Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.1177/21533687221120951
Christopher J. Lyons, Noah Painter-Davis, Drew C. Medaris
The rate of police-involved killings in the U.S. greatly exceeds that of other industrialized nations and is highly racially disproportionate. Yet, we know relatively little about the antecedents of police violence, and even less about what explains the distribution of police killings across space. We ask whether there is a connection between contemporary police killings in the U.S. and the country's unique history of racial subjugation and violence. We focus particularly on lynching era violence in the South between 1877 and 1950 during which vigilantes killed thousands of Blacks and hundreds of Whites. We propose three main pathways through which lynchings shape law enforcement practices today: legacies of racialized criminal threat, brutalization, and legal estrangement. Analyzing Mapping Police Violence data that provide a more complete picture of lethal police force than currently available government databases, we find that lynching, regardless of victim race, moderately associates with present-day lethal police shootings of Blacks. We find some evidence that lynching also associates with lethal shootings of Whites, although this finding depends of model specification. On balance, our results suggest that lynching's legacy for law enforcement may operate through enduring cultural supports for severe punishment.
{"title":"The Lynching Era and Contemporary Lethal Police Shootings in the South","authors":"Christopher J. Lyons, Noah Painter-Davis, Drew C. Medaris","doi":"10.1177/21533687221120951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221120951","url":null,"abstract":"The rate of police-involved killings in the U.S. greatly exceeds that of other industrialized nations and is highly racially disproportionate. Yet, we know relatively little about the antecedents of police violence, and even less about what explains the distribution of police killings across space. We ask whether there is a connection between contemporary police killings in the U.S. and the country's unique history of racial subjugation and violence. We focus particularly on lynching era violence in the South between 1877 and 1950 during which vigilantes killed thousands of Blacks and hundreds of Whites. We propose three main pathways through which lynchings shape law enforcement practices today: legacies of racialized criminal threat, brutalization, and legal estrangement. Analyzing Mapping Police Violence data that provide a more complete picture of lethal police force than currently available government databases, we find that lynching, regardless of victim race, moderately associates with present-day lethal police shootings of Blacks. We find some evidence that lynching also associates with lethal shootings of Whites, although this finding depends of model specification. On balance, our results suggest that lynching's legacy for law enforcement may operate through enduring cultural supports for severe punishment.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46869537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-11DOI: 10.1177/21533687221117278
Ahra Cho, Maisha N. Cooper, A. Updegrove, Fei Luo
The largest protests in U.S. history occurred during summer 2020. Despite being overwhelmingly peaceful, some property damage, looting, and violence transpired. This study used Wave 68 of the American Trends Panel, collected by the Pew Research Center 10 days after Minneapolis police murdered George Floyd, to test whether: (1) Black people are less likely than white people to oppose Black Lives Matter (BLM); (2) compared to white people, Black people perceive individuals who use protests as a pretext for committing crime to comprise a smaller proportion of the overall protest movement; and (3) opposition to BLM mediates some or all of the relationship between race and perceptions of the degree to which people who use protests as a pretext to commit crime comprise the overall protest movement. Results from generalized ordered logistic regression analyses confirmed that, compared to white people, Black people were less likely to oppose BLM and perceived the summer 2020 protest movement to have contained fewer opportunistic individuals looking to commit crime. Pathway analysis results showed that BLM opposition fully mediated the relationship between race and how much of the overall protest movement participants thought consisted of individuals using protests to commit crime.
{"title":"How Representative of the Protest Movement Against Police Violence Are Opportunistic People Looking to Commit Crime?: Racial Differences in Public Opinion","authors":"Ahra Cho, Maisha N. Cooper, A. Updegrove, Fei Luo","doi":"10.1177/21533687221117278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221117278","url":null,"abstract":"The largest protests in U.S. history occurred during summer 2020. Despite being overwhelmingly peaceful, some property damage, looting, and violence transpired. This study used Wave 68 of the American Trends Panel, collected by the Pew Research Center 10 days after Minneapolis police murdered George Floyd, to test whether: (1) Black people are less likely than white people to oppose Black Lives Matter (BLM); (2) compared to white people, Black people perceive individuals who use protests as a pretext for committing crime to comprise a smaller proportion of the overall protest movement; and (3) opposition to BLM mediates some or all of the relationship between race and perceptions of the degree to which people who use protests as a pretext to commit crime comprise the overall protest movement. Results from generalized ordered logistic regression analyses confirmed that, compared to white people, Black people were less likely to oppose BLM and perceived the summer 2020 protest movement to have contained fewer opportunistic individuals looking to commit crime. Pathway analysis results showed that BLM opposition fully mediated the relationship between race and how much of the overall protest movement participants thought consisted of individuals using protests to commit crime.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49238101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-16DOI: 10.1177/21533687221105906
Janice Iwama, Yasmiyn Irizarry, A. Ernstes, Melissa Ripepi, Anthony A. Peguero, Jennifer M. Bondy, J. Hong
Over the past twenty years, scholarly research on the disproportionate control, surveillance, and punishment of racial/ethnic minority students within U.S. public schools have indicated that these youth are subject to greater levels of violence and bullying. Many scholars have conceptualized the term “youth control complex.” This term references the hyper-criminalization of racial and ethnic minority youth across the U.S., which leads to greater levels of over-policing, surveillance, and punishment in U.S. public schools with large populations of racial and ethnic minority students. Using the 2015–2016 School Survey on Crime and Safety (SSOCS) data, this study addresses two major research questions. First, do racially/ethnically segregated schools have higher rates of policing, surveillance, and punishment? Second, do policing, surveillance, and punishment within segregated schools moderate the rate of bullying? Our findings indicate that majority-Black and majority-Latina/o/x schools do in fact experience hyper-criminalization in U.S. public schools in comparison to majority-White schools. Yet, these increased crime control and punishment efforts in majority-Black and majority-Latina/o/x schools do not have a significant impact on the rate of bullying. Moreover, our findings highlight the educational inequities between majority-Black, majority-Latina/o/x, and majority-White schools.
{"title":"Segregation, Securitization, and Bullying: Investigating the Connections Between Policing, Surveillance, Punishment, and Violence","authors":"Janice Iwama, Yasmiyn Irizarry, A. Ernstes, Melissa Ripepi, Anthony A. Peguero, Jennifer M. Bondy, J. Hong","doi":"10.1177/21533687221105906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221105906","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past twenty years, scholarly research on the disproportionate control, surveillance, and punishment of racial/ethnic minority students within U.S. public schools have indicated that these youth are subject to greater levels of violence and bullying. Many scholars have conceptualized the term “youth control complex.” This term references the hyper-criminalization of racial and ethnic minority youth across the U.S., which leads to greater levels of over-policing, surveillance, and punishment in U.S. public schools with large populations of racial and ethnic minority students. Using the 2015–2016 School Survey on Crime and Safety (SSOCS) data, this study addresses two major research questions. First, do racially/ethnically segregated schools have higher rates of policing, surveillance, and punishment? Second, do policing, surveillance, and punishment within segregated schools moderate the rate of bullying? Our findings indicate that majority-Black and majority-Latina/o/x schools do in fact experience hyper-criminalization in U.S. public schools in comparison to majority-White schools. Yet, these increased crime control and punishment efforts in majority-Black and majority-Latina/o/x schools do not have a significant impact on the rate of bullying. Moreover, our findings highlight the educational inequities between majority-Black, majority-Latina/o/x, and majority-White schools.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41975178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1177/21533687221107807
Rachel Lautenschlager
The results from several recent studies suggest that police stop rates are elevated in neighborhoods that are gentrified or undergoing gentrification. However, it remains unclear how these findings fit into the well-documented pattern of racialized proactive policing practices, often interpreted through a racial-threat lens. To further our understanding of how of law enforcement relates to gentrification as a racialized institution, I utilize pedestrian stop data from eight cities to analyze the interconnected relationships between neighborhood-level police stops, temporal changes in racial and ethnic composition, and gentrification processes. Results from negative binomial spatial-durbin models reveal that, controlling for local crime levels and other covariates, police stops are more prevalent in neighborhoods that have experienced decreases in black and Latinx populations and in those surrounding gentrified areas. However, because gentrified and gentrifying neighborhoods have experienced relatively larger losses of these minority residents, this relationship appears to be intertwined with processes of urban revitalization. Based on these results, I argue that the geographic concentration of proactive police stops operates as an instrument of urban social transformation, shaped by racial territoriality – the implicit and explicit claims of whites to urban spaces.
{"title":"Urban Revitalization and the Policing of Racial Territoriality","authors":"Rachel Lautenschlager","doi":"10.1177/21533687221107807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221107807","url":null,"abstract":"The results from several recent studies suggest that police stop rates are elevated in neighborhoods that are gentrified or undergoing gentrification. However, it remains unclear how these findings fit into the well-documented pattern of racialized proactive policing practices, often interpreted through a racial-threat lens. To further our understanding of how of law enforcement relates to gentrification as a racialized institution, I utilize pedestrian stop data from eight cities to analyze the interconnected relationships between neighborhood-level police stops, temporal changes in racial and ethnic composition, and gentrification processes. Results from negative binomial spatial-durbin models reveal that, controlling for local crime levels and other covariates, police stops are more prevalent in neighborhoods that have experienced decreases in black and Latinx populations and in those surrounding gentrified areas. However, because gentrified and gentrifying neighborhoods have experienced relatively larger losses of these minority residents, this relationship appears to be intertwined with processes of urban revitalization. Based on these results, I argue that the geographic concentration of proactive police stops operates as an instrument of urban social transformation, shaped by racial territoriality – the implicit and explicit claims of whites to urban spaces.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43876296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.1177/21533687221102633
K. Stockdale, Rowan Sweeney
This paper presents in-depth research into the reading lists used by a new criminology Bachelor of Arts degree programme at a post-92 English University. Previous research into structural inequalities in relation to race, ethnicity, and gender that exist within academia in relation to scholarly outlets, and that have focussed on scholarly influence, have charted the most cited or most significant texts in the field or explored gender and race discrepancies within elements of the publication process. In this paper we explore how scholarly work is included in our teaching practice and the impact reading lists have on the student experience of criminology. We highlight a distinct lack of representation and diversity within the authorship of texts in the context of both core and recommended reading for students. We found reading lists to be overwhelmingly white and male. Work by women and people of colour only tended to feature on distinct modules which focussed on gender or ethnicity, race, and crime. Voices from the global majority are excluded from fundamental concepts and criminological theory modules. This paper will discuss our research findings in depth, highlighting where Black and female voices are neglected, marginalised, and excluded in the criminology curriculum.
{"title":"Whose Voices are Prioritised in Criminology, and Why Does it Matter?","authors":"K. Stockdale, Rowan Sweeney","doi":"10.1177/21533687221102633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221102633","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents in-depth research into the reading lists used by a new criminology Bachelor of Arts degree programme at a post-92 English University. Previous research into structural inequalities in relation to race, ethnicity, and gender that exist within academia in relation to scholarly outlets, and that have focussed on scholarly influence, have charted the most cited or most significant texts in the field or explored gender and race discrepancies within elements of the publication process. In this paper we explore how scholarly work is included in our teaching practice and the impact reading lists have on the student experience of criminology. We highlight a distinct lack of representation and diversity within the authorship of texts in the context of both core and recommended reading for students. We found reading lists to be overwhelmingly white and male. Work by women and people of colour only tended to feature on distinct modules which focussed on gender or ethnicity, race, and crime. Voices from the global majority are excluded from fundamental concepts and criminological theory modules. This paper will discuss our research findings in depth, highlighting where Black and female voices are neglected, marginalised, and excluded in the criminology curriculum.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42934210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-23DOI: 10.1177/21533687221101806
Jane E. Palmer, V. Rajah, Sean K. Wilson
In this introduction to the special issue on Anti-Racism and Intersectionality in Feminist Criminology and Academia, we describe the Virtual Forum of the same name that inspired the special issue. The June 4, 2021 Forum was organized by an ad hoc committee of the American Society of Criminology's Division on Women & Crime's Diversity & Inclusion Committee and featured over 100 presenters. We also outline the contributions to the special issue, which contain concrete recommendations on how to improve our discipline, our research, our mentorship, our departments, and our universities. Finally, we included two beautiful tributes on the legacy of bell hooks, in light of her December 2021 passing. We hope that readers will find the contributions to this special issue informative and beneficial as they work to advance antiracist and intersectional ideas and practices within criminology, feminist criminology and academia.
{"title":"Anti-Racism and Intersectionality in Feminist Criminology and Academia: Introduction to a Special Issue","authors":"Jane E. Palmer, V. Rajah, Sean K. Wilson","doi":"10.1177/21533687221101806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221101806","url":null,"abstract":"In this introduction to the special issue on Anti-Racism and Intersectionality in Feminist Criminology and Academia, we describe the Virtual Forum of the same name that inspired the special issue. The June 4, 2021 Forum was organized by an ad hoc committee of the American Society of Criminology's Division on Women & Crime's Diversity & Inclusion Committee and featured over 100 presenters. We also outline the contributions to the special issue, which contain concrete recommendations on how to improve our discipline, our research, our mentorship, our departments, and our universities. Finally, we included two beautiful tributes on the legacy of bell hooks, in light of her December 2021 passing. We hope that readers will find the contributions to this special issue informative and beneficial as they work to advance antiracist and intersectional ideas and practices within criminology, feminist criminology and academia.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43838123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-18DOI: 10.1177/21533687221101785
Jane E. Palmer, V. Rajah, Sean K. Wilson
Since the uprisings of 2020 in the aftermath of the police-perpetrated the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, universities – and some departments – have expressed their commitments to anti-racism in public statements. While statements are laudable, what matters most is how anti-racism is actualized in our classrooms, our syllabi, our departmental policies and practices, our research, and the discipline of criminology. In this paper, we outline the racist history of “criminality,” policing, prisons, and criminology, along with current manifestations of systemic racism in the criminal legal system. Against this backdrop, we aim to start a conversation about whether it is possible for the discipline to be proactively anti-racist or if this transformation is impossible due to the discipline's historical - and ongoing - complicity with racism. We also offer questions for criminology departments to consider if they seek to actively uproot present day racism within the discipline and the criminal legal system.
{"title":"Anti-racism in Criminology: An Oxymoron or the way Forward?","authors":"Jane E. Palmer, V. Rajah, Sean K. Wilson","doi":"10.1177/21533687221101785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221101785","url":null,"abstract":"Since the uprisings of 2020 in the aftermath of the police-perpetrated the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, universities – and some departments – have expressed their commitments to anti-racism in public statements. While statements are laudable, what matters most is how anti-racism is actualized in our classrooms, our syllabi, our departmental policies and practices, our research, and the discipline of criminology. In this paper, we outline the racist history of “criminality,” policing, prisons, and criminology, along with current manifestations of systemic racism in the criminal legal system. Against this backdrop, we aim to start a conversation about whether it is possible for the discipline to be proactively anti-racist or if this transformation is impossible due to the discipline's historical - and ongoing - complicity with racism. We also offer questions for criminology departments to consider if they seek to actively uproot present day racism within the discipline and the criminal legal system.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44759498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-17DOI: 10.1177/21533687221101793
V. Rajah, Jane E. Palmer, M. Duggan
The phrase “the personal is political” is commonly associated with 1970s feminists, for whom it denoted the relationship between personal experiences and broad systems of inequality. However, considering bell hooks’ argument that feminists have lost the power analysis fundamental to the relationship between the personal and the political, we assess the relevance of the notion the ‘personal is political,’ to our work as feminist criminologists. Building on hooks’ insight, we argue there is a need to take up an intersectional and anti-racist feminist praxis that centers multiple forms of oppression in scholarship and seeks greater accountability for sexism, racism, and transphobia both within and beyond academic spaces. We elaborate our ideas by, first, outlining the intellectual history and evolution of feminist criminology. Second, we examine how the relationship between the personal and political figures in the work of minoritized scholars. Third, we discuss the necessary discomforts associated with working towards an intersectional and antiracist feminist criminology.
{"title":"The Personal is Political and so is Discomfort: Intersectional, Anti-Racist Praxis in Feminist Criminology","authors":"V. Rajah, Jane E. Palmer, M. Duggan","doi":"10.1177/21533687221101793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221101793","url":null,"abstract":"The phrase “the personal is political” is commonly associated with 1970s feminists, for whom it denoted the relationship between personal experiences and broad systems of inequality. However, considering bell hooks’ argument that feminists have lost the power analysis fundamental to the relationship between the personal and the political, we assess the relevance of the notion the ‘personal is political,’ to our work as feminist criminologists. Building on hooks’ insight, we argue there is a need to take up an intersectional and anti-racist feminist praxis that centers multiple forms of oppression in scholarship and seeks greater accountability for sexism, racism, and transphobia both within and beyond academic spaces. We elaborate our ideas by, first, outlining the intellectual history and evolution of feminist criminology. Second, we examine how the relationship between the personal and political figures in the work of minoritized scholars. Third, we discuss the necessary discomforts associated with working towards an intersectional and antiracist feminist criminology.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46195255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-16DOI: 10.1177/21533687221101787
Ishara Casellas Connors, Henrika McCoy
Higher education institutions (HEI) are communities nestled within and a part of the local, regional, and national contexts. Increasingly, college and university presidents have begun to comment on local and national events, particularly as these events make their way onto campuses. This study examines 99 presidential statements from both public and private institutions, disseminated in the week following the 2020 murder of George Floyd. Using critical race discourse analysis (CRDA), the findings consider how institutional discourse constructs a history of advancing racial equity, leverages institutional mission and values, includes institutional and personal calls to action, and the intersecting use and exclusion of explicitly racialized discourse. Despite institutions discussing race and racism, they frequently construct these topics and their attendant needs as external to the institutions. These findings expand the exploration into institutional discourse in response to racialized incidents on campus and beyond. How institutions use these opportunities to move beyond performative rhetoric towards action and institutional change represents a significant opportunity to transform colleges and universities in ways that support racially minoritized communities both on and off-campus.
{"title":"Performing Anti-racism: Universities Respond to Anti-Black Violence","authors":"Ishara Casellas Connors, Henrika McCoy","doi":"10.1177/21533687221101787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221101787","url":null,"abstract":"Higher education institutions (HEI) are communities nestled within and a part of the local, regional, and national contexts. Increasingly, college and university presidents have begun to comment on local and national events, particularly as these events make their way onto campuses. This study examines 99 presidential statements from both public and private institutions, disseminated in the week following the 2020 murder of George Floyd. Using critical race discourse analysis (CRDA), the findings consider how institutional discourse constructs a history of advancing racial equity, leverages institutional mission and values, includes institutional and personal calls to action, and the intersecting use and exclusion of explicitly racialized discourse. Despite institutions discussing race and racism, they frequently construct these topics and their attendant needs as external to the institutions. These findings expand the exploration into institutional discourse in response to racialized incidents on campus and beyond. How institutions use these opportunities to move beyond performative rhetoric towards action and institutional change represents a significant opportunity to transform colleges and universities in ways that support racially minoritized communities both on and off-campus.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46035984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-16DOI: 10.1177/21533687221101209
Christopher Thomas
As a racialized labor market institution, the criminal justice system shapes racial patterns in local labor markets through processes of exclusion and marginalization. How do local county jails contribute to these dynamics? To examine that question, the relationship between county-level jail and employment rates is examined across the U.S. between 2007 and 2017. The study uses a System Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) dynamic panel model approach that structurally controls for simultaneous determination and other sources of endogeneity. A racial stratification analysis identifies a negative relationship between jail and employment in the urban counties with the highest percentage of Black residents aged 15 to 64, whereas areas with the lowest percentage of Black residents have a positive relationship between jail and employment. These racially differential spillover effects suggest that the impact of jail incarceration on employment is significantly racialized at this level of analysis.
{"title":"The Racialized Consequences of Jail Incarceration on Local Labor Markets","authors":"Christopher Thomas","doi":"10.1177/21533687221101209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221101209","url":null,"abstract":"As a racialized labor market institution, the criminal justice system shapes racial patterns in local labor markets through processes of exclusion and marginalization. How do local county jails contribute to these dynamics? To examine that question, the relationship between county-level jail and employment rates is examined across the U.S. between 2007 and 2017. The study uses a System Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) dynamic panel model approach that structurally controls for simultaneous determination and other sources of endogeneity. A racial stratification analysis identifies a negative relationship between jail and employment in the urban counties with the highest percentage of Black residents aged 15 to 64, whereas areas with the lowest percentage of Black residents have a positive relationship between jail and employment. These racially differential spillover effects suggest that the impact of jail incarceration on employment is significantly racialized at this level of analysis.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42893021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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