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Emotional and experiential factors that determine civilizational diseases. 决定文明病的情感和经验因素。
IF 2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-09 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5114/hpr/159283
Kamila Misiołek, Magdalena Błażek
The effects of adverse childhood experiences may persist in adult life and manifest themselves in various areas of function-ing. The aim of the study was to identify the emotional and experiential factors that determine civilizational diseases and the methods of regulating emotions and functioning in society.The surveyed group was composed of 141 adults. The respondents defined the existence of adverse experiences and their attachment styles in retrospective. The methods of regulating emotions were also measured, as well as the presence of civilizational diseases.The authors found a correlation between the style of attachment and the traumatic events experienced during the first 18 years of life and the existence of civilizational diseases. Adverse experiences in childhood and attachment styles proved to be predictors of specific social behaviour aimed at regulating emotions.The results emphasised the importance of the bond with a parent and of traumatic childhood experiences for the future health condition and for the social and emotional functioning. The study demonstrated that persons who experienced traumatic events in their families or in the peer environment in the first 18 years of their lives reported the presence of civilizational diseases. A correlation was found between peer violence, the threat of being abandoned by a caregiver, and diagnosed civilizational diseases in respondents. The fearful-ambivalent style in the relationship with the father proved to be a predictor of reported civilizational diseases. Adverse childhood experiences are linked to regulating emotions by tak-ing perspective. The attachment style developed in the relationship with parents determined the ways of regulating nega-tive and positive emotions in contact with other people. Persons who developed an avoidant attachment style in the rela-tionships with the mother or the father less frequently seek social support when they experience negative emotions.
背景:童年不良经历的影响可能会在成年后持续存在,并表现在功能的各个领域。本研究旨在找出决定文明病的情绪和经历因素,以及调节情绪和社会功能的方法:调查组由 141 名成年人组成。受访者以回顾的方式界定了其不良经历的存在及其依恋方式。此外,还对调节情绪的方法以及是否患有文明病进行了测量:结果:作者发现,依恋方式与生命最初 18 年中经历的创伤事件以及是否患有文明病之间存在相关性。童年时期的不良经历和依恋方式被证明是调节情绪的特定社会行为的预测因素:研究结果强调了与父母的亲情以及童年创伤经历对未来健康状况以及社会和情感功能的重要性。研究表明,在其生命的头 18 年中,在家庭或同伴环境中经历过创伤事件的人报告患有文明病。研究发现,同伴暴力、被照顾者抛弃的威胁与受访者诊断出的文明病之间存在相关性。事实证明,与父亲关系中的恐惧-矛盾风格可预测所报告的文明病。童年的不良经历与通过透视来调节情绪有关。在与父母关系中形成的依恋风格决定了在与他人接触时调节消极和积极情绪的方式。在与母亲或父亲的关系中形成回避型依恋风格的人,在遇到负面情绪时较少寻求社会支持。
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引用次数: 0
The last hunger years? The 1826–1832 mortality crisis in Denmark 上一个饥饿年代?1826-1832年丹麦的死亡率危机
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2023.2175722
Mathias Mølbak Ingholt
ABSTRACT From 1826 and the six years following, Denmark underwent a severe mortality crisis. The conventional understanding is that it was caused by a malaria epidemic, although recent literature has challenged this. This study examines the demographic and clinical features of this mortality crisis to understand it further. The crisis began in Langeland in 1826 and spread throughout most of Zealand and Lolland-Falster in the following years with a dramatic culmination in the autumn of 1831. In addition to a lethal measles and scarlet fever epidemics in the spring of 1829, the affected regions experienced returning lethal epidemics during harvest in this period. The complex of symptoms during these epidemics resembles enteric infections such as typhoid fever, paratyphoid or E. coli, and typhus fever. In the same period, Denmark also underwent a subsistence crisis from several years with crop failures. The mortality crisis, and namely the harvest epidemics, was probably related to this subsistence crisis. A scarcity of fresh food meant that the rural population ate contaminated food products, making them ill. The crisis thereby exemplifies the synergetic relationship between epidemics and subsistence crises that were common before the breakthrough of the demographic transition in the 19th century.
摘要从1826年到随后的六年,丹麦经历了一场严重的死亡危机。传统的理解是它是由疟疾流行病引起的,尽管最近的文献对此提出了质疑。这项研究考察了这场死亡危机的人口统计学和临床特征,以进一步了解它。这场危机始于1826年的兰格兰,并在接下来的几年里蔓延到新西兰大部分地区和洛兰-福尔斯特,1831年秋天达到了戏剧性的高潮。除了1829年春季致命的麻疹和猩红热流行病外,受影响地区在这一时期的收获期间还经历了致命流行病的复发。这些流行病期间的复杂症状类似于伤寒、副伤寒或大肠杆菌以及伤寒等肠道感染。在同一时期,丹麦也经历了几年的粮食歉收带来的生存危机。死亡危机,即收割流行病,可能与这场生存危机有关。新鲜食物的短缺意味着农村人口食用了受污染的食品,使他们生病。因此,这场危机体现了流行病和生存危机之间的协同关系,这种关系在19世纪人口结构转型突破之前很常见。
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引用次数: 0
Banal placemaking: spatial conceptions in an Icelandic provincial newspaper in the 1880s 平庸的场所营造:19世纪80年代冰岛省级报纸上的空间概念
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2023.2171477
Harald Gustafsson
ABSTRACT Drawing theoretic inspiration from the spatial turn within humanities, this article attempts to develop methods for studying placemaking in news media. This is done by a case study of the newspaper Þjóðviljinn, published in Ísafjörður, Iceland, in the late nineteenth century. The concept ‘banal placemaking’ is suggested for the kinds of spatial conceptions that occur in the paper without the explicit aim of creating an image of a place. When reading the paper in this way, a multitude of places and counter-places occur in the text. The town is contrasted with the countryside, the region with Reykjavík, and Iceland with Denmark. Icelandic spatial conceptions changed with urbanization and the coming of new regional centres.
摘要本文从人文空间转向中汲取理论启示,试图为新闻媒体中的场所营造研究提供新的方法。这是通过对19世纪末在冰岛伊萨夫约尔出版的《Þjóğviljinn报》的案例研究得出的。对于本文中出现的那些没有明确目的创造一个地方形象的空间概念,提出了“平庸的场所制作”的概念。当以这种方式阅读论文时,文本中会出现大量的位置和反位置。该镇与乡村形成对比,该地区与雷克雅未克形成对比,冰岛与丹麦形成对比。冰岛的空间观念随着城市化和新的区域中心的到来而改变。
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引用次数: 0
Parents and the NSU: Secrecy in National Socialist Youth Work in Denmark, 1932-1945 父母与NSU:1932-1945年丹麦国家社会主义青年工作中的保密
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2067223
Martina Koegeler-Abdi
ABSTRACT This article examines the role of secrecy in relations between the NSU, the largest Danish national socialist youth organization, and parents. The NSU struggled to recruit and retain members from Danish families with and without national socialist convictions. By analysing how NSU media and internal correspondence framed parents’ reluctance to join, this article traces the changing functions of NSU secrecy practices towards parents over time. Parents in Denmark could resist their children’s membership during the German occupation as well, which prompted the NSU to use different secrecy practices to either circumvent or facilitate parental consent. In doing so, the organization had to engage with and across practices of family secrecy. This engagement offers new perspectives on everyday collaboration in occupied Denmark, as well as more general insights into the practical and conceptual tensions between national socialist youth work and parental authority.
摘要本文探讨了保密在丹麦最大的国家社会主义青年组织NSU与父母关系中的作用。NSU努力从有或没有国家社会主义信仰的丹麦家庭中招募和留住成员。通过分析NSU媒体和内部信件是如何影响父母不愿加入的,本文追溯了NSU保密做法对父母的作用随着时间的推移而发生的变化。在德国占领期间,丹麦的父母也可以抵制他们孩子的成员资格,这促使NSU使用不同的保密做法来规避或促进父母的同意。在这样做的过程中,该组织必须参与并跨越家庭保密的做法。这种参与为被占领的丹麦的日常合作提供了新的视角,也为国家社会主义青年工作与父母权威之间的实际和概念紧张关系提供了更全面的见解。
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引用次数: 0
The cost of normalization: the thalidomide affected and the welfare state 正常化的成本:沙利度胺的影响和福利国家
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2147215
Mari Bjorkman
ABSTRACT This article analyses how economic support and social benefits for thalidomide-affected children were negotiated and organized by both public and private actors in 1960s Sweden. Accounts from various archives are used to analyse how two different but coexisting understandings of disability – as a medical and a social problem – both influenced and underpinned not only the rehabilitation of The Swedish programme arranged for the affected children, but also the associated economic support. Contributing to a more nuanced understanding of the formation welfare solutions in the 1960s and to the intersecting research fields of the history of medicine and disability history, this article also advances our knowledge of the concept of ‘normalization’ and fosters insights into how the Swedish thalidomide scandal contributed to increased economic support for both the thalidomide affected and other groups of disabled children.
摘要本文分析了20世纪60年代瑞典公共和私人行为者如何协商和组织对沙利度胺影响儿童的经济支持和社会福利。各种档案中的记录被用来分析对残疾的两种不同但共存的理解——一种是医疗问题,另一种是社会问题——是如何影响和支撑瑞典为受影响儿童安排的康复计划,以及相关的经济支持的。有助于更细致地理解20世纪60年代的编队福利解决方案,以及医学史和残疾史的交叉研究领域,这篇文章还提高了我们对“正常化”概念的认识,并深入了解瑞典沙利度胺丑闻如何为受沙利度胺影响的儿童和其他残疾儿童群体增加经济支持。
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引用次数: 0
Cumulative Frustrations and the Erosion of Social Trust before the Finnish Civil War 芬兰内战前累积的挫折和社会信任的侵蚀
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2144439
J. Siltala
ABSTRACT The Finnish Civil War of 1918 has been described as a revolution of expectations in the power vacuum left by the collapse of the Russian Empire. More recently, it has been described as an attempted Bolshevik revolution in a democracy. From the perspective of the Finnish Social Democrats, the re-establishment of the Red Guards and seeking support from the Bolsheviks were aimed at preventing a bourgeois counter-revolution. They saw a clear threat of that in the repeal of the act granting parliamentary sovereignty and the dissolution of the socialist-majority Parliament. This article tracks the origins of the socialists’ mistrust of the bourgeoisie through industrial relations, land-reform debates and war-time food regulation. Unlike in Sweden, collective agreements were not recognized in Finland. In the mentalities, the divide between landowning individuals and their dependent servants continued. Due to rural overpopulation, there had been little social mobility in the 19th century. Social positions had become essentialized, and initiatives to redistribute land had been postponed by the landowning classes. As in Russia, landless people and industrial workers came to share a class consciousness. They began to direct their frustrations at the state, which they saw as representing private interests.
1918年的芬兰内战被描述为俄罗斯帝国崩溃后留下的权力真空中的一场期望革命。最近,它被描述为民主国家的布尔什维克革命。从芬兰社会民主党的角度来看,重建红卫兵和寻求布尔什维克的支持是为了防止资产阶级反革命。他们在废除赋予议会主权的法案和解散社会党占多数的议会中看到了明显的威胁。本文追溯了社会主义者对资产阶级不信任的根源,包括劳资关系、土地改革辩论和战时食品监管。与瑞典不同,芬兰不承认集体协议。在心态上,土地所有者和依附他们的仆从之间的分歧仍在继续。由于农村人口过剩,在19世纪几乎没有社会流动性。社会地位变得至关重要,重新分配土地的倡议被地主阶级推迟了。就像在俄罗斯一样,没有土地的人和产业工人开始有了共同的阶级意识。他们开始把自己的不满指向政府,因为他们认为政府代表着私人利益。
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引用次数: 0
The Earldom of Orkney, the Duchy of Schleswig and the Kalmar Union in 1434 1434年的奥克尼伯爵领地、石勒苏益格公国和卡尔马联盟
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2138533
Ian Peter Grohse, Stefan Magnussen
ABSTRACT In August 1434, Erik VII, king of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, confirmed William Sinclair as earl of Orkney, thus ending a decade-long dispute over the hereditary nature of that island fief. Although surviving sources pertaining to Orkney tell us little about Erik VII’s motives, historians have traditionally pointed to circumstances in and around the isles to explain the king’s acknowledgement of William’s claims. In this article, it is argued that the events must be interpreted in light of a concurrent dispute over counts of Holstein’s hereditary claims to the duchy of Schleswig, which were vigorously denied by Erik VII. It can be concluded that the latter dispute influenced the debate over Orkney by making the hereditary enfeoffment of William Sinclair a strategic impossibility for Erik VII, who could not acknowledge one claim without opening the door for another. The king’s acquiescence of William’s claim in 1434, we contend, reflected changing conditions in Schleswig, where the king was forced to recognize the counts’ hereditary rights. The contribution offers a new take on Orkney’s late-medieval development and encourages that island principality’s inclusion in pan-Scandinavian events.
摘要1434年8月,丹麦、挪威和瑞典国王埃里克七世确认威廉·辛克莱为奥克尼伯爵,从而结束了长达十年的关于该岛封地世袭性质的争论。尽管与奥克尼有关的幸存消息来源几乎没有告诉我们埃里克七世的动机,但历史学家传统上会指出群岛内外的情况来解释国王对威廉主张的承认。在这篇文章中,有人认为,必须根据同时发生的关于荷尔斯泰因对石勒苏益格公爵领地的世袭主张的争议来解释这些事件,而埃里克七世极力否认了这些指控。可以得出的结论是,后一场争端影响了关于奥克尼的辩论,使威廉·辛克莱的世袭分封对埃里克七世来说在战略上是不可能的,因为他不能承认一种主张而不为另一种主张打开大门。我们认为,国王在1434年默许威廉的主张,反映了石勒苏益格不断变化的情况,国王被迫承认伯爵的世袭权利。这一贡献为奥克尼中世纪晚期的发展提供了新的视角,并鼓励该岛公国参与泛斯堪的纳维亚活动。
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引用次数: 0
The rise and fall of ‘propaganda’ as a positive concept: a digital reading of Swedish parliamentary records, 1867–2019 “宣传”作为一个积极概念的兴衰:瑞典议会记录的数字阅读,1867-2019
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2134202
Johan Jarlbrink, F. Norén
ABSTRACT Based on digital readings of all records from the Swedish parliament 1867–2019, we examine how the concept ‘propaganda’ was used in the debates. To track the concept, we have extracted word window co-occurrences, bigrams, and keywords. Research on the history of propaganda in liberal democracies has emphasized that the meaning of the concept was open-ended before WWI. By 1945, it had been contaminated by authoritarian propaganda, and its negative connotations were cemented at least by the 1960s. Our analysis, however, shows that ‘propaganda’ was used mainly in a negative sense from 1867 to 2019. Nevertheless, it was also possible to use ‘propaganda’ in a positive and neutral sense between the 1910s and 1980s. We suggest that a period of de-ideologization in Sweden post-WWII made it possible to use ‘propaganda’ as long as the issues were seen as non-controversial. The radicalization in the late-1960s meant that authorities and previously non-controversial issues became contested. To suggest one-directional ‘propaganda’ in order to implement what politicians had decided was in people’s best interest became difficult in this context. In this new communication setting, ‘information’ was a more flexible term in contexts where ‘propaganda’ had previously been used in a neutral or positive sense.
基于瑞典议会1867-2019年所有记录的数字读数,我们研究了“宣传”这个概念是如何在辩论中使用的。为了跟踪这个概念,我们提取了单词窗口共现、双元图和关键字。对自由民主国家宣传史的研究强调,在第一次世界大战之前,这个概念的含义是开放式的。到1945年,它已经被威权主义宣传所污染,至少到20世纪60年代,它的负面含义得到了巩固。然而,我们的分析表明,从1867年到2019年,“宣传”主要用于负面意义。然而,在20世纪10年代到80年代之间,也可以用积极和中立的意义来使用“宣传”。我们认为,二战后瑞典的一段去意识形态化时期,使得只要问题被视为无争议的,就有可能使用“宣传”。20世纪60年代末的激进化意味着当局和以前没有争议的问题变得有争议。在这种情况下,为了实现政客们所决定的符合人民最佳利益的东西,提出单向的“宣传”变得很困难。在这种新的传播环境中,“信息”是一个更灵活的术语,而“宣传”以前是在中立或积极的意义上使用的。
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引用次数: 2
From revolutionary paroles to democratic rhetoric: replacement of the political vocabulary within the Norwegian Labour Party in the interwar period 从革命戏仿到民主修辞:两次世界大战期间挪威工党内部政治词汇的替代
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2125435
K. Krake
ABSTRACT This article examines the Norwegian Labour Party’s political language in the interwar period to uncover the relationship of its contentious shifts in political strategy and rhetoric. This is done through a quantitative and qualitative empirical case study of Labour’s use of the two concepts, ‘revolution’ and ‘democracy’. The findings show that Labour’s change from a radical-left position to reformism was accompanied by gradual replacement of its rhetorical repertoire, most notably in that its revolutionary paroles were superseded by democratic rhetoric. The findings show also that the development towards reformism did not imply full endorsement of the established democratic system, but rather that a reformist stance was adopted with the objective of changing to a system of social and economic democracy. In its analysis of the Norwegian Labour Party’s rhetoric the article provides new insights, which help to explain changes to its strategies that have greatly puzzled historians. From a wider perspective, the article offers a nuanced understanding of Norwegian exceptionalism within the Nordic labour movement.
摘要本文考察了两次世界大战期间挪威工党的政治语言,以揭示其在政治策略和言论上有争议的转变之间的关系。这是通过对工党使用“革命”和“民主”两个概念的定量和定性实证案例研究来实现的。调查结果表明,工党从激进左翼立场向改革主义的转变伴随着其修辞手法的逐渐更替,最显著的是其革命性的模仿被民主修辞所取代。调查结果还表明,向改革主义的发展并不意味着完全赞同既定的民主制度,而是采取了改革主义立场,目的是转变为社会和经济民主制度。在对挪威工党言论的分析中,这篇文章提供了新的见解,有助于解释其策略的变化,这些变化让历史学家非常困惑。从更广泛的角度来看,这篇文章对北欧劳工运动中的挪威例外主义有着微妙的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Eastward and northward: a geographical conception of ‘Norðmannaland’ in Ohthere’s Voyage and its analogues in old Norse/Icelandic literature 向东和向北:Ohthere ' s Voyage中“noror & mannaland”的地理概念及其在古挪威/冰岛文学中的类似物
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2123036
Ben Allport
ABSTRACT The Old English account known as Ohthere’s Voyage preserves a ninth-century description of ‘Norðmannaland’ (the land of the Northmen) given by Ohthere, a sailor from northern Norway, at the court of Alfred the Great. In a little-discussed quirk of terminology, Ohthere’s description of the dimensions of Norðmannaland juxtaposes its north (OE norðeweard) with its east (OE easteweard), rather than its south. In this article, the phenomenon is compared with similar juxtapositions of east and north in Old Norse skaldic verses and sagas from the tenth to thirteenth centuries, demonstrating that this was not simply an error that crept in with the report’s transmission in an Old English context; instead, it is evidence of an Old Norse colloquialism which characterized northwestern Scandinavia in terms of its perceived northern and eastern extremities. This colloquialism is compared to similar geographical conceptions found in late- and post-medieval Norwegian texts, such as the division between nordafjells (north of the mountains) and sønnafjells (south of the mountains); however, it is concluded that the juxtaposition of east and north did not originate in the dividing line of Norway’s central mountain ranges, but in the shape of its southern coast.
摘要古英语中被称为“Ohthere’s Voyage”的记述保留了九世纪挪威北部水手Ohthere在阿尔弗雷德大帝的宫廷中对“Norğmannaland”(北方人的土地)的描述。在一个很少讨论的术语怪癖中,Ohthere对Norğmannaland维度的描述将其北部(OE Norğeward)与东部(OE Easteward)并置,而不是将其南部并置。在这篇文章中,将这一现象与十世纪至十三世纪古挪威斯堪的纳维亚诗歌和传说中类似的东方和北方并置进行了比较,表明这不仅仅是报告在古英语背景下传播时出现的错误;相反,它是古北欧口语的证据,该口语以斯堪的纳维亚西北部的北部和东部为特征。这种口语与中世纪晚期和中世纪后挪威文本中发现的类似地理概念进行了比较,例如nordafjells(山脉以北)和sønnafjell(山脉以南)之间的划分;然而,我们得出的结论是,东部和北部的并置并不是源于挪威中部山脉的分界线,而是源于其南部海岸的形状。
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引用次数: 0
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