Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2104603
J. Helou, M. Mollica
Abstract This paper explores why the production of communal fear via demographic and political-economic factors can explain group behavior (here the Maronites of Lebanon) in diverse ethnic, religious and sectarian plural societies rather than a strict reliance on structural and instrumental explanations. It argues that communal fear, deeply entrenched in political, socioeconomic and anthropological interpretations of groups’ fertility rates, migration patterns, land ownership and shares of industry and agriculture inter alia, can explain Maronites’ everyday practices of preferring land purchases in certain (ethno-religiously defined-) areas, occupying specific jobs and dominating certain economic sectors. While we acknowledge the role of individual cognition—Lebanese citizens’ ability—in breaking away from the clutches of group thinking, we find that many pervasive political, economic and social factors reaffirm group solidarity in plural societies; thus rendering useful the concept of communal fear in explaining how members of groups adopt everyday practices to hedge against perceived risks.
{"title":"Inter-Communal Relations in the Context of a Sectarian Society: Communal Fear Spawns Everyday Practices and Coping Mechanisms among the Maronites of Lebanon","authors":"J. Helou, M. Mollica","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2104603","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2104603","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores why the production of communal fear via demographic and political-economic factors can explain group behavior (here the Maronites of Lebanon) in diverse ethnic, religious and sectarian plural societies rather than a strict reliance on structural and instrumental explanations. It argues that communal fear, deeply entrenched in political, socioeconomic and anthropological interpretations of groups’ fertility rates, migration patterns, land ownership and shares of industry and agriculture inter alia, can explain Maronites’ everyday practices of preferring land purchases in certain (ethno-religiously defined-) areas, occupying specific jobs and dominating certain economic sectors. While we acknowledge the role of individual cognition—Lebanese citizens’ ability—in breaking away from the clutches of group thinking, we find that many pervasive political, economic and social factors reaffirm group solidarity in plural societies; thus rendering useful the concept of communal fear in explaining how members of groups adopt everyday practices to hedge against perceived risks.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"76 1","pages":"393 - 412"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86310298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-27DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2101185
Antonio Losada Trabada
Abstract Language public policy is a key issue in Galician politics. Its symbolic uses have proven to be a powerful political resource in partisan competition. This article analyzes the strategies of the three main Galician political parties to test three related hypotheses about how political competition and language public policy are linked: (i) adversary language public policy works as a valid strategy for opposition and electoral campaigning, but (ii) it becomes a major policy problem once in office, both for nationalist and non-nationalist parties, and (iii) advocating for careful balance between languages is the best political strategy for language public policy once in office. The Spanish and Galician right-wing party, Popular Party—PP/PPdeG—which was in office between 1989 and 2005, has strategically promoted language public policies based on an alleged equilibrium between the Spanish language—Castellano—and the Galician language—Galego—to gain nationalist conservative voters and to divide the nationalist political space. During this period, the nationalist—Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG)—and socialist—Partido dos Socialistas de Galicia (PSdeG/PSOE)—opposition have supported positive discrimination for the Galego language. Political change in 2005 switched their positions; PP stood for increasing protection for Castellano, while the new nationalist and left-wing government promoted a stronger status for Galego. PP’s return to office in 2009 has switched the positions again.
语言公共政策是加利西亚政治中的一个关键问题。它的象征性用途已被证明是党派竞争中的一种强大的政治资源。本文分析了加利西亚三个主要政党的策略，以检验关于政治竞争与语言公共政策如何联系的三个相关假设:(1)敌对语言公共政策是反对党和竞选活动的有效策略，但(2)一旦执政，它就成为一个主要的政策问题，无论是民族主义政党还是非民族主义政党;(3)倡导语言之间的谨慎平衡是执政后语言公共政策的最佳政治策略。西班牙和加利西亚右翼政党人民党(Popular party - pp / ppdep)在1989年至2005年执政期间，战略性地推动了基于西班牙语(卡斯特利亚语)和加利西亚语(加莱戈语)之间所谓平衡的语言公共政策，以赢得民族主义保守派选民，并划分民族主义政治空间。在此期间，民族主义的加莱戈民族主义集团(BNG)和社会主义的加利西亚社会主义党(PSdeG/PSOE)的反对派都支持对加莱戈语的积极歧视。2005年的政治变革改变了他们的立场;人民党主张加强对卡斯特利亚诺的保护，而新的民族主义和左翼政府则主张加强加莱戈的地位。人民党在2009年重新执政后，再次改变了立场。
{"title":"From Political Consensus to Political Conflict and Back Again: Language Public Policy in Galicia (1989–2020)","authors":"Antonio Losada Trabada","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2101185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2101185","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Language public policy is a key issue in Galician politics. Its symbolic uses have proven to be a powerful political resource in partisan competition. This article analyzes the strategies of the three main Galician political parties to test three related hypotheses about how political competition and language public policy are linked: (i) adversary language public policy works as a valid strategy for opposition and electoral campaigning, but (ii) it becomes a major policy problem once in office, both for nationalist and non-nationalist parties, and (iii) advocating for careful balance between languages is the best political strategy for language public policy once in office. The Spanish and Galician right-wing party, Popular Party—PP/PPdeG—which was in office between 1989 and 2005, has strategically promoted language public policies based on an alleged equilibrium between the Spanish language—Castellano—and the Galician language—Galego—to gain nationalist conservative voters and to divide the nationalist political space. During this period, the nationalist—Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG)—and socialist—Partido dos Socialistas de Galicia (PSdeG/PSOE)—opposition have supported positive discrimination for the Galego language. Political change in 2005 switched their positions; PP stood for increasing protection for Castellano, while the new nationalist and left-wing government promoted a stronger status for Galego. PP’s return to office in 2009 has switched the positions again.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"448 - 470"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85656541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2090131
Van Huy Duong
Abstract The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the integration phenomenon of the Chinese diaspora from the perspective of integration policies adopted by Vietnam’s regimes through the ages, which can also be referred to as “assimilation.” The “Minh Hương” are seen as the result of the Vietnamese authorities’ assimilation policy toward the Chinese diaspora in Vietnam and parts of the Chinese diaspora’s decision to integrate into the host society. Thereby, the problem of the “Minh Hương” in Vietnam has reflected the change in ethnic identity of the Chinese diaspora. Thus, the article aims to answer the main research question: how have the Minh Hương expressed their ethnic identity throughout history?
{"title":"The “Minh Hương” of Vietnam: A Perspective of the Change in Ethnic Identity of the Chinese Diaspora in Vietnam","authors":"Van Huy Duong","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2090131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2090131","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the integration phenomenon of the Chinese diaspora from the perspective of integration policies adopted by Vietnam’s regimes through the ages, which can also be referred to as “assimilation.” The “Minh Hương” are seen as the result of the Vietnamese authorities’ assimilation policy toward the Chinese diaspora in Vietnam and parts of the Chinese diaspora’s decision to integrate into the host society. Thereby, the problem of the “Minh Hương” in Vietnam has reflected the change in ethnic identity of the Chinese diaspora. Thus, the article aims to answer the main research question: how have the Minh Hương expressed their ethnic identity throughout history?","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"432 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72866493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2095323
Alun Macer-Wright
{"title":"Black Garden Aflame: The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict in the Soviet and Russian Press","authors":"Alun Macer-Wright","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2095323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2095323","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"6 1","pages":"365 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82892838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2092959
E. Dinu
Abstract The literature on consociationalism posits external threats increase elite cooperation and political stability in consociational systems, provided that the threat is perceived as common by all political segments. Lebanon—a prominent consociational case—invites further reflection on this proposition, as international crises and even war did not increase cooperation between political parties. To further explore the relationship between external threats and political stability, the paper proposes a critical security approach, based on the Copenhagen School of security. The study investigates how political elites construct foreign threats relying on media analysis complemented by personal elite and expert interviews, as well as secondary sources. The study finds that despite political elites’ commitment to system maintenance, external threats decrease political stability in Lebanon because political segments are part of competing macrosecuritizations.
{"title":"Consociationalism in Lebanon after the Cedar Revolution: External Threats, Political Instability, and Macrosecuritizations","authors":"E. Dinu","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2092959","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2092959","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The literature on consociationalism posits external threats increase elite cooperation and political stability in consociational systems, provided that the threat is perceived as common by all political segments. Lebanon—a prominent consociational case—invites further reflection on this proposition, as international crises and even war did not increase cooperation between political parties. To further explore the relationship between external threats and political stability, the paper proposes a critical security approach, based on the Copenhagen School of security. The study investigates how political elites construct foreign threats relying on media analysis complemented by personal elite and expert interviews, as well as secondary sources. The study finds that despite political elites’ commitment to system maintenance, external threats decrease political stability in Lebanon because political segments are part of competing macrosecuritizations.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"290 - 312"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87606570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2095322
Marc R. H. Kosciejew
{"title":"How Civil Wars Start: And How to Stop Them","authors":"Marc R. H. Kosciejew","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2095322","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2095322","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"41 1","pages":"368 - 370"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80831918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2095326
Ishmael Ali Maxwell
gant architecture of the institutionalist approach. One limitation is clearly stated by the author: it applies to liberal democracies only (p. 3). Further, only groups that already benefit from territorial autonomy can be studied, thus excluding for instance, metropolitan France’s linguistic communities such as Corsicans, Bretons, Basques, and Catalans. Then, the framework applies to groups mostly living in territorial concentration, as non-territorial (“corporate”) autonomy solutions are not factored in as bargaining chips between the state and the internal national communities. It is only in the additional case of Puerto Rico that a payoff beyond the regional autonomy arrangements is mentioned explicitly—Puerto Ricans are full US citizens when they move to the mainland, suggesting that the pursuit of the localized secessionism is mollified by this “personal exit option” (p. 158). One rival hypothesis that Lecours seeks to refute is the claim that autonomies serve as slippery slopes toward secessionism. This is an endeavor shared with, and endorsed by the group-based approaches explaining ethnopolitics, and particularly scholars working in the tradition of the Ethnic Power Relations or the Minorities at Risk projects. These projects look for the causes of inter-group conflict in the economic, social, and political disparities among communal groups, and remediating interventions for the benefit of the group are considered to have pacifying effects. This operates similarly to the dynamic autonomy arrangements, where the corrective developments requested by the potential beneficiary group might be viewed as structuring features. There is great value in inventorying all the tools that benevolent agents can use to avoid or defuse inter-community animosity, and the concept of dynamic autonomy is a welcome addition to the list. Yet from this wider perspective on communal conflicts, secessionism is only one form of inter-group tensions. The book argues that this specific type of conflict is solely or mainly shaped by the nature of autonomy, calling for an additional investigation on the original rationale for an autonomy status conferral on ethno-national others by their states of residence in the first instance. Unfortunately, the elegant methodology is somewhat closed toward other approaches, inviting a “take it or leave it” attitude on the part of the reader.
{"title":"Sikh Nationalism: From a Dominant Minority to an Ethno-Religious Diaspora","authors":"Ishmael Ali Maxwell","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2095326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2095326","url":null,"abstract":"gant architecture of the institutionalist approach. One limitation is clearly stated by the author: it applies to liberal democracies only (p. 3). Further, only groups that already benefit from territorial autonomy can be studied, thus excluding for instance, metropolitan France’s linguistic communities such as Corsicans, Bretons, Basques, and Catalans. Then, the framework applies to groups mostly living in territorial concentration, as non-territorial (“corporate”) autonomy solutions are not factored in as bargaining chips between the state and the internal national communities. It is only in the additional case of Puerto Rico that a payoff beyond the regional autonomy arrangements is mentioned explicitly—Puerto Ricans are full US citizens when they move to the mainland, suggesting that the pursuit of the localized secessionism is mollified by this “personal exit option” (p. 158). One rival hypothesis that Lecours seeks to refute is the claim that autonomies serve as slippery slopes toward secessionism. This is an endeavor shared with, and endorsed by the group-based approaches explaining ethnopolitics, and particularly scholars working in the tradition of the Ethnic Power Relations or the Minorities at Risk projects. These projects look for the causes of inter-group conflict in the economic, social, and political disparities among communal groups, and remediating interventions for the benefit of the group are considered to have pacifying effects. This operates similarly to the dynamic autonomy arrangements, where the corrective developments requested by the potential beneficiary group might be viewed as structuring features. There is great value in inventorying all the tools that benevolent agents can use to avoid or defuse inter-community animosity, and the concept of dynamic autonomy is a welcome addition to the list. Yet from this wider perspective on communal conflicts, secessionism is only one form of inter-group tensions. The book argues that this specific type of conflict is solely or mainly shaped by the nature of autonomy, calling for an additional investigation on the original rationale for an autonomy status conferral on ethno-national others by their states of residence in the first instance. Unfortunately, the elegant methodology is somewhat closed toward other approaches, inviting a “take it or leave it” attitude on the part of the reader.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"5 1","pages":"363 - 365"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83716338","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2095321
Myroslav Shkandrij
Abstract This Rapid Communication asks why so much attention was paid to Ukrainian state- and nation-building as negative phenomena and so little to the jingoist nationalism in Russia in the lead-up to the invasion of Ukraine. The question has become all the more urgent after 24 February 2022. The war has confirmed the deep commitment of Ukraine’s citizens to their nation and state, and to a history that has been obscured by geopolitical grandstanding in Russia and by preconceived views of nationalism in the West.
{"title":"Challenging the “Nationalist” Moniker: Ukraine’s Narrative, Russia and the West","authors":"Myroslav Shkandrij","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2095321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2095321","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This Rapid Communication asks why so much attention was paid to Ukrainian state- and nation-building as negative phenomena and so little to the jingoist nationalism in Russia in the lead-up to the invasion of Ukraine. The question has become all the more urgent after 24 February 2022. The war has confirmed the deep commitment of Ukraine’s citizens to their nation and state, and to a history that has been obscured by geopolitical grandstanding in Russia and by preconceived views of nationalism in the West.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"28 9 1","pages":"351 - 361"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77268739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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