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"Hands Up! Don't Shoot! We Want Summer Camp!": Orthodox Jewry in the Age of COVID-19 and Black Lives Matter “举起手来!不要开枪!我们要夏令营!:新冠肺炎时代的正统犹太人和黑人的生命也很重要
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.12
Joshua Shanes
In his classic formulation, Charles Liebman distinguished these camps by differentiating between Orthodoxy as a religion (or "church") and Orthodoxy as a sect 1 Recent scholarship by people like Samuel Heilman and especially Adam Ferziger has demonstrated how these divisions are collapsing, however, as Modern Orthodoxy "slides to the Right" (in Heilman's words) and ultra-Orthodoxy more confidently engages with broader society, focusing less on delegitimizing other Jewish denominations and more on policing its own borders-for example, denying the legitimacy of groups like the Open Orthodox (a ritually progressive Orthodox movement founded by Rabbi Avi Weiss) and fighting against the acceptance of gay partnerships or female clerical leaders 2 While Modern-Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox religious differences over ritual stringency and social integration are indeed collapsing as the movements increasingly pull towards each other, as Heilman and Ferziger describe, there is a broader yet less often discussed factor uniting the two groups as well: a new shared value that transcends their remaining religious differences Over the past few decades, Orthodox Jews have increasingly coalesced around an ethno-nationalist identity that embraces the political Right and its ultra-nationalist worldview-both in America and in Israel-as a religious foundation united against the threat of the cultural Left 3 This constitutes a break with the historical position of American Orthodox organizations since the 1950s and 60s, which were by-andlarge Democratic or, in other cases, expressly apolitical, especially on a national level [ ]the Modern wing of Orthodoxy-for whom respect for science and civic duty represent important values-quickly accepted the growing scientific consensus and government directives that synagogue services, celebrations, funerals, and other mass gatherings must immediately stop [ ]the Black Lives Matter protests exposed continued differences between the Modern Orthodox and Haredi communities
在他的经典表述中,查尔斯·利伯曼通过区分作为宗教(或“教会”)的东正教和作为教派的东正教来区分这些阵营。最近,塞缪尔·海尔曼(Samuel Heilman),尤其是亚当·费齐格(Adam Ferziger)等人的学术研究表明,随着现代东正教“向右滑动”(用海尔曼的话来说)和极端东正教更自信地与更广泛的社会接触,这些分裂是如何崩溃的。不太关注其他犹太教派的非法化,而更多地关注管理自己的边界——例如,否认开放东正教(由拉比·阿维·韦斯创立的一种仪式进步的东正教运动)等团体的合法性,反对接受同性恋伴侣关系或女性神职领袖,而现代正统派和极端正统派在仪式严格性和社会融合方面的宗教分歧确实在崩溃,正如海尔曼和弗齐格所描述的那样,随着这些运动日益相互靠拢,还有一个更广泛但很少被讨论的因素将这两个群体联系在一起:在过去的几十年里,无论是在美国还是在以色列,正统派犹太人都越来越多地围绕着一种民族主义认同而联合起来,这种认同包括了政治右翼及其极端民族主义世界观,作为一个联合起来反对文化左翼威胁的宗教基础。这与20世纪50年代和60年代以来美国正统派组织的历史地位形成了决裂。他们大都是民主党人,或者在其他情况下,明确地不关心政治,特别是在国家层面上[],正统派的现代派——对他们来说,尊重科学和公民义务代表着重要的价值观——迅速接受了日益增长的科学共识和政府指令,犹太教堂服务、庆祝活动、葬礼和其他大规模集会必须立即停止[],黑人的命也是命抗议暴露了现代正统派和正统派社区之间的持续差异
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引用次数: 0
Learning from Disasters Past: The Case of an Early Seventeenth-Century Plague in Northern Italy and Beyond 从过去的灾难中吸取教训:以17世纪初意大利北部及其他地区的瘟疫为例
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.05
D. Bell
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引用次数: 0
Jewish Healers and Yellow Fever in the Eighteenth-Century Americas 18世纪美洲的犹太治疗师和黄热病
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.07
Laura Leibman
The first American epidemic of the disease was in 1648 in Mexico City 8 The same year, the Inquisition "uncovered" what its representatives called la complicidad grande (the great conspiracy) of the city's conversos and began to dissolve the "main network" of crypto-Jews 9 As both Jewish communities and the slave trade became entrenched in the West Indies, so too did the virus 10 By 1668, yellow fever arrived in New York City, just 42 years after the first enslaved Africans and 14 years after the first Jews stepped foot there 11 For each of the Jewish individuals whose lives I explore here, slavery and the triangle trade undergirded their legacies [ ]the triangle trade, its mosquito fellow-travelers, and, hence, yellow fever continued to flourish 12 As with earlier pandemics, Jews often became entwined in the imaginations of white Christians with the spread of the virus 13 Yet, the very wandering that made Jews suspect also made them invaluable as practitioners of medicine and other healing arts Portuguese Jews (members of the so-called nation, or nacâo) in the Atlantic World prided themselves on being cosmopolitan, and Nassy's healing techniques as a doctor benefited from the fact that members of the nacâo often saw no contradiction between secular knowledge and religious practice 21 Although later historians have sometimes assumed that Nassy's choice to write in French meant he was French himself, his linguistic choice instead signaled both his erudition and the international audience to which he aspired 22 An autodidact, Nassy is known to have had an extraordinary library of 433 books that included a wide range of medical tomes in Spanish, Dutch, French, Latin, Italian, German, Portuguese, and Hebrew 23 He owned not only several books on pharmacology and general medicine but also on surgery, venereal disease, onanism, and illnesses common to the Caribbean 24 It was this latter subject, along with Nassy's own life experiences in Suriname, that set him apart from local Philadelphian doctors after he migrated north According to his own account, Nassy had great success: of the more than 160 patients he attended to during the 1793 fever season, he "had the misfortune to lose 19
这种疾病在美国的第一次流行是在1648年的墨西哥城。同年,宗教裁判所“揭露”了该市皈依者的“大阴谋”,并开始瓦解秘密犹太人的“主要网络”。随着犹太社区和奴隶贸易在西印度群岛变得根深蒂固,这种病毒也变得根深蒂固。就在第一批被奴役的非洲人42年之后,第一批犹太人踏上非洲大陆14年之后,11对于我在这里探讨的每一个犹太人来说,奴隶制和三角贸易巩固了他们的遗产[]三角贸易,与之同行的蚊子,因此,黄热病继续肆虐12正如早期的流行病一样,在白人基督徒的想象中,犹太人经常与病毒的传播纠缠在一起13然而,正是这种漂泊让犹太人产生了怀疑,也让他们成为医学和其他治疗艺术的实践者,成为无价的。大西洋世界的葡萄牙犹太人(所谓的nac民族的成员)以自己的世界主义而自豪,作为一名医生,纳西的治疗技术得益于nacasso的成员经常不认为世俗知识和宗教实践之间存在矛盾。尽管后来的历史学家有时认为,纳西选择用法语写作意味着他自己就是法国人,但他的语言选择表明了他的博学和他所渴望的国际读者。众所周知,纳西拥有一个非凡的图书馆,收藏了433本书,其中包括西班牙语、荷兰语、法语、拉丁语、意大利语、德语、葡萄牙语和希伯来语的医学大部头。他不仅有几本关于药理学和普通医学的书,还有关于外科、性病、梅毒和加勒比地区常见疾病的书。根据纳西自己的描述,他取得了巨大的成功:在1793年的发烧季节,他治疗了160多名病人,其中“不幸失去了19名”
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引用次数: 1
COVID-19 and the Theological Challenge of the Arbitrary 新冠肺炎与专制主义的神学挑战
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.03
S. Magid
Famines constitute a good portion of the mishnaic tractate Ta'anit, and are viewed in the Mishnah largely as a divine punishment [ ]the Mishnah mandates fasting and repentance to nullify the decree [ ]these phenomena fit neatly into a world where God intervenes in nature to achieve certain ends 5 Plagues as described in the Babylonian Talmud, however, seem to suggest something different By contrast, if there is peace and quiet in the city, do not walk on the sides of the road, as, since the angel of death does not have permission to kill within the city, he hides himself and walks on the side of the road 13 In Rabbi Bezalel Ashkenazi's (1520-92) Shitah Me-kubetset (Gathered Interpretation) to Baba Kama 60b we read the following: When there is a plague in the city, a person should not enter the synagogue alone because the angel of death places
饥荒构成好的部分mishnaic论文Ta 'anit,并认为在密西拿很大程度上是一个神圣的惩罚[]密西拿规定禁食和悔改,叫法令[]这些现象巧妙地整合到一个世界,上帝干涉自然达到某些目的5瘟疫巴比伦法典中描述,然而,相比之下,似乎表明不同的东西如果有和平和安静,不走的路,,因为死亡天使没有在城中杀人的许可,他隐藏自己,走在路边13在拉比比撒列·阿什克纳兹(1520-92)的Shitah Me-kubetset(聚集解释)给Baba Kama 60b中,我们读到以下内容:当城市有瘟疫时,一个人不应该单独进入犹太教堂,因为死亡天使在那里
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引用次数: 0
The Pandemic, Antisemitism, and the Lachrymose Conception of Jewish History 大流行病、反犹太主义与犹太历史的Lachrymose观念
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.02
M. Teter
Brian Schrauger, in The Jerusalem Post, discussed Jews being "slaughtered," "murdered," "bludgeoned to death, herded into houses to be burned alive en masse, stripped naked and marched to a collective massacre," before asking "Could COVID-19 ignite an outbreak of antisemitism?"6 Dan Freedman, in Moment Magazine, sought to explain "why Jews were blamed for the Black Death";doing so, he too repeated the language of persecution by highlighting "episodes of violence," "slaughter," "burning," "torture," and more 7 Although Freedman did not answer the question asked, the answer seems implicit in the vocabulary he employed [ ]it may do the opposite;it may encourage hatred and violence as evidenced by the fact that some of the perpetrators of anti-Jewish attacks today have been known to have Googled questions like, for example, "Why Did Hitler Hate Jews?"10 The current popular writing about American Jews in the era of the pandemic (and Trump) feels eerily like Leidensgeschichte (the history of suffering), but without the Gelehrtengeschichte (the history of learning) that was equally a hallmark of much nineteenth-century Jewish historiography In his piece, Roth challenged the idea that all violence from which Jews suffered was automatically antisemitic 17 Episodes of "Jewish martyrdom," Roth argued, were very often episodes of "general history," with Jews caught in bigger events 18 A few years later, Roth published his popular A Short History of the Jewish People, in which he declared his desire "to break with" earlier Jewish historiography that tended to overstress "the traditional tale of woe [ ]both authors explicitly or implicitly used their scholarship to combat antisemitism, in part by expanding the existing understanding of what Jewish life and experience had been like in the past 21 Both Baron and Roth, in different ways, strove
《耶路撒冷邮报》(The Jerusalem Post)的布莱恩·施劳格(Brian Schrauger)讨论了犹太人被“屠杀”、“谋杀”、“用大棍打死,被赶进房子集体活活烧死,被扒光衣服,然后被带到集体屠杀现场”,然后问道:“新冠病毒会引发反犹太主义爆发吗?”丹·弗里德曼(Dan Freedman)在《时刻》杂志上试图解释“为什么犹太人要为黑死病负责”;这样做时,他也重复了迫害的语言,强调“暴力事件”、“屠杀”、“焚烧”、“折磨”,尽管弗里德曼没有回答所提出的问题,但答案似乎隐含在他使用的词汇中。[]它可能会起到相反的作用,它可能会鼓励仇恨和暴力,事实证明,今天一些反犹太人袭击的肇事者曾在谷歌上搜索过这样的问题,例如,“希特勒为什么仇恨犹太人?”目前流行的关于大流行时期美国犹太人(和特朗普)的写作怪异地像《苦难的历史》(Leidensgeschichte),但没有《学习的历史》(Gelehrtengeschichte),而后者同样是19世纪犹太史学的一个标志。在他的文章中,罗斯质疑犹太人遭受的所有暴力都是自动反犹太主义的观点。与犹太人在大事件18几年之后,罗斯发表了他的受欢迎的一个简短的犹太人的历史,他宣布他希望”与“犹太史学早些时候,往往过分强调“传统的悲哀故事[]两位作者显式或隐式地使用他们的奖学金战斗反犹主义,在一定程度上通过扩大现有的了解犹太人的生活和经验已经在过去21男爵和罗斯一样,以不同的方式,努力
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引用次数: 2
Writing Against Loss: Moroccan Jewish Book Culture in a Time of Disaster 写作对抗失落:灾难时期的摩洛哥犹太图书文化
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.08
Yigal S. Nizri
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引用次数: 1
Israel's Shaar Ha'aliya Camp through the Lens of COVID-19: Does the History of Quarantine Matter? 新冠肺炎镜头下的以色列Shaar Ha’aliya营地:隔离的历史重要吗?
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.10
Rhona D Seidelman
Immigrants and Disease at Israel's Gate, I explore the problems with the public health defense of Shaar Ha'aliya's enclosure 4 I focus on the evident contradiction in the fact that neither the barbed wire fence nor the police guard actually prevented people from coming in and out of the camp "5 Moreover, the main ailments found and tracked in Shaar Ha'aliya were trachoma, tuberculosis, syphilis, head lice, and scabies 6 None of these were deemed "quarantinable" in Israel at the time 7 The Shaar Ha'aliya administration knew that the breaches were a regular occurrence, but they did not see them as evidence that the quarantine was failing nor that the barbed wire fence and police should be removed The English word quarantine is derived from quaranta the Italian word for 40 8 In public health policy today, there is a notable distinction between quarantine and isolation Quarantine is the time when someone who has potentially been exposed to a communicable disease is kept isolated for a period of observation to see whether symptoms of disease actually do develop 9 In some cases, quarantine is imposed to protect a person who is already sick, as a measure to protect a weak immune system from the dangers of other infection
移民和疾病在以色列的大门,我探讨了Shaar Ha'aliya围栏的公共卫生防御问题,我关注的是一个明显的矛盾,即铁丝网和警察警卫实际上都没有阻止人们进出营地。”5此外,在Shaar Ha'aliya发现和追踪的主要疾病是沙眼,结核病,梅毒,头虱,在当时的以色列,这些疾病都不被认为是“可检疫的”。Shaar Ha'aliya政府知道这些违规行为是经常发生的,但他们并不认为这是检疫失败的证据,也不认为应该撤除带刺的铁丝网和警察。隔离是指将可能接触到某种传染病的人隔离一段时间,观察疾病的症状是否真的出现。在某些情况下,隔离是为了保护已经患病的人,作为保护脆弱的免疫系统免受其他感染危险的一种措施
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引用次数: 0
Flashbacks and Foreshadows at the Ends of Empire: Lessons from the Periphery to a Collapsing Center 帝国末期的闪回和阴影:从边缘到崩溃中心的教训
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.26.1.13
E. Dean-Olmsted
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引用次数: 0
The Façade of Hebraism: Aharon Reuveni and the Search for Monolingualism 希伯来语的表象:阿哈隆·鲁韦尼与对单语言主义的探索
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-07-21 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.25.3.03
Yaakov Herskovitz
Abstract:This article examines Aharon Reuveni's practice of self-translation between Yiddish and Hebrew in his World War I trilogy Ad Yerushalayim (To Jerusalem, 1919–25), arguing that it poignantly reveals the multilingual reality of pre-state Palestine. Drawing on current work in translation studies, this article demonstrates how Reuveni's novels, first written in Yiddish and immediately translated into Hebrew, can be read as double texts, rendering the final Hebrew trilogy multilingual and joining other Hebrew novels in a de facto critique of monolingualism. In this, multilingualism enters the contemplation of what has previously been considered a Hebrew text through and through, foregrounding, even enabling, a discussion of language tensions both thematically as well as in the process of composition and translation of the trilogy.
摘要:本文考察了阿哈龙·鲁文尼在他的一战三部曲《致耶路撒冷》(Ad Yerushalayim, 1919 - 1925)中意第绪语和希伯来语的自我翻译实践,认为它深刻地揭示了建国前巴勒斯坦的多语言现实。根据目前翻译研究的工作,本文展示了鲁文尼的小说,最初是用意第绪语写的,立即被翻译成希伯来语,可以作为双重文本来阅读,使最后的希伯来语三部曲成为多种语言,并加入其他希伯来小说,实际上是对单语主义的批评。在这里,多语言主义进入了之前被认为是希伯来文本的沉思,前景,甚至是允许,语言紧张的讨论,无论是在主题上,还是在三部曲的创作和翻译过程中。
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引用次数: 0
Becoming Illegal: Sephardi Jews in the Opiates Trade 变得非法:鸦片贸易中的西班牙犹太人
IF 0.5 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2020-07-21 DOI: 10.2979/jewisocistud.25.3.01
D. Mays
Abstract:During the early twentieth century, opium and its derivatives were transformed from a fully legal and highly lucrative commodity into one that was increasingly regulated and made illegal in a piecemeal fashion on a global scale. This propelled the transformation of Sephardi Jews involved in the opiates trade from communal elites in the late Ottoman Jewish world to men who skirted the edge of legality while still viewing their family businesses in opiates as licit. Examining Sephardi involvement in the global trade of opiates highlights how Sephardi history interplays with intersecting local and global histories of the narcotics trade as well as regulation, criminality, and migration. This cannot be understood without exploring how Jews and others were racialized in different regional contexts. This process of racialization was imbricated with perceptions and practices of Jewish criminality and other socially undesirable behavior, which threatened to cast Jewish migrants as transgressing the boundaries of acceptable citizenship.
摘要:20世纪初,鸦片及其衍生物从一种完全合法且利润丰厚的商品转变为一种日益受到管制的商品,并在全球范围内以零敲零打的方式成为非法商品。这推动了参与鸦片贸易的西法迪犹太人的转变,从奥斯曼帝国晚期犹太世界的社区精英转变为避开法律边缘的男人,同时仍然认为他们的家族鸦片生意是合法的。考察Sephardi在全球鸦片贸易中的参与,突出了Sephardi的历史如何与麻醉品贸易以及监管、犯罪和移民的地方和全球历史相互作用。如果不探索犹太人和其他人在不同地区背景下是如何被种族化的,就无法理解这一点。这一种族化过程与犹太人犯罪的观念和做法以及其他不受社会欢迎的行为交织在一起,这些行为有可能使犹太移民被视为超越了可接受的公民身份的界限。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES
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