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”Alcohol is Humanity’s enemy!” Propaganda Posters and the 1922 Swedish Prohibition Referendum “酒精是人类的敌人!”宣传海报和1922年瑞典禁酒令公投
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2123037
L. O’Hagan
ABSTRACT In the early twentieth century, intense public debate was taking place in Sweden around the control of alcohol consumption. Under intense pressure from the growing temperance movement, the Swedish government passed a motion to hold a referendum on 27 August 1922 to determine whether a total prohibition of alcohol should be implemented. One of the most important means of influencing public opinions was the propaganda poster, which relied on simple pictures, catchy slogans and bright colours to domesticate the prohibition debate and make it easily digestible. This paper conducts a study of the posters produced by the ‘yes’ and ‘no’ campaigns during the lead-up to the referendum. It finds that, despite their opposing arguments, both sides used similar arguments based around the breakdown of family life and the breakdown of Swedish society, depicting an imagined present or future in which Sweden was lawless and traditional values were threatened. Furthermore, both sides stirred up class warfare, creating conflict between the Swedish people and the government, and depicting alcoholism as a predominantly male, working-class problem. Overall, it argues that the ‘no’ campaign posters were ultimately more successful because of their ability to play on voters’ emotions rather than use rational arguments.
摘要二十世纪初,瑞典围绕控制饮酒展开了激烈的公众辩论。在日益增长的禁酒运动的巨大压力下,瑞典政府于1922年8月27日通过了一项动议,举行全民公投,以确定是否应该实施全面禁酒。影响公众舆论的最重要手段之一是宣传海报,它依靠简单的图片、朗朗上口的口号和鲜艳的颜色来将禁令辩论本土化,并使其易于理解。本文对公投前“赞成”和“反对”运动制作的海报进行了研究。调查发现,尽管双方的论点相反,但双方都使用了基于家庭生活崩溃和瑞典社会崩溃的类似论点,描绘了瑞典无法无天、传统价值观受到威胁的想象中的现在或未来。此外,双方都挑起了阶级战争,在瑞典人民和政府之间制造了冲突,并将酗酒描述为一个以男性为主的工人阶级问题。总的来说,它认为“反对”的竞选海报最终更成功,因为它们能够利用选民的情绪,而不是使用理性的论据。
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引用次数: 2
Correction Notice 调整通知
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2122305
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引用次数: 0
Correction Notice 调整通知
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2122306
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引用次数: 0
Modelizing the Nordics: Transdiscursive Migrations of Nordic Models, c. 1965-2020 北欧模式化:北欧模式的话语迁移,约1965-2020年
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2083225
Byron Z. Rom-Jensen, Andreas Mørkved Hellenes, M. Hilson, Carl Marklund
ABSTRACT This article examines the intertwined circulation of multiple kinds of Nordic models. We seek to understand how modelization of the region occurred at multiple levels and in disparate fields, in other words how different aspects of Nordic policies and politics came to be understood as worthy of interest and at times of emulation. In doing so, we aim to contribute to the critical scholarship on the Nordic model concept, exploring how it has been changed and contested over time, the contexts in which it circulates and why it has generated interest. Methodologically, we use digital tools to analyse scholarly literature in different disciplines published between 1965 and 2019. In focusing on intellectual constructions of the Nordic model, we locate academia as a crucial field for the development of the Nordic model concept, but one that is in communication with and integrates typologies developed in other fields. Following a brief discussion of the model concept, we assess intensifications and critical junctures in the modelization of the Nordics through wordclouds. Second, we demonstrate the variety of such modelizations through case studies. Third, we conclude by pointing to the rhetorical and heuristic effects of such modelizations.
摘要本文考察了多种北欧模式的交织循环。我们试图了解该地区的模式化是如何在多个层面和不同领域发生的,换句话说,北欧政策和政治的不同方面是如何被理解为值得关注和效仿的。在这样做的过程中,我们的目标是为北欧模式概念的批判性学术做出贡献,探索它是如何随着时间的推移而改变和争论的,它在什么样的环境中传播,以及它为什么会引起人们的兴趣。在方法上,我们使用数字工具分析1965年至2019年间发表的不同学科的学术文献。在关注北欧模式的智力建构时,我们将学术界定位为北欧模式概念发展的一个关键领域,但它与其他领域发展的类型学进行了交流和整合。在简要讨论了模型概念后,我们通过wordclouds评估了北欧人模型化的内涵和关键节点。其次,我们通过案例研究展示了这种建模的多样性。第三,我们最后指出了这种建模的修辞和启发式效果。
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引用次数: 2
Threats and Euphemisms: the Antisemitic Propaganda of Nasjonal Samling during the Summer and Autumn of 1942 威胁与委婉语:1942年夏秋纳斯约纳尔·桑林的反犹太主义宣传
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2097946
Kjetil Braut Simonsen
ABSTRACT This article analyses the antisemitic propaganda disseminated by the Norwegian National Socialist Party, Nasjonal Samling (NS), from July to the end of December 1942. At that time, the anti-Jewish policy in Nazi-occupied Norway reached its culmination point, with mass arrests and deportations to Auschwitz–Birkenau. This article analyses how the image of ‘the Jew’ was constructed and communicated by the NS leadership and in the party press. Furthermore, it explores the extent to which the propaganda contained general and specific threats against the Jewish minority in Norway. A general conclusion is that the NS, at this stage, promoted an intense and aggressive antisemitism. ‘The Jew’ was represented as the incarnation of evil and the wire-puller behind all enemies of the Axis. The party also transmitted a clear message to the German occupation authority that they wanted – and were willing to participate in – radical anti-Jewish actions. Moreover, after 26 November 1942, the NS leadership and official party publications also defended the deportations as necessary for Norwegians’ self-protection. Consequently, this article emphasizes the co-responsibility of the party in the Holocaust.
摘要本文分析了1942年7月至12月底挪威国家社会党(NS)的反犹太主义宣传活动。当时,纳粹占领的挪威的反犹太政策达到了顶点,大规模逮捕并驱逐到奥斯威辛-比克瑙。本文分析了“犹太人”的形象是如何由NS领导层和政党媒体构建和传播的。此外,它还探讨了宣传在多大程度上包含了针对挪威犹太少数民族的一般和具体威胁。一个普遍的结论是,在这个阶段,NS提倡了一种强烈而激进的反犹太主义犹太人被描绘成邪恶的化身和轴心国所有敌人背后的拉线者。该党还向德国占领当局传递了一个明确的信息,即他们希望并愿意参与激进的反犹太行动。此外,1942年11月26日之后,挪威国家党领导层和官方政党出版物也为驱逐挪威人辩护,认为这是挪威人自我保护所必需的。因此,本文强调大屠杀一方的共同责任。
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引用次数: 1
Bound in captivity: intersections of viking raiding, slaving, and settlement in Western Europe during the ninth century CE 囚禁:公元9世纪维京人在西欧掠夺、奴役和定居的交叉点
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-29 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2091017
Ben Raffield
ABSTRACT The Viking Age (c. 750–1050 CE) was a time of extensive upheaval and disruption across the northern world. From the late eighth century, historical sources indicate that viking groups were engaging in both short-term and extended campaigns of raiding and plunder. In addition to seeking portable wealth and commodities, it is apparent that raiders also sought captives, many of whom were taken and held in encampments where they were ransomed, exploited, or sold into slavery. While these sites served an important function as defensive strongholds and staging posts for viking raiding activity, recent studies have demonstrated that they were also militarized centres of production and exchange that, in some cases, became nodal marketplaces that were embedded within both regional and long-distance networks of communication and trade. Focusing in particular on the ninth century, this study will examine the ways in which captive-taking and slaving intersected with the emergence and development of these locales, as well as the role of these activities in shaping wider processes of communication, diplomacy, and cross-cultural interaction within landscapes of conflict and settlement.
维京时代(公元750-1050年)是一个北方世界动荡不安的时代。从八世纪晚期开始,历史资料表明维京人组织参与了短期和长期的袭击和掠夺活动。除了寻找可携带的财富和商品,很明显,劫掠者还寻找俘虏,其中许多人被带走并关押在营地,在那里他们被勒索、剥削或卖为奴隶。虽然这些遗址作为防御据点和海盗袭击活动的中转站发挥了重要作用,但最近的研究表明,它们也是军事化的生产和交换中心,在某些情况下,它们成为嵌入区域和长途通信和贸易网络的节点市场。本研究将特别关注九世纪,研究俘虏和奴役与这些地区的出现和发展的交叉方式,以及这些活动在塑造更广泛的交流、外交和冲突与解决景观中的跨文化互动过程中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Henning Fonsmark and the reformulation of Danish democracy in the 1990s 亨宁·福斯马克和20世纪90年代丹麦民主的重塑
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2086170
Jesper Vestermark Køber
ABSTRACT This article uses the editor and public intellectual Henning Fonsmark as a prism through which to explore critiques of democracy in late twentieth-century Denmark. It shows how Fonsmark innovatively combined criticism of the welfare state with opposition to the left-wing dominance in the fields of culture and education and the left’s conception of democracy as a way of life. After describing Fonsmark’s contribution to criticism of the welfare state from the 1970s onwards, the article argues that an important part of Fonsmark’s legacy was his construction of a concept of democracy that ran counter to the social democratic understanding of democracy as pitting the people against the elite. Moreover, the article stresses that, in interpreting the ideological takeover of the Danish welfare state by the left, Fonsmark helped to mobilize opposition to the allegedly cultural and educational hegemony of the left, which was to become an important element of the Danish right’s culture wars at the end of the twentieth century.
摘要本文以编辑兼公共知识分子Henning Fonsmark为棱镜,探讨20世纪末丹麦对民主的批评。它展示了Fonsmark如何创新地将对福利国家的批评与反对左翼在文化和教育领域的主导地位以及左翼将民主视为一种生活方式的观念结合起来。在描述了Fonsmark从20世纪70年代起对福利国家的批评后,文章认为,Fonsmark遗产的一个重要部分是他构建了一个民主概念,这与社会民主对民主的理解背道而驰,即人民与精英对立。此外,文章强调,在解释左翼对丹麦福利国家的意识形态接管时,Fonsmark帮助动员了对所谓左翼文化和教育霸权的反对,这将成为20世纪末丹麦右翼文化战争的一个重要因素。
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引用次数: 1
In Defence of Danish Writers. The Daily Workings of the Press Bureau; or the Struggle for Sovereignty, 1940–1943 为丹麦作家辩护。新闻局的日常工作;或1940年至1943年的主权斗争
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2084156
T. Andersen
ABSTRACT This article investigates the way in which cultural censorship was practiced in Nazi-occupied Denmark, focusing on the Danish Press Bureau’s censorship of books in the period 1940–1943. From April 1940 to August 1943, the explicit German acceptance of Denmark as an independent state constituted a certain degree of internal sovereignty; often referred to as the illusion of sovereignty in Danish historiography. On the basis of new empirical studies and records of the Press Bureau, and with particular emphasis on two significant cases, this article argues that this illusion of sovereignty had an impact on the Danish administration of censorship, and it demonstrates the importance within the Press Bureau of maintaining the outward show of sovereignty. The article reveals that the formal political setting of the occupation had real administrative implications in negotiating with the German occupier in the sense that Danish authorities within the Press Bureau to some extent acted autonomously and even challenged direct German orders in relation to censorship. In doing so, the Press Bureau succeeded in defending Danish writers against further German pressures in some cases, which adds new insights regarding the peculiar form of political sovereignty that was constituted in Denmark.
本文以1940-1943年期间丹麦新闻局对图书的审查为研究对象,考察了纳粹占领时期丹麦文化审查制度的实施方式。从1940年4月到1943年8月,德国明确承认丹麦是一个独立的国家,这构成了一定程度的内部主权;在丹麦史学中通常被称为主权幻觉。在新的实证研究和新闻局记录的基础上,并特别强调两个重要的案例,本文认为,这种主权幻觉对丹麦的审查管理产生了影响,并证明了在新闻局内部保持主权的外在表现的重要性。文章揭示,占领的正式政治背景在与德国占领者谈判时具有真正的行政影响,因为新闻局内的丹麦当局在某种程度上自主行事,甚至在审查方面挑战德国的直接命令。在这样做的过程中,新闻局在某些情况下成功地保护了丹麦作家免受德国的进一步压力,这使人们对丹麦形成的政治主权的特殊形式有了新的认识。
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引用次数: 0
SERVANTS AS CREDITORS: NAVIGATING THE MORAL ECONOMY OF AN EARLY MODERN ARISTOCRATIC HOUSEHOLD 作为债权人的仆人:驾驭现代早期贵族家庭的道德经济
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2074096
A. Hammar, Svante Norrhem
ABSTRACT In this article, we argue that servants working for Count Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie (1622–1686) were part of an intricate system of economic and social dependencies. Focusing on the indebtedness of the aristocracy to its workers, we examine how deferred payment of wages opened up for negotiations between servant and master, and suggest that servants became de facto creditors to their master. In a moral economy built on trust, credit and the idea of aristocratic paternalism, servants negotiated arrangements for the future, keeping close track of what was owed them or their spouses in deferred payments. From an investigation of over six hundred petitions, written from people in the lower strata of servants, including, among others, milkmaids, gardeners, stable boys, bird-catchers, lackeys, jesters, and wet nurses, and from which we have chosen to exclude high ranking employees such as bailiffs or chaplains, we showcase the strategies available to people on the margins of society. The arrangements suggested by petitioners show a surprising amount of detailed consideration, at the same time appealing to Christian compassion, paternalistic concerns and a sense of reciprocity between master and servant, thereby both confirming and using hierarchies and asymmetrical power relations to secure advantages.
在这篇文章中,我们认为为马格努斯·加布里埃尔·德拉·加迪伯爵(1622-1686)工作的仆人是一个复杂的经济和社会依赖系统的一部分。聚焦于贵族对工人的债务,我们研究了延迟支付工资如何开启了仆人和主人之间的谈判,并提出仆人成为他们主人事实上的债权人。在一个建立在信任、信用和贵族家长式思想基础上的道德经济中,仆人们协商未来的安排,密切跟踪欠他们或他们配偶的延期付款。通过对600多份请愿书的调查,我们展示了社会边缘人群可用的策略,这些请愿书来自底层的仆人,其中包括挤奶女工、园丁、马夫、捕鸟人、仆人、小丑和奶母,我们选择了排除法警或牧师等高级雇员。请愿者提出的安排显示出惊人的详细考虑,同时呼吁基督徒的同情,家长式的关注和主人和仆人之间的互惠感,从而确认和利用等级制度和不对称的权力关系来确保优势。
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引用次数: 1
Making a model: the 1974 Nordic Environmental Protection Convention and Nordic attempts to form international environmental law 树立典范:1974年北欧环境保护公约与北欧形成国际环境法的尝试
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1080/03468755.2022.2069151
Melina Antonia Buns
ABSTRACT This article investigates the 1974 Nordic Environmental Protection Convention. It shows that the ulterior motives for such a convention were Nordic ambitions to regulate and reduce transboundary pollution originating outside of the Nordic region. Emphasizing the inter-organizational dynamics between institutionalized Nordic cooperation and international organizations, it examines how the Nordics drew on developments within international organizations and how they pursued their agenda of shaping international environmental law within the OECD. Ultimately, the article argues that the Nordic countries tried to create a model convention to be exported to and implemented at the international level with the aim of reducing transboundary pollution and establishing transnational responsibilities and accountabilities. By setting out this argument and shedding light on the first legally binding international convention to address transboundary pollution with procedural principles, the article breaks new ground on the history of Nordic environmental cooperation as well as on the development of international environmental law.
摘要本文调查了1974年《北欧环境保护公约》。这表明,制定这样一项公约的不可告人的动机是北欧国家想要管制和减少源自北欧区域以外的跨界污染。报告强调了制度化的北欧合作与国际组织之间的组织间动态,审查了北欧国家如何利用国际组织内部的发展,以及它们如何在经合组织内推行其制定国际环境法的议程。文章最后指出,北欧国家试图制定一项示范公约,出口到国际一级并在国际一级实施,目的是减少跨界污染,确立跨国责任和问责。该条阐述了这一论点,并阐明了第一个以程序原则处理跨界污染问题的具有法律约束力的国际公约,为北欧环境合作的历史以及国际环境法的发展开辟了新的天地。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF HISTORY
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