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Looking for Nordic allies. The interest of the Kohl government in enlarging the European Community to the north 1985–1992 寻找北欧盟友。科尔政府在1985-1992年将欧洲共同体向北扩展的兴趣
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-06-10 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1938209
Marjo Uutela
ABSTRACT The reunification of Germany positioned the country back to its dominant place in the middle of Europe. Anchoring Germany in the European Community and deepening European integration became the guiding principles of the Chancellor of Germany, Helmut Kohl, who wanted to ease the suspicions related to the continuities of German foreign policy. The northern enlargement of the European Union belonged to this same dynamism. Even so, Mediterranean countries feared that the accession of the Nordic candidates to the organization would serve German interests. Despite the controversies, the support of the Kohl government for Finland, Norway and Sweden has not evoked scientific research. Based on archival sources in Berlin, this article analyses the northern dimension of Germany’s European policy. It argues that Bonn saw the Nordic countries as a building block in its eastern policy.
摘要德国的统一使德国重新回到了其在欧洲中部的主导地位。德国总理赫尔穆特·科尔(Helmut Kohl)的指导原则是将德国纳入欧洲共同体并深化欧洲一体化,他希望缓解与德国外交政策持续性有关的怀疑。欧洲联盟的北部扩张也属于这种动力。即便如此,地中海国家担心北欧候选国加入该组织将符合德国的利益。尽管存在争议,但科尔政府对芬兰、挪威和瑞典的支持并没有引起科学研究。本文以柏林的档案资料为基础,分析了德国欧洲政策的北方维度。它认为波恩将北欧国家视为其东方政策的基石。
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引用次数: 1
Independent women in 18th-century Iceland analysis of the economic status of poor peasant women 独立妇女在18世纪冰岛贫穷农妇的经济地位分析
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1911842
Guðný Hallgrímsdóttir
ABSTRACT More often than not, a broad-brush approach has been taken in describing the past, and large sectors of society have been portrayed on the basis of simple stereotypes rather than trying to reflect the lives of real people. This applies to the history of Icelandic peasant women, which has not been based in any real way on sources originating with the women themselves. Most writings from Iceland in the 18th and 19th century are by men, about men, and primarily embody the attitudes and interests of a small, privileged class. This research establishes that far more material exists on the lives and work of women in this period than was previously believed. However, many of these sources are fragmentary, and it can be hard to contextualize them. Guðbjörg Hallgrímsdóttir´s story provides an excellent opportunity to explore the diversity of women’s status in the society of past centuries by focussing primarily on the life of one woman and applying the methods of microhistory. The study reveals that the options for women to become independent or being a farmer were in some cases not so different from men’s during the period in question.
通常情况下,在描述过去时采取了一种笼统的方法,并且在简单的刻板印象的基础上描绘了社会的大部分,而不是试图反映真实的人们的生活。这适用于冰岛农妇的历史,这些历史并不是真正以妇女本身的资料为基础的。18世纪和19世纪冰岛的大多数作品都是男性写的,关于男性的,主要体现了一小部分特权阶级的态度和利益。这项研究表明,在这一时期,有关妇女生活和工作的资料比以前认为的要多得多。然而,这些来源中的许多都是零碎的,很难将它们置于背景中。Guðbjörg Hallgrímsdóttir的故事提供了一个极好的机会,通过主要关注一个女人的生活和应用微观历史的方法来探索过去几个世纪女性在社会地位的多样性。研究表明,在某些情况下,女性在独立或成为农民方面的选择与男性没有太大区别。
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引用次数: 2
Navigating an Orthodox conversion: community, environment, and religion on the Island of Ruhnu, 1866-7 引导正教皈依:鲁奴岛上的社区、环境和宗教,1866- 1867
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-05-13 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1921840
T. Tøllefsen, J. White
ABSTRACT Over the summer of 1866, the majority of the Swedish-speaking population on the Baltic island of Ruhnu (then part of the Russian Empire’s Livland province) sought conversion from Lutheranism to Russian Orthodoxy. Despite interest from the Russian secular and ecclesiastical authorities, however, the conversions did not take place. The islanders used the threat of conversion to leverage concessions from the Lutheran consistory: once achieved, the community lost any interest in pursuing Orthodoxy further. The following article analyses largely unknown sources from both Estonian and Swedish archives to show how the island’s social structure and peculiar geographical position conditioned its inhabitants’ religious choices, thereby providing insight into a previously unstudied instance of peasant agency in the Russian Empire and contributing to studies of that polity’s environmental, ethnic, and confessional diversity.
1866年夏天,波罗的海的鲁赫努岛(当时是俄罗斯帝国利夫兰省的一部分)上讲瑞典语的大多数人试图从路德教转变为俄罗斯东正教。然而,尽管俄罗斯世俗和教会当局很感兴趣,但皈依并没有发生。岛民们用皈依的威胁来迫使路德教会做出让步:一旦达成妥协,社区就失去了进一步追求东正教的兴趣。以下文章分析了爱沙尼亚和瑞典档案中大部分未知的资料,以展示该岛的社会结构和特殊的地理位置如何制约其居民的宗教选择,从而深入了解俄罗斯帝国以前未被研究的农民代理实例,并有助于研究该政体的环境,种族和信仰多样性。
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引用次数: 1
Danish visions of the Scandinavian union (1809–1810): a genealogy of the rhetoric and pragmatics of justification 丹麦对斯堪的纳维亚联盟的愿景(1809-1810):论证的修辞和语用学谱系
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1909126
E. Egorov
ABSTRACT Although nation and empire – as well as the organicist and universalist visions mirroring them – are usually put in opposition to each other, this article argues that the two can create synergistic alliances. The attempt of the Danish dynastic union proposal to Sweden in 1810 sheds light on the repertoire of rhetoric and arguments the state could harness to substantiate its potential to rule over diverse populations. First, the paper demonstrates how the trope of Scandinavian kinship was formulated in the Danish public debate during the transitional period, or what Koselleck calls Sattelzeit. Then, the article shows how this language was embedded into power relations and configured to reinforce the imperial aspirations of the Nordic amalgamation, meaning the fusion of the Scandinavian nations. The core sources I consult are the pamphlets published to advertise union-building and the documents stored in the folders of the Royal Archive in Copenhagen (Rigsarkivet).
摘要尽管国家和帝国,以及反映它们的有机主义和普遍主义愿景,通常是对立的,但本文认为,两者可以建立协同联盟。1810年,丹麦王朝联合提案向瑞典提出,这一尝试揭示了该国可以利用的一系列修辞和论点,以证明其统治不同人口的潜力。首先,本文展示了斯堪的纳维亚亲属关系的比喻是如何在过渡时期的丹麦公众辩论中形成的,或者科塞莱克所说的Sattelzeit。然后,文章展示了这种语言是如何嵌入权力关系中的,并被配置为强化北欧融合的帝国愿望,即斯堪的纳维亚民族的融合。我查阅的核心资料是为宣传工会大楼而出版的小册子,以及存放在哥本哈根皇家档案馆(Rigsarkivet)文件夹中的文件。
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引用次数: 0
Turning towards the inland sea? Swedish ’soft diplomacy‘ towards the Baltic Soviet republics before independence 转向内海?瑞典在独立前对波罗的海前苏联共和国的“软外交”
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1896576
T. Lundén
ABSTRACT The period of relative openness in the Soviet Union from the mid 1980s provided an opportunity for Sweden to establish contacts with the neighbouring Baltic Soviet republics. The political situation on both sides did not allow any direct diplomatic relations, and all endeavours had to be taken with utmost care. While modest at first, even programmatically so, these initiatives served to establish links with the independence movements in the Baltic republics. Besides the Local consular branch of the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) in Leningrad, often acting without clear instructions from Stockholm, the Swedish government preferred to channel its first contacts with the Baltic republics through its primary institution for cultural and public diplomacy, the Swedish Institute (SI), later supplanted in this role by the Swedish International Development Authority (SIDA). In their low profile, these activities can be analysed as early examples of the ‘soft diplomacy’ which have characterized later Baltic-Nordic ‘new regionalism.’. Drawing upon archival materials of the SI, the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and interviews with key actors, this article shows how Swedish outreach to the Baltic republics was probed by Swedish diplomacy under considerable uncertainty of the development in the Eastern Baltic Sea region.
从20世纪80年代中期开始,苏联相对开放的时期为瑞典与邻近的波罗的海苏联共和国建立联系提供了机会。双方的政治局势不允许建立任何直接的外交关系,必须极为谨慎地作出一切努力。虽然这些倡议起初并不大,甚至在方案上也是如此,但它们有助于与波罗的海各共和国的独立运动建立联系。除了瑞典外交部(MFA)在列宁格勒的当地领事分支机构(通常没有斯德哥尔摩的明确指示)之外,瑞典政府更倾向于通过其主要的文化和公共外交机构——瑞典研究所(SI)——与波罗的海共和国进行首次接触,该机构后来被瑞典国际开发署(SIDA)取代。在他们的低调中,这些活动可以被分析为“软外交”的早期例子,这是后来波罗的海-北欧“新地区主义”的特征。本文利用国家安全局、瑞典外交部(MFA)的档案资料和对主要参与者的采访,展示了在波罗的海东部地区发展的相当不确定的情况下,瑞典外交如何探索瑞典与波罗的海共和国的联系。
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引用次数: 1
Migrating women and transnational relations: Swedish-American connections since the 1920s 移民妇女与跨国关系:20世纪20年代以来的瑞典-美国关系
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1895305
Nevra Biltekin
ABSTRACT This article analyses the ways in which Swedish and Swedish-American women in the United States have maintained transnational connections with Sweden. Empirically, the article details the organizational profiles and activities of two associations: the American Daughters of Sweden, founded in 1926, and the Swedish Women’s Educational Association, formed in 1979. By studying the post-mass migration period, the article provides new insight into an era that has received little attention in Swedish-American scholarship. The study shows that women actively engaged in, and vigorously nurtured cultural, social and business-related contacts with Sweden. By establishing these transnational connections, women became prominent actors in upholding and redefining Swedish-American relations.
本文分析了在美国的瑞典和瑞典裔美国妇女与瑞典保持跨国联系的方式。根据经验,文章详细介绍了两个协会的组织概况和活动:1926年成立的瑞典美国女儿协会和1979年成立的瑞士妇女教育协会。通过研究后大规模移民时期,本文对瑞典裔美国人学术界很少关注的时代提供了新的见解。研究表明,妇女积极参与并大力培养与瑞典的文化、社会和商业相关的联系。通过建立这些跨国联系,妇女成为维护和重新定义瑞美关系的重要角色。
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引用次数: 0
‘Against the Law of God, of nature and the secular world’: conceptions of sovereignty in early colonial St. Thomas, 1672-1680 “违背上帝、自然和世俗的法则”:殖民地早期圣托马斯的主权概念,1672-1680
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1896575
R. K. Christensen
ABSTRACT This article examines conceptions of sovereignty in the Danish Caribbean colony of St. Thomas between 1672 and 1680. It focuses on the colony’s first governor, Jørgen Iversen, and his struggles to govern the colony on behalf of Denmark’s absolutist monarchy and the Danish West India and Guinea Company. Using insights from recent studies of sovereignty and power in colonial societies, the article explores how Iversen organized the colony’s legal system as a means of creating legitimate rule and as a way of transferring the sovereignty of the Danish monarch across the Atlantic. By demonstrating that colonization was a profoundly political project, the article challenges existing historiographical interpretations of early colonial rule that have mainly focused on the economics of Danish Atlantic expansion and the allegedly chaotic and unruly nature of St. Thomas’s colonial society. More generally, the article provides new insights into the study of sovereignty and authority in the formation of Caribbean colonial societies.
本文考察了1672年至1680年间丹麦加勒比殖民地圣托马斯的主权概念。它主要讲述了殖民地的第一任总督Jørgen Iversen,以及他代表丹麦的专制君主制和丹麦西印度和几内亚公司治理殖民地的斗争。利用最近对殖民地社会主权和权力的研究,本文探讨了艾弗森如何组织殖民地的法律体系,作为创造合法统治的手段,并作为一种将丹麦君主的主权转移到大西洋彼岸的方式。通过证明殖民是一个深刻的政治项目,文章挑战了现有的对早期殖民统治的史学解释,这些解释主要集中在丹麦大西洋扩张的经济学和圣托马斯殖民地社会的混乱和不守纪律的性质上。更广泛地说,这篇文章为研究加勒比殖民地社会形成过程中的主权和权威提供了新的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Political sociability at the Brahetrolleborg estate in Denmark, 1789-90 1789-90年丹麦Brahetroleborg庄园的政治社交
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1891132
Kristine Dyrmann
ABSTRACT The eighteenth-century country estate was a political space, and this was particularly true for the estate of Brahetrolleborg in 1780s and 1790s absolutist Denmark. This article explores the agency of Brahetrolleborg’s social hostess, Sybille Reventlow, and her sister, Charlotte Schimmelmann, focusing on the politically charged years of 1789–90 and the two women’s engagement in the political project of their court faction, the ‘reform circle’. Taking Elaine Chalus’ concept of ‘political sociability’ as my point of departure, I argue that the estate’s female head of household, Sybille Reventlow, managed people and social situations for political ends at Brahetrolleborg; receiving and entertaining school inspectors, members of the court and the royal family as guests at the manor. Sybille Reventlow’s correspondence shows that she cooperated with Charlotte Schimmelmann to suppress a petition from the peasants at Brahetrolleborg, calling on the Foreign Minister to stop the complaint. The concluding analysis demonstrates that Charlotte Schimmelmann, during one of her summer visits to Brahetrolleborg, discussed the composition of a new School Commission, and the funding of Brahetrolleborg’s schools, with Sybille Reventlow’s husband, Ludvig Reventlow, acting as an intermediary between her brother-in-law and her husband, the Finance Minister of the reform reign.
18世纪的乡村庄园是一个政治空间,尤其是1780年代和1790年代专制主义的丹麦的布拉赫特勒堡庄园。本文探讨了布拉赫特勒堡的社交女主人西比尔·雷文特罗和她的妹妹夏洛特·希梅尔曼的角色,重点关注1789-90年政治动荡的年代,以及这两位女性参与其宫廷派系的政治项目,即“改革圈”。以伊莱恩·查鲁斯的“政治社交能力”概念为出发点,我认为该庄园的女户主西比尔·雷文特罗(Sybille Reventlow)在布拉赫特勒堡管理人员和社交场合,以达到政治目的;接待和招待学校督察员、宫廷成员和王室成员作为庄园客人。西比尔·雷文特罗的信件显示,她与夏洛特·希梅尔曼合作,压制了布拉赫特勒堡农民要求外交部长停止申诉的请愿书。最后的分析表明,夏洛特·希梅尔曼(Charlotte Schimmelmann)在夏季访问布拉赫特勒堡期间,与西比尔·雷文特洛(Sybille Reventlow)的丈夫路德维格·雷文特洛(Ludvig Reventlow)讨论了新学校委员会的组成和布拉赫特勒堡学校的资金问题,后者是她姐夫和她丈夫(改革时期的财政部长)之间的中间人。
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引用次数: 0
‘Then we were ready to be radicals!’: school student activism in Finnish upper secondary schools in 1960–1967 “然后我们准备成为激进分子!”:1960-1967年芬兰高中学生运动
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-02-09 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1875871
Essi Jouhki
ABSTRACT In the Western countries, Scandinavia and Finland included, the legacy of the student movement of the 1960s has been extensive and established a fixed narrative of a radical movement. This article challenges the elitist and university-centred grand narrative and argues that the student movement was more multifaceted and mobilized young people of various ages and backgrounds. This is done by addressing the international student movement from the perspective of school-aged students in Finnish upper secondary schools, focusing on student activism carried out in school-sanctioned student associations. Above all, this article aims to distinguish the relatively unknown history of the Scandinavian school student movement.
摘要在包括斯堪的纳维亚和芬兰在内的西方国家,20世纪60年代学生运动的遗产是广泛的,并建立了一个固定的激进运动叙事。这篇文章挑战了精英主义和以大学为中心的宏大叙事,并认为学生运动更具多面性,动员了不同年龄和背景的年轻人。这是通过从芬兰高中学龄学生的角度处理国际学生运动来实现的,重点是在学校批准的学生协会中开展的学生活动。最重要的是,本文旨在区分斯堪的纳维亚学校学生运动相对不为人知的历史。
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引用次数: 3
The Swedish Defence Research Establishment (FOA) and the influence of historical knowledge on Swedish civil resistance policy 瑞典国防研究机构(FOA)和历史知识对瑞典民间抵抗政策的影响
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-27 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2021.1880474
F. Bertilsson
ABSTRACT Swedish defence research played a significant part in the development of the Swedish Total Defence. This article seeks to modify the bias of previous historical studies of the Swedish National Defence Research Establishment (FOA) that has been focusing on the natural sciences, technology, industrial relationships, and the development of weapons system. The article explores the use of knowledge that is commonly associated with the humanities. More specifically, it examines the use and impact of historical knowledge in relation to the efforts of establishing a Swedish civil resistance policy between the early 1970s and the early 1990s. However, instrumental advice could not be developed based on knowledge about the past. Historical knowledge rather supported conceptual development and learning. It was part of public information campaigns and the education of civil servants. It also addressed central security and defence objectives of the Swedish government. The engagement with civil resistance provided FOA with an additional arena for influencing policy that would potentially concern a large part of the Swedish population.
瑞典国防研究在瑞典全面防御的发展过程中发挥了重要作用。本文试图改变瑞典国防研究机构(FOA)以前的历史研究的偏见,这些研究一直专注于自然科学、技术、工业关系和武器系统的发展。这篇文章探讨了通常与人文学科相关的知识的使用。更具体地说,它考察了历史知识在20世纪70年代初至90年代初建立瑞典民间抵抗政策方面的使用和影响。然而,工具性建议不能建立在对过去的了解的基础上。历史知识有助于概念的发展和学习。这是公共宣传运动和公务员教育的一部分。它还谈到了瑞典政府的中央安全和国防目标。与民间抵抗的接触为FOA提供了一个额外的舞台来影响可能涉及瑞典大部分人口的政策。
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引用次数: 1
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SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF HISTORY
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