340701723216
Beverley Carron Payne
This bibliography contains books, articles and chapters that appeared in 2006 and the early part of 2007 with some of earlier date sighted too late for inclusion previously. Most official publications are excluded. Works of fiction are usually omitted unless they are considered likely to be of special interest to Pacific historians. Books, articles, chapters and reprints are interfiled. To reduce annotations to a minimum, items are classified by geographical areas unless the theme covers more than one island group. In this case, they will be found under a subject heading. However, anyone wanting to find all references to a particular subject, e.g. Missions, should also look at entries in geographical sections. An attempt has been made to supply complete and accurate biographical details based on personal examination, but this is not always possible if a work has been published outside Australia. Items are numbered, and an author index has been provided. Many people have contributed to the bibliography. I particularly wish to thank Niel Gunson, Hugh Laracy and Vicki Luker.
此参考书目包含2006年和2007年初出现的书籍、文章和章节,其中一些较早的日期因太晚而无法包含在前面。大多数官方出版物不包括在内。小说作品通常被省略,除非它们被认为可能对太平洋历史学家特别感兴趣。书、文章、章节和再版都是穿插在一起的。为了将注释减少到最低限度,项目按地理区域分类,除非主题涵盖一个以上的岛群。在这种情况下,它们将在主题标题下找到。但是,任何想要查找有关某一特定主题(例如特派团)的所有参考资料的人,也应该查看地理部分的条目。在个人审查的基础上,已经尝试提供完整和准确的传记细节,但如果作品在澳大利亚以外出版,这并不总是可能的。项目编号,并提供了作者索引。许多人对参考书目作出了贡献。我特别要感谢尼尔·冈森、休·拉拉西和薇姬·卢克。
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引用次数: 0
Eye Contact: Photographing Indigenous Australians. By Jane Lydon. Durham, NC, and London, Duke University Press, 2005. 303 pp., maps, illus., refs, bibliog., index. ISBN 0-8223-3572-7 (pb). US$23.95. 眼神交流:拍摄澳大利亚原住民。简·莱顿著。北卡罗来纳州达勒姆和伦敦,杜克大学出版社,2005年。303页,地图,插图。,参考文献,参考文献。,指数ISBN 0-8223-3572-7(pb)。23.95美元。
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223340600826276
Max Quanchi
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引用次数: 0
Pacific currents 太平洋洋流
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2004-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/0022334042000290388
Pacific Currents
In the mid‐1950s, interest rate differences between US and British banks, regulatory diversity between these two states and Soviet–US Cold War rivalry started to make third‐party countries and territories increasingly attractive locations for the depositing and trading of US dollars. As the post‐World War II Bretton Woods agreement started to unravel in the 1960s and 1970s, banks, fund managers and wealthy individuals searched for new homes for surplus cash, free from central government regulation. In doing so, a number of small countries and territories began to offer services to attract these funds. The rise of these Eurodollar foreign currency markets was crucial in the transition from fixed to floating exchange rates. This paper situates the emergence of the Vanuatu tax haven within the context of this transition. Drawing from the growing scholarship of ‘the offshore’ along with primary source records held in the National Archives of Australia and those of Westpac Historical Services, it argues that the formation of the New Hebrides tax haven was the result of the interplay between law (particularly English common law) and increasing liquidity in the world's Eurobond money markets. The British party to the condominium was able to script company and fiduciary law to attract tax free funds managed by trust companies, banks and accountants who established offices in the capital, Port Vila, between 1970 and 1973. The influx of these firms triggered transformations in the use of urban space, generating considerable economic growth in the New Hebrides. In doing so the local and the global became intertwined in the making of the Vanuatu tax haven. This paper maps these articulations between global markets and local places.
在20世纪50年代中期,美国和英国银行之间的利率差异,这两个国家之间的监管差异以及苏联和美国的冷战竞争开始使第三方国家和地区对美元的存款和交易越来越有吸引力。随着二战后的布雷顿森林协议在20世纪60年代和70年代开始瓦解,银行、基金经理和富有的个人开始为多余的现金寻找新的去处,以摆脱中央政府的监管。在这样做的过程中,一些小国和领土开始提供服务以吸引这些资金。这些欧洲美元外汇市场的兴起,对从固定汇率向浮动汇率的转变至关重要。本文将瓦努阿图避税天堂的出现置于这种过渡的背景下。根据不断增长的“离岸”学术研究以及澳大利亚国家档案馆和西太平洋历史服务中心的主要来源记录,它认为新赫布里底群岛避税天堂的形成是法律(特别是英国普通法)和世界欧洲债券货币市场流动性增加之间相互作用的结果。共管公寓的英国一方能够起草公司法和信托法,以吸引1970年至1973年间在首都维拉港设立办事处的信托公司、银行和会计师管理的免税资金。这些公司的涌入引发了城市空间利用的转变,在新赫布里底群岛产生了可观的经济增长。在这样做的过程中,当地和全球在瓦努阿图避税天堂的形成过程中交织在一起。本文描绘了全球市场和地方市场之间的这些联系。
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引用次数: 4
‘Ma'afu's word is in the hills’ “老爷的话在山里”
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2004-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223340410001684822
J. Spurway
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引用次数: 4
Seaborne Ethnography and the Natural History of Man 航海人种学与人类自然史
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/0022334032000085792
Bronwen Douglas
This paper examines intellectual interchanges between European theorists in the science of man and sailors, naturalists and artists on scientific voyages in Oceania during the century after 1750. I argue that travellers' narratives and ethnographic representations were not mere reflexes of dominant metropolitan discourses, but were also personal productions generated in the tensions and ambiguities of cross-cultural encounters. I identify countersigns of indigenous agency embedded in such materials and evaluate their trajectory from the interactions which provoked them, through varied genres and media of voyagers' representations, to their contorted appropriation by European savants. My examples are drawn from British and French accounts of visits to New Holland and Van Diemen's Land between 1770 and 1802. In this paper, Aboriginal Australians, especially Tasmanians, serve as synecdoche for the indigenous inhabitants of Oceania generally, using the regional term in its extended early 19th-century sense wh...
本文考察了1750年后欧洲人类科学理论家与在大洋洲进行科学航行的水手、博物学家和艺术家之间的知识交流。我认为,旅行者的叙述和民族志的表现不仅仅是对占主导地位的大都市话语的反映,也是在跨文化遭遇的紧张和模糊中产生的个人作品。我识别了嵌入在这些材料中的本土代理的反标志,并评估了它们的轨迹,从激发它们的相互作用,通过不同类型和媒介的航海家的表现,到它们被欧洲学者扭曲的挪用。我的例子取材于1770年至1802年间英国和法国对新荷兰和范迪门斯地的访问记录。在本文中,澳大利亚土著居民,特别是塔斯马尼亚人,作为大洋洲土著居民的提喻者,使用了这个19世纪早期的地区术语,其意义是……
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引用次数: 53
Warfare and state formation in Hawaii: the limits on violence as a means of political consolidation 夏威夷的战争与州的形成:对暴力作为政治巩固手段的限制
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/0022334032000085800
P. D’Arcy
Between 1782 and 1812, Kamehameha I conquered and unified the Hawaiian Islands. This process was unprecedented in Hawaii and coincided with increasing European contact, prompting many to attribute his success to European weapons and ideas. Those studying chiefly power in pre-unification Hawaii emphasise economic and ideological factors and fail to examine coercive capabilities in any detail, as well as the specifics of time and place. The approaches of other disciplines offer new perspectives. European military historians' emphasis on the importance of logistical, organisational and psychological factors calls for a re-evaluation of the significance of European weaponry and mercenaries in Kamehameha's wars of unification. He gained victory because his opponents overextended themselves logistically, and were weakened by internal divisions at crucial times. Military victory alone was not enough to secure power. Kamehameha also mastered the art of building and maintaining coalitions. Demilitarisation of the islands was central to the unification process. 93 D'Arcy, 'Maori and muskets'. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.60 on Thu, 21 Apr 2016 07:35:38 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1782年至1812年间,卡美哈美哈一世征服并统一了夏威夷群岛。这一过程在夏威夷是前所未有的,同时与欧洲人的接触也在增加,这促使许多人将他的成功归因于欧洲的武器和思想。那些主要研究统一前夏威夷的权力的人强调经济和意识形态因素,而没有从任何细节上考察强制能力,以及时间和地点的细节。其他学科的方法提供了新的视角。欧洲军事历史学家强调后勤、组织和心理因素的重要性,这要求我们重新评估欧洲武器和雇佣军在卡美哈美哈统一战争中的重要性。他赢得了胜利,因为他的对手在后勤上过度投入,并在关键时刻被内部分歧削弱。仅靠军事上的胜利是不足以确保权力的。卡美哈美哈还掌握了建立和维持联盟的艺术。岛屿的非军事化是统一进程的核心。达西,《毛利人和火枪》。该内容下载自207.46.13.60星期四,2016年4月21日07:35:38 UTC所有使用以http://about.jstor.org/terms为准
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引用次数: 17
The long arm of the Third Reich: internment of New Guinea Germans in Tatura 第三帝国的长臂:新几内亚德国人在塔图拉的拘留
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/0022334032000085837
C. Winter
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引用次数: 7
The 'Shadows of the colonial period' to 'Times of sharing': history writing in and about New Calidonia/Kanaky, 1969-1998 从“殖民时期的阴影”到“分享的时代”:1969-1998年新加州/卡纳基的历史写作
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/25169657
Lorenzo Veracini
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引用次数: 5
Book and Media Reviews 书籍和媒体评论
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223340220139324
M. McFarlane
In A Feminine Cinematics: Luce Irigaray, Women, and Film, Caroline Bainbridge sets up the difficult task of trying to bridge the gap between theory and praxis. As she elucidates at the beginning of her text, film theorists have recently begun inquiring about the intersection between gender and spectatorship. Bainbridge acknowledges that many feminist film theorists have opted to utilize the work of feminist theory as a way to both reconceptualize film theory and open up new dialogues within the realm of cinema. However, she argues that some feminist theorists, whose works have been cited time and again in various other disciplines, still remain unrecognized in relation to cinema. As such, their theories, which often parallel discussions within feminist film studies, are neglected. For Bainbridge, one such theorist is Luce Irigaray. With this in mind, Bainbridge’s main aim is to connect Irigaray’s theories and feminist film theory. From the start, she recognizes the potential of Irigaray’s work for reconceptualizing notions of authorship, representation, and spectatorship in film studies. Taking women’s cinema as her backdrop, Bainbridge does a commendable job of working through the theorist’s complex concepts. As those who are familiar with Irigaray’s writing already know, this is not an easy task, as the feminist philosopher is distinguished for her complicated prose and style of writing. The logical structure of the book aids Bainbridge in guiding readers throughout the chapters. Upon explicating her aim and impetus in the introduction, she uses the first chapter to discuss Irigaray’s concepts. From there, she details important dialogues occurring within feminist film theory. Bainbridge then utilizes the next two chapters to demonstrate how some films (unknowingly) centralize and elucidate Irigarayan concepts. This approach is a crucial one, as it allows readers to get their feet wet before jumping into the denser waters of an Irigarayan analysis. Once this is accomplished, Bainbridge analyzes two filmic texts, Sally Potter’s Orlando (1992) and Jane Campion’s The Piano (1993). Bainbridge pushes readers through her utilization of Irigaray’s work to reconceptualize how ‘‘the feminine’’ is represented in cinema. Some of the Irigarayan concepts and notions that she assesses include the following: female genealogy, mediation, parler femme, sexual difference, and specula(riza)tion. Her application of these theories to various films, such as Moufida Tlatli’s The Silences of the Palace (1994), Liv Ullmann’s Faithless (2000), and Marleen Gorris’s Antonia’s Line Women’s Studies in Communication, 34:104–109, 2011 Copyright # The Organization for Research on Women and Communication ISSN: 0749-1409 print=2152-999X online DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2011.566534
玛丽卡·西格尔(Marika Seigel)在《怀孕的修辞》一书的开头,叙述了她不愉快而又恐惧的怀孕和第一个孩子的出生。她将自己的许多不利经历归因于她所读的怀孕手册,她解释说:“就在我开始对怀孕手册产生个人兴趣的时候,我也开始对它们产生学术兴趣”(第15页)。西格尔是密歇根理工大学修辞学和技术传播学副教授,她利用自己在修辞学方面的专业知识来理解为什么她最初与怀孕手册的互动是消极的。这本书不仅试图理解当前的怀孕手册,还试图理解当今产前系统的历史(“我们是怎么走到这一步的?(第14页),Seigel的作品阐明了孕妇的主体地位是如何通过怀孕手册的修辞来表达的,以及生产“正常”婴儿的目标是如何将怀孕的身体塑造成危险的、需要纪律的。Seigel这本书的目的是描述怀孕手册是如何教导用户功能性地参与产前护理系统,而不是批判性地参与,同时也展示了这种趋势如何能够(也应该)被打断。她认为,这个项目不仅有助于分析手册等技术交流,而且对孕妇、医生和活动家也有实质性的影响。她对关键访问与功能访问的强调来自亚当·班克斯对“有意义的技术访问”的理论理解(第3页)。她解释说,班克斯认为个人的物质、社会、文化和政治需求必须通过四种类型的访问来满足:对技术的物质访问,向人们提供如何使用技术的知识的功能访问,允许用户访问技术的体验访问,以及允许用户批判性地评估是否以及何时使用技术的关键访问。虽然班克斯指的是数字技术,但Seigel认为他的概念也适用于“产前护理的技术系统”,其中包括孕妇、胎儿、超声波、羊膜穿刺术和血液检查等工具(第10页)。西格尔认为,这种对技术和途径的理解,让我们了解了怀孕说明是如何被阐明的,以及可能以不同的方式阐明的——这是她的书的最终目标。事实上,她断言,如果她有关键的机会接触到“产前护理的医疗技术系统”,她的第一次分娩和分娩经历可能会好得多(第3页)。第二章介绍了Seigel的理论框架和分析方法,并为每一个都提供了令人信服的理由。她解释了她个人的挫折,《女性传播研究》,38:118-124,2015版权# The Organization for Research on Women and Communication ISSN: 0749-1409 print=2152-999X online DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2014.998586
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引用次数: 71
Land use on Mago, Fiji: 1865-1882. 斐济马戈的土地利用:1865-1882。
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00223340220139306
R Gerard Ward
During the 1860s, settlers from Australia, New Zealand, America and Europe rushed to Fiji to buy land. The American Civil War (1861–65) had disrupted the supply of cotton, prices rose quickly, and an urgent search for new sources was stimulated. The suitability of Fiji’s environment for cotton growing had been reported by several observers in the late 1850s, and this laid the basis for the rush. Of the many cotton plantations established in Fiji, that on Mago was one of the most innovative and successful. Cotton was introduced into Fiji in the 1830s, and by the 1850s was growing wild, or ‘without attention’,2 in the vicinity of many villages. Samples of cotton from Fiji examined by the Cotton Supply Association, Manchester, in 1859 were reported ‘to be of qualities most desirable for the manufactures of this country ... [and] that such a range of excellent cotton is scarcely now received from any cotton growing country’.3 The Ž rst commercial shipment of cotton to Manchester from Fiji was made in 1860, before the American Civil War broke out, and thus some of the conditions for a rapid expansion of cotton production were already in place before the main in ux of would-be cotton growers arrived. Many cotton plantations were established and although cotton production in the southern states of the USA gradually recovered after the end of the Civil War, ‘plantation land use [in Fiji] in the period 1868 to 1872 was almost completely dominated by cotton planting’.5 Cotton contributed over 80% of all exports from Fiji in 1867 and again in 1870–73. Although there are descriptions of several plantations in the 1870s and 1880s, few detailed maps exist from this period to show the land use and layout of individual estates. Even the evidence put before the Land Claims Commission between 1876 and 1882 included few maps showing land use, although evidence of occupation and use that had been accepted by the Fijians of the area was often crucial to the outcome of a case. Thus the map of land use on Mago in 1882, which forms the centre piece of this paper, is of particular interest because of its relative rarity (Figure 1). Figure 1 is based on a map dated 18 June 1882 and drawn at a scale of 10 chains to one inch (1:7920) by G.G. Crompton, Licensed Surveyor. It was lodged in the map Ž les of the Department of Lands, Suva (Ž le number I.10) and copied for me in 1959–60. It represents the last phase of cotton growing on Mago, the results of some of the crop and livestock experimentation by the island’s Ž rst European planters, the Ryder brothers, and the beginning of a short-lived period of sugar production by the island’s next owners, the Mango [sic] Island Company Ltd. Figure 1 shows that in mid-1882 sugar nurseries had been established and an extensive area, mostly on basaltic soils, allocated for planting in sugar. Almost 80 years later, the only cash crop was coconuts, and the area under palms was almost identical to those areas used in 1882 for coconuts, co
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引用次数: 5
期刊
JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY
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