Pub Date : 2022-10-03DOI: 10.1177/21533687221127446
Patrick Seffrin, Joseph Teeple
Differential treatment under the law has historically been the case for African Americans. The current study theorized that the War on Drugs, which was waged disproportionately in majority Black communities, had the unintended effect of making drug use riskier for Black men by limiting the supply of drugs to high-risk populations who commit far more serious and violent criminal offenses. A subsample of the Add Health data containing Black and White male survey participants were compared with respect to drug use, violence, and criminal justice involvement. Drug use was found to be less prevalent, overall, for Black men but its association with violence was greater for Black men than White men. Differential legal treatment for violence and drugs was found to be greater for Black men than White men and had diminishing returns for deterring violence and negative returns for drugs by predicting greater use. Accounting for differential legal treatment did not significantly reduce predicted racial disparities in violence or drug use. Implications of these findings are discussed.
{"title":"Making Drug use Dangerous for Black Men: Race, Drugs, Violence, and Criminal Justice","authors":"Patrick Seffrin, Joseph Teeple","doi":"10.1177/21533687221127446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221127446","url":null,"abstract":"Differential treatment under the law has historically been the case for African Americans. The current study theorized that the War on Drugs, which was waged disproportionately in majority Black communities, had the unintended effect of making drug use riskier for Black men by limiting the supply of drugs to high-risk populations who commit far more serious and violent criminal offenses. A subsample of the Add Health data containing Black and White male survey participants were compared with respect to drug use, violence, and criminal justice involvement. Drug use was found to be less prevalent, overall, for Black men but its association with violence was greater for Black men than White men. Differential legal treatment for violence and drugs was found to be greater for Black men than White men and had diminishing returns for deterring violence and negative returns for drugs by predicting greater use. Accounting for differential legal treatment did not significantly reduce predicted racial disparities in violence or drug use. Implications of these findings are discussed.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49016857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-26DOI: 10.1177/21533687221127447
Andrew J. Baranauskas, Jacob I. Stowell
A popular political narrative in the United States depicts immigrants as posing a criminal threat to the nation. This perception persists despite research showing that immigrants do not increase crime rates and may actually contribute to lower crime rates. This study seeks to examine the sources of the perception that immigrants increase crime in the United States. Drawing from research in cognitive psychology, this paper examines the affect heuristic and ethnocentrism as cognitive mechanisms through which personal feelings towards particular ethnic and religious groups shape the perception that immigrants pose a criminal threat. Using data from a nationally representative election study, findings reveal that negative feelings towards illegal immigrants, Hispanics, and Muslims are associated with the perception that immigrants increase crime rates in the U.S. Among white respondents, ethnocentrism is also associated with the perception that immigrants pose a criminal threat, even when controlling for feelings towards Hispanics and Muslims specifically. Implications for theory and research are discussed.
{"title":"Perceptions of Immigrants as a Criminal Threat: The Role of Negative Affect and Ethnocentrism","authors":"Andrew J. Baranauskas, Jacob I. Stowell","doi":"10.1177/21533687221127447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221127447","url":null,"abstract":"A popular political narrative in the United States depicts immigrants as posing a criminal threat to the nation. This perception persists despite research showing that immigrants do not increase crime rates and may actually contribute to lower crime rates. This study seeks to examine the sources of the perception that immigrants increase crime in the United States. Drawing from research in cognitive psychology, this paper examines the affect heuristic and ethnocentrism as cognitive mechanisms through which personal feelings towards particular ethnic and religious groups shape the perception that immigrants pose a criminal threat. Using data from a nationally representative election study, findings reveal that negative feelings towards illegal immigrants, Hispanics, and Muslims are associated with the perception that immigrants increase crime rates in the U.S. Among white respondents, ethnocentrism is also associated with the perception that immigrants pose a criminal threat, even when controlling for feelings towards Hispanics and Muslims specifically. Implications for theory and research are discussed.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43703344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1177/21533687221126754
Carl L. Reeds, L. Fridell, Mateus Rennó Santos, John K. Cochran
According to Blalock’s racial threat theory, “threat” posed by minority populations to majority populations leads to racial disparities in formal social control, such as incarceration. Economic threat occurs when the Black population has the economic resources to compete with the White population for jobs, wages, and housing. The majority reacts by increasing formal social control against minorities. Blalock further predicted that the relationship between economic threat and social control would be curvilinear, with a decreasing effect as economic threat increased, and that it would be moderated by the size of the Black population, being strongest when the Black population was small. This study tests Blalock’s predictions using a sample of 2,092 United States counties. Results indicate that the relationship between economic threat and disparity in jail rates is curvilinear and is moderated by the percent of the population that is Black, but not in a manner predicted by Blalock. Economic threat is negatively related to incarceration disparities, particularly in counties with larger Black populations. This negative relationship becomes stronger as economic threat increases. Disparities are diminished where Blacks are demographically and economically more powerful.
{"title":"A Test of the Association Between Racial Economic Threat and Racial Disparities in Jail Incarceration Across Counties in the United States","authors":"Carl L. Reeds, L. Fridell, Mateus Rennó Santos, John K. Cochran","doi":"10.1177/21533687221126754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221126754","url":null,"abstract":"According to Blalock’s racial threat theory, “threat” posed by minority populations to majority populations leads to racial disparities in formal social control, such as incarceration. Economic threat occurs when the Black population has the economic resources to compete with the White population for jobs, wages, and housing. The majority reacts by increasing formal social control against minorities. Blalock further predicted that the relationship between economic threat and social control would be curvilinear, with a decreasing effect as economic threat increased, and that it would be moderated by the size of the Black population, being strongest when the Black population was small. This study tests Blalock’s predictions using a sample of 2,092 United States counties. Results indicate that the relationship between economic threat and disparity in jail rates is curvilinear and is moderated by the percent of the population that is Black, but not in a manner predicted by Blalock. Economic threat is negatively related to incarceration disparities, particularly in counties with larger Black populations. This negative relationship becomes stronger as economic threat increases. Disparities are diminished where Blacks are demographically and economically more powerful.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43293710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1177/21533687221117281
Rachel Novick, Justin T. Pickett
Following George Floyd's killing in May 2020, Black Lives Matter (BLM) protesters called for police reform in the largest and most diverse protests in U.S. history. The police frequently responded to BLM protesters with force, raising the question of how protest policing may impact public attitudes toward the police. We examined this issue using data from a survey of voters in Portland, Oregon, which was conducted before the November 2020 election, when police reform was on the local ballot. We tested an extended version of the process-based model, contextualized in light of the dialogic model of legitimacy and scholarship on collective action frames. We found that 1) the perception that police have responded inappropriately to protesters is associated with voters’ support for police reform, even controlling for attitudes toward BLM, and 2) this association is indirect through the resonance of pro- versus anti-reform frames. Findings suggest that inappropriate protest policing may be the straw that breaks the camel's back, increasing the resonance of pro-reform frames, reducing the resonance of anti-reform frames, and motivating voters to vote for reform.
{"title":"Black Lives Matter, Protest Policing, and Voter Support for Police Reform in Portland, Oregon","authors":"Rachel Novick, Justin T. Pickett","doi":"10.1177/21533687221117281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221117281","url":null,"abstract":"Following George Floyd's killing in May 2020, Black Lives Matter (BLM) protesters called for police reform in the largest and most diverse protests in U.S. history. The police frequently responded to BLM protesters with force, raising the question of how protest policing may impact public attitudes toward the police. We examined this issue using data from a survey of voters in Portland, Oregon, which was conducted before the November 2020 election, when police reform was on the local ballot. We tested an extended version of the process-based model, contextualized in light of the dialogic model of legitimacy and scholarship on collective action frames. We found that 1) the perception that police have responded inappropriately to protesters is associated with voters’ support for police reform, even controlling for attitudes toward BLM, and 2) this association is indirect through the resonance of pro- versus anti-reform frames. Findings suggest that inappropriate protest policing may be the straw that breaks the camel's back, increasing the resonance of pro-reform frames, reducing the resonance of anti-reform frames, and motivating voters to vote for reform.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48303001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-18DOI: 10.1177/21533687221127445
Tobias Kammersgaard, T. F. Søgaard, Torsten Kolind, G. Hunt
Several studies worldwide have demonstrated that ethnic minorities are more likely to be stopped, questioned and searched by the police. In this paper, we explore how police officers themselves discuss and make sense of ethnic disparities in police stops. Based on interviews with 25 police officers in two police precincts in Denmark the paper illustrates how officers actively reflect on the (un)importance of ethnicity for policing. Findings point to how the officers both rejected that ethnicity directly mattered for who they chose to stop, as well as how they offered alternative and indirect explanations for why ethnic minorities were stopped more often.
{"title":"“Most Officers are More or Less Colorblind”: Police Officers' Reflections on the Role of Race and Ethnicity in Policing","authors":"Tobias Kammersgaard, T. F. Søgaard, Torsten Kolind, G. Hunt","doi":"10.1177/21533687221127445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221127445","url":null,"abstract":"Several studies worldwide have demonstrated that ethnic minorities are more likely to be stopped, questioned and searched by the police. In this paper, we explore how police officers themselves discuss and make sense of ethnic disparities in police stops. Based on interviews with 25 police officers in two police precincts in Denmark the paper illustrates how officers actively reflect on the (un)importance of ethnicity for policing. Findings point to how the officers both rejected that ethnicity directly mattered for who they chose to stop, as well as how they offered alternative and indirect explanations for why ethnic minorities were stopped more often.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45479534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-15DOI: 10.1177/21533687221125817
Brendan Lantz, Marin R. Wenger, J. Mills
Unfortunately, there is a long history linking pandemics to Anti-Asian prejudice and xenophobia; these negative outcomes have been particularly pronounced during the COVID-19 pandemic. Some scholars have suggested that these relationships are driven by fear, wherein individuals respond to disease threat by “othering” that threat. Other research has implicated the role of the state, including the political rhetoric of former President Trump, in exacerbating bias by enabling a divisive political environment. Yet, very few existing studies have been able to assess the nature of these impacts or examine the mechanisms behind observed increases in xenophobia. To that end, this research presents results from a survey administered in May 2020 to respondents residing in the U.S., which assessed COVID-19-related attitudes and behaviors, as well as anti-Asian prejudicial attitudes. Using these data, we assessed the direct and interactive relationship between perceptions of risk (i.e., fear), exposure to COVID-19 information, support for Trump, and anti-Asian prejudice. Results reveal that fear—and support for Trump—are associated with increased anti-Asian prejudice, but that exposure to more information about COVID-19 is associated with decreased prejudice; we also note complex interactions between each of these factors.
{"title":"Fear, Political Legitimization, and Racism: Examining Anti-Asian Xenophobia During the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Brendan Lantz, Marin R. Wenger, J. Mills","doi":"10.1177/21533687221125817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221125817","url":null,"abstract":"Unfortunately, there is a long history linking pandemics to Anti-Asian prejudice and xenophobia; these negative outcomes have been particularly pronounced during the COVID-19 pandemic. Some scholars have suggested that these relationships are driven by fear, wherein individuals respond to disease threat by “othering” that threat. Other research has implicated the role of the state, including the political rhetoric of former President Trump, in exacerbating bias by enabling a divisive political environment. Yet, very few existing studies have been able to assess the nature of these impacts or examine the mechanisms behind observed increases in xenophobia. To that end, this research presents results from a survey administered in May 2020 to respondents residing in the U.S., which assessed COVID-19-related attitudes and behaviors, as well as anti-Asian prejudicial attitudes. Using these data, we assessed the direct and interactive relationship between perceptions of risk (i.e., fear), exposure to COVID-19 information, support for Trump, and anti-Asian prejudice. Results reveal that fear—and support for Trump—are associated with increased anti-Asian prejudice, but that exposure to more information about COVID-19 is associated with decreased prejudice; we also note complex interactions between each of these factors.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":"13 1","pages":"80 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45287066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-13DOI: 10.1177/21533687221120950
Joselyne L. Chenane
Immigration and immigration enforcement are highly debated in the United States and internationally; however, few studies have examined public opinion on immigration law enforcement using a national sample. Using a panel-based national survey of U.S. citizens, this study explored whether the 2016 U.S. presidential candidate choice influenced public opinion concerning local police officers’ involvement in immigration enforcement. Findings from OLS models indicated that, compared to those who voted for Donald Trump in 2016, those who voted for Hillary Clinton were less likely to endorse using local police to aid in immigration law enforcement and to believe that the public is obligated to report undocumented immigrants to the police. Additionally, compared to those who voted for Donald Trump, those who voted for Hillary Clinton were more inclined to agree that using local police to enforce immigration laws would lower public support for the police. Policy implications are discussed.
{"title":"Public Opinion on Immigration Law Enforcement, Support for the Police, and Obligation to Report Undocumented Immigrants to the Police","authors":"Joselyne L. Chenane","doi":"10.1177/21533687221120950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221120950","url":null,"abstract":"Immigration and immigration enforcement are highly debated in the United States and internationally; however, few studies have examined public opinion on immigration law enforcement using a national sample. Using a panel-based national survey of U.S. citizens, this study explored whether the 2016 U.S. presidential candidate choice influenced public opinion concerning local police officers’ involvement in immigration enforcement. Findings from OLS models indicated that, compared to those who voted for Donald Trump in 2016, those who voted for Hillary Clinton were less likely to endorse using local police to aid in immigration law enforcement and to believe that the public is obligated to report undocumented immigrants to the police. Additionally, compared to those who voted for Donald Trump, those who voted for Hillary Clinton were more inclined to agree that using local police to enforce immigration laws would lower public support for the police. Policy implications are discussed.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48421001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/21533687221117280
Chunrye Kim, C. S. Lee, Hyeyoung Lim
Although hate-motivated incidents and crimes against Asians are not a new phenomenon, there has been a lack of scholarly attention on the topic. Using a systematic review, we examine, assess, and analyze 23 published peer-reviewed articles that have explored hate-motivated crime/incidents against Asians in the United States of America between 2000 and 2020. We found all studies included in this systematic review examined microaggressions and/or discrimination, and tended to lump all different Asian subgroups into “Asians.” In addition, most studies focused on the consequences of hate-motivated incidents, such as mental and physical health. We suggest a future research agenda and direction that fills the gap in scholarly journal articles on Asian hate-motivated incidents in the United States.
{"title":"Hate-motivated Crime/Incidents Against Asians in the United States of America: A Systematic Review","authors":"Chunrye Kim, C. S. Lee, Hyeyoung Lim","doi":"10.1177/21533687221117280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221117280","url":null,"abstract":"Although hate-motivated incidents and crimes against Asians are not a new phenomenon, there has been a lack of scholarly attention on the topic. Using a systematic review, we examine, assess, and analyze 23 published peer-reviewed articles that have explored hate-motivated crime/incidents against Asians in the United States of America between 2000 and 2020. We found all studies included in this systematic review examined microaggressions and/or discrimination, and tended to lump all different Asian subgroups into “Asians.” In addition, most studies focused on the consequences of hate-motivated incidents, such as mental and physical health. We suggest a future research agenda and direction that fills the gap in scholarly journal articles on Asian hate-motivated incidents in the United States.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":"13 1","pages":"9 - 31"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44184506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-17DOI: 10.1177/21533687221120949
Ráchael A. Powers, Kacy Bleeker, Crystal Alcalde
Research on the media's portrayal of Asian American crime victims has largely entailed content analyses of specific high-profile cases, partly because Asian Americans have been largely ignored in the media. The current study examines national news coverage (2010–2021) of both specific anti-Asian hate crime incidents as well as articles that discuss the rise in hate crime against the Asian American community. We also include anti-Hispanic hate crime articles over the same time period as a comparison group. In doing so, we examine the extent of coverage, portrayals of victims and perpetrators, including stereotypes of Asian Americans, and how the incidents are situated in a larger context of violence against racial minorities. While there were similarities between the groups in the media narratives, such as the offender's race rarely being mentioned, there were notable differences as well. For example, articles on Asian Americans were more likely to portray hate crime as a new phenomenon, but also more likely to include quotes from victims and/or their families. The findings have implications for the media's role in shaping the social consequences of pandemics.
{"title":"Anti-Asian Hate Crime in U.S. National News: A Content Analysis of Coverage and Narratives from 2010–2021","authors":"Ráchael A. Powers, Kacy Bleeker, Crystal Alcalde","doi":"10.1177/21533687221120949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221120949","url":null,"abstract":"Research on the media's portrayal of Asian American crime victims has largely entailed content analyses of specific high-profile cases, partly because Asian Americans have been largely ignored in the media. The current study examines national news coverage (2010–2021) of both specific anti-Asian hate crime incidents as well as articles that discuss the rise in hate crime against the Asian American community. We also include anti-Hispanic hate crime articles over the same time period as a comparison group. In doing so, we examine the extent of coverage, portrayals of victims and perpetrators, including stereotypes of Asian Americans, and how the incidents are situated in a larger context of violence against racial minorities. While there were similarities between the groups in the media narratives, such as the offender's race rarely being mentioned, there were notable differences as well. For example, articles on Asian Americans were more likely to portray hate crime as a new phenomenon, but also more likely to include quotes from victims and/or their families. The findings have implications for the media's role in shaping the social consequences of pandemics.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":"13 1","pages":"32 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44212387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.1177/21533687221120951
Christopher J. Lyons, Noah Painter-Davis, Drew C. Medaris
The rate of police-involved killings in the U.S. greatly exceeds that of other industrialized nations and is highly racially disproportionate. Yet, we know relatively little about the antecedents of police violence, and even less about what explains the distribution of police killings across space. We ask whether there is a connection between contemporary police killings in the U.S. and the country's unique history of racial subjugation and violence. We focus particularly on lynching era violence in the South between 1877 and 1950 during which vigilantes killed thousands of Blacks and hundreds of Whites. We propose three main pathways through which lynchings shape law enforcement practices today: legacies of racialized criminal threat, brutalization, and legal estrangement. Analyzing Mapping Police Violence data that provide a more complete picture of lethal police force than currently available government databases, we find that lynching, regardless of victim race, moderately associates with present-day lethal police shootings of Blacks. We find some evidence that lynching also associates with lethal shootings of Whites, although this finding depends of model specification. On balance, our results suggest that lynching's legacy for law enforcement may operate through enduring cultural supports for severe punishment.
{"title":"The Lynching Era and Contemporary Lethal Police Shootings in the South","authors":"Christopher J. Lyons, Noah Painter-Davis, Drew C. Medaris","doi":"10.1177/21533687221120951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221120951","url":null,"abstract":"The rate of police-involved killings in the U.S. greatly exceeds that of other industrialized nations and is highly racially disproportionate. Yet, we know relatively little about the antecedents of police violence, and even less about what explains the distribution of police killings across space. We ask whether there is a connection between contemporary police killings in the U.S. and the country's unique history of racial subjugation and violence. We focus particularly on lynching era violence in the South between 1877 and 1950 during which vigilantes killed thousands of Blacks and hundreds of Whites. We propose three main pathways through which lynchings shape law enforcement practices today: legacies of racialized criminal threat, brutalization, and legal estrangement. Analyzing Mapping Police Violence data that provide a more complete picture of lethal police force than currently available government databases, we find that lynching, regardless of victim race, moderately associates with present-day lethal police shootings of Blacks. We find some evidence that lynching also associates with lethal shootings of Whites, although this finding depends of model specification. On balance, our results suggest that lynching's legacy for law enforcement may operate through enduring cultural supports for severe punishment.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46869537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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