Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2145056
John Carlaw, Elke Winter
{"title":"Conservatism and the Re-Communitarianization of Citizenship in Canada","authors":"John Carlaw, Elke Winter","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2145056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2145056","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91321464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-16DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2122684
Guillermo Reyes Pascual
Abstract This article examines how geographical distance affects how political parties articulate regional identities at the subnational level. This is done by applying construal-level theory, hypothesizing that the further away a region is from the center, the more distinct and unique peripheral identities will tend to be framed by these political actors. Qualitatively analyzing regional party manifestos issued for the regional elections held during 1999–2015 in the Spanish regions of Castilla–La Mancha, Andalusia, and the Canary Islands, the results show that regional identities are formulated in a more distinct and unique way as distance from the center increases.
{"title":"Distance, Regional Identities and Parties: A Comparative Analysis of Castilla-La Mancha, Andalusia and the Canary Islands","authors":"Guillermo Reyes Pascual","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2122684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2122684","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines how geographical distance affects how political parties articulate regional identities at the subnational level. This is done by applying construal-level theory, hypothesizing that the further away a region is from the center, the more distinct and unique peripheral identities will tend to be framed by these political actors. Qualitatively analyzing regional party manifestos issued for the regional elections held during 1999–2015 in the Spanish regions of Castilla–La Mancha, Andalusia, and the Canary Islands, the results show that regional identities are formulated in a more distinct and unique way as distance from the center increases.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"41 1","pages":"60 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74286684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-12DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2128573
R. Ndayiragije, S. Vandeginste
Abstract Building on an original dataset, this paper explores the evolution of the consociational power- sharing at critical junctures in Burundi. Covering almost two decades of power-sharing practice (2001–2020), this paper analyzes the allocation of high salience ministerial portfolios and of provincial governor positions along ethnic lines. The paper shows how quotas matter and how a changing political context affects the real life implementation of Burundi’s negotiated power-sharing arrangements. We argue that dominant political actors take advantage of loopholes in the design of power-sharing institutions in order to enhance their access to important political positions.
{"title":"Presidents, Ministers and Governors: Ethnic Quotas and the Evolution of Power-Sharing at Critical Junctures in Burundi","authors":"R. Ndayiragije, S. Vandeginste","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2128573","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2128573","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Building on an original dataset, this paper explores the evolution of the consociational power- sharing at critical junctures in Burundi. Covering almost two decades of power-sharing practice (2001–2020), this paper analyzes the allocation of high salience ministerial portfolios and of provincial governor positions along ethnic lines. The paper shows how quotas matter and how a changing political context affects the real life implementation of Burundi’s negotiated power-sharing arrangements. We argue that dominant political actors take advantage of loopholes in the design of power-sharing institutions in order to enhance their access to important political positions.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"22 1","pages":"1 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90504349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-03DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2123768
Angel Beldarrain-Durandegui, Edson Alves de Souza Filho
Abstract We analyzed psychosocial influences on political life in the Basque Country according to Doise’s theory on the articulation between the individual, the interindividual, groups, and society. Political-party experiences and evaluations of system legitimacy during elections (local, regional, general, and European) were considered. Party choice was linked to atheism and without-religion among Spanish progressive voters (Podemos); Christianity to Basque conservative nationalism (PNV); Basque identity to Basque progressive nationalism (EH-Bildu); and Spanish identity to conservativism (PP). On the whole, Basque parties’ voters stressed more economy/administration and politicians’ individual traits, while Spanish party voters focused more on civil/social rights.
{"title":"Political Choice in the Basque Country, Spain: The Importance of Psychosocial Dimensions","authors":"Angel Beldarrain-Durandegui, Edson Alves de Souza Filho","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2123768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2123768","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We analyzed psychosocial influences on political life in the Basque Country according to Doise’s theory on the articulation between the individual, the interindividual, groups, and society. Political-party experiences and evaluations of system legitimacy during elections (local, regional, general, and European) were considered. Party choice was linked to atheism and without-religion among Spanish progressive voters (Podemos); Christianity to Basque conservative nationalism (PNV); Basque identity to Basque progressive nationalism (EH-Bildu); and Spanish identity to conservativism (PP). On the whole, Basque parties’ voters stressed more economy/administration and politicians’ individual traits, while Spanish party voters focused more on civil/social rights.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"24 1","pages":"81 - 101"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75658247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2136848
John S. Cathcart
{"title":"Strategic Uses of Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict: Interest and Identity in Russia and the Post-Soviet Space,","authors":"John S. Cathcart","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2136848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2136848","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"42 1","pages":"505 - 506"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77337062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2136850
Y. Volkova
ate a distinction between the Russian and Ukrainian identities, with the views of Vladimir Putin who in a speech quoted by Kolstø stated; “Ukrainians may like it or not, but we are one and the same people” (p.110). It is against this background Kolstø asserts that Ukrainian insistence on unique national identity must be understood (p.110). Given this perspective of hindsight, the latter half of the book addressing the events of 2014 provides the reader with an excellent analysis of how the inclusion of the Crimean peninsular into the Russian Federation set a precedent that many Russians anticipated to see replicated in Donbas. The Russian government’s subsequent inability to replicate the redrawing of national boundaries, led to anger and exasperation in nationalist circles. The Kremlin it seemed, was likely not in control of the situation, with the population of Donbas seemingly setting the pace of events, making it unclear whether the state had predicted the outbreak of conflict in east Ukraine (p.192). What developed, as he explains, was a situation where imperialist and ethnic nationalist frustration at the state, began to develop into more personal accusations, not necessarily levied at Putin himself but of those that surrounded him (p.202). Aleksandr Dugin as Kolstø refers, even talked of a “betrayal of national interests” on the social media platform VKontakte and suggested that there must be a “sixth column” in Putin’s ranks (p.205). This investigation into Crimea is significant as it is easy to draw parallels with similar reactions to failures in the February 2022 “special operation.” Already we can see elites beginning to apportion blame and the idea of a fifth (or sixth) column misleading the Kremlin has again reared its head in public discourse. Just as in the follow up to Crimean inclusion therefore there is the possibility that public unrest may appear not due to opposition to the “special operation” but due to its lack of progress. What Kolstø captures is that the Kremlin regime “might end up like the sorcerer’s apprentice, who knew how to make the broom fetch water – but not how to stop it” (p.216). The ideas underpinning this book are compelling therefore as they can be so easily transplanted to emerging situations, especially with events now moving rapidly in the post-Soviet sphere. With protests in Moldova and renewed fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan, there is potential to develop on these ideas and concepts further on the tracks of nationalism in scholarship. This book is therefore a must read for anyone interested in the subject and it will be interesting to see Kolstø’s work moving forward in this highly volatile region.
{"title":"Enemies Within: The Global Politics of Fifth Columns","authors":"Y. Volkova","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2136850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2136850","url":null,"abstract":"ate a distinction between the Russian and Ukrainian identities, with the views of Vladimir Putin who in a speech quoted by Kolstø stated; “Ukrainians may like it or not, but we are one and the same people” (p.110). It is against this background Kolstø asserts that Ukrainian insistence on unique national identity must be understood (p.110). Given this perspective of hindsight, the latter half of the book addressing the events of 2014 provides the reader with an excellent analysis of how the inclusion of the Crimean peninsular into the Russian Federation set a precedent that many Russians anticipated to see replicated in Donbas. The Russian government’s subsequent inability to replicate the redrawing of national boundaries, led to anger and exasperation in nationalist circles. The Kremlin it seemed, was likely not in control of the situation, with the population of Donbas seemingly setting the pace of events, making it unclear whether the state had predicted the outbreak of conflict in east Ukraine (p.192). What developed, as he explains, was a situation where imperialist and ethnic nationalist frustration at the state, began to develop into more personal accusations, not necessarily levied at Putin himself but of those that surrounded him (p.202). Aleksandr Dugin as Kolstø refers, even talked of a “betrayal of national interests” on the social media platform VKontakte and suggested that there must be a “sixth column” in Putin’s ranks (p.205). This investigation into Crimea is significant as it is easy to draw parallels with similar reactions to failures in the February 2022 “special operation.” Already we can see elites beginning to apportion blame and the idea of a fifth (or sixth) column misleading the Kremlin has again reared its head in public discourse. Just as in the follow up to Crimean inclusion therefore there is the possibility that public unrest may appear not due to opposition to the “special operation” but due to its lack of progress. What Kolstø captures is that the Kremlin regime “might end up like the sorcerer’s apprentice, who knew how to make the broom fetch water – but not how to stop it” (p.216). The ideas underpinning this book are compelling therefore as they can be so easily transplanted to emerging situations, especially with events now moving rapidly in the post-Soviet sphere. With protests in Moldova and renewed fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan, there is potential to develop on these ideas and concepts further on the tracks of nationalism in scholarship. This book is therefore a must read for anyone interested in the subject and it will be interesting to see Kolstø’s work moving forward in this highly volatile region.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"149 1","pages":"506 - 508"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86656821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2126107
Jostein Haseth, Marthe Holum, T. Jakobsen
Abstract There is a rich literature on public support for democracy. However, few have investigated the link between ethnic composition and citizens’ desire for democracy. In this study we investigate the relationship between ethnic fractionalization and democratic attitudes in 91 countries in the period 1995–2014. We test this on a measure of public desire for democracy. The main independent variables are a time-variant ethnic fractionalization index and an index of ethnic polarization, based on time-series data from the Composition of Religious Ethnic Groups project. We make use of hierarchical modeling combining country- and individual-level data in order to approach this gap in the research. The main finding is that homogeneous societies show the largest degree of desire for a democratic society within established democracies while increased fractionalization and especially increased polarization is associated with a smaller desire for democracy.
{"title":"Ethnic Composition and Democratic Values: A Global Investigation of Citizens’ Desire for Democracy, 1995–2014","authors":"Jostein Haseth, Marthe Holum, T. Jakobsen","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2126107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2126107","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There is a rich literature on public support for democracy. However, few have investigated the link between ethnic composition and citizens’ desire for democracy. In this study we investigate the relationship between ethnic fractionalization and democratic attitudes in 91 countries in the period 1995–2014. We test this on a measure of public desire for democracy. The main independent variables are a time-variant ethnic fractionalization index and an index of ethnic polarization, based on time-series data from the Composition of Religious Ethnic Groups project. We make use of hierarchical modeling combining country- and individual-level data in order to approach this gap in the research. The main finding is that homogeneous societies show the largest degree of desire for a democratic society within established democracies while increased fractionalization and especially increased polarization is associated with a smaller desire for democracy.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"21 - 38"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83189264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2122685
Muhammad Mushtaq
Abstract This research seeks to enhance our understanding of consociationalism’s effectiveness in managing differences in plural societies by assessing its applicability to Pakistan. The primary objective of the paper is to determine whether consociationalism is the best solution for managing ethnic diversity in Pakistan. The article applies a mixed-methods approach and relies on secondary and primary sources. The study argues that the success of consociationalism appears uncertain in the face of intragroup party-based divisions, constant fluctuations in ethnoregional party support, the territorial nature of political grievances, and democratic instability in Pakistan. Equally, the lack of various favorable conditions for consociationalism in the case endangers its viability. In addition, the majority of all ethnolinguistic groups do not prefer consociational solutions to ethnic differences. This analysis suggests that consociationalism cannot be a one-size-fits-all solution because not all plural societies are compatible with this system. Therefore, consociationalism is not a universally viable option for all multiethnic societies, and its utility varies across cases.
{"title":"Managing Diversity: Why Is Consociationalism Not an Optimal Solution for Pakistan?","authors":"Muhammad Mushtaq","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2122685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2122685","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This research seeks to enhance our understanding of consociationalism’s effectiveness in managing differences in plural societies by assessing its applicability to Pakistan. The primary objective of the paper is to determine whether consociationalism is the best solution for managing ethnic diversity in Pakistan. The article applies a mixed-methods approach and relies on secondary and primary sources. The study argues that the success of consociationalism appears uncertain in the face of intragroup party-based divisions, constant fluctuations in ethnoregional party support, the territorial nature of political grievances, and democratic instability in Pakistan. Equally, the lack of various favorable conditions for consociationalism in the case endangers its viability. In addition, the majority of all ethnolinguistic groups do not prefer consociational solutions to ethnic differences. This analysis suggests that consociationalism cannot be a one-size-fits-all solution because not all plural societies are compatible with this system. Therefore, consociationalism is not a universally viable option for all multiethnic societies, and its utility varies across cases.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"58 1","pages":"371 - 392"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80758416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-18DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2120947
Ariel Becerra-Chávez, Mauricio Morales-Quiroga
Abstract Two hypotheses are common in the literature on the electoral turnout of Indigenous people. The first is that Indigenous people vote less given their disadvantaged socioeconomic conditions. The second is that Indigenous people vote more when the alternatives on offer are relevant to them. To evaluate both perspectives, we study the election of members of a constitutional convention responsible for drafting a new Constitution 2021. For this election, 155 seats were to be distributed, 17 of which were reserved for Chile’s 10 native peoples, to whom a special ballot paper was assigned. Of registered Indigenous voters, only 22.8% voted using the Indigenous ballot, while the overall turnout stood at 43.4%. We present three findings. First, the use of the Indigenous ballot was greater in those municipalities with a larger proportion of Indigenous people, which pointed to a strong territorial determination of turnout. Second, the electoral turnout of the 10 native peoples is highly uneven, with greater participation observed in people that are less numerous. Third, although the overall electoral turnout in a municipality was lower the greater the number of its Indigenous people, the opposite occurred in Araucanía, a region with the largest proportion of Indigenous population.
{"title":"Reserved Indigenous Seats and Electoral Turnout: Evidence from the Chilean Constitutional Convention","authors":"Ariel Becerra-Chávez, Mauricio Morales-Quiroga","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2120947","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2120947","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Two hypotheses are common in the literature on the electoral turnout of Indigenous people. The first is that Indigenous people vote less given their disadvantaged socioeconomic conditions. The second is that Indigenous people vote more when the alternatives on offer are relevant to them. To evaluate both perspectives, we study the election of members of a constitutional convention responsible for drafting a new Constitution 2021. For this election, 155 seats were to be distributed, 17 of which were reserved for Chile’s 10 native peoples, to whom a special ballot paper was assigned. Of registered Indigenous voters, only 22.8% voted using the Indigenous ballot, while the overall turnout stood at 43.4%. We present three findings. First, the use of the Indigenous ballot was greater in those municipalities with a larger proportion of Indigenous people, which pointed to a strong territorial determination of turnout. Second, the electoral turnout of the 10 native peoples is highly uneven, with greater participation observed in people that are less numerous. Third, although the overall electoral turnout in a municipality was lower the greater the number of its Indigenous people, the opposite occurred in Araucanía, a region with the largest proportion of Indigenous population.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"491 - 504"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86518260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-09DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2105131
Mario Maritan
Abstract The process of Italian unification between 1859 and 1866 triggered an increase in emigrations and renunciations of Austrian citizenship on the part of Triestines with origins in northern Italy. Petitioners explained to local authorities that their links with Trieste were merely due to commercial reasons. In applying for Piedmontese and, after 1861, Italian citizenship, the language these men used often denoted forms of national indifference, rather than fully-fledged Italian patriotism. The inconsistencies that primary sources reveal shed light on applicants’ opportunism, tied to national indifference and indeterminacy, and triggered by the recent national legibility introduced by regime change.
{"title":"National Indifference, Legibility and Opportunism at the Dawn of Nation States: The Re-Shaping of Habsburg Trieste in the 1860s","authors":"Mario Maritan","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2105131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2105131","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The process of Italian unification between 1859 and 1866 triggered an increase in emigrations and renunciations of Austrian citizenship on the part of Triestines with origins in northern Italy. Petitioners explained to local authorities that their links with Trieste were merely due to commercial reasons. In applying for Piedmontese and, after 1861, Italian citizenship, the language these men used often denoted forms of national indifference, rather than fully-fledged Italian patriotism. The inconsistencies that primary sources reveal shed light on applicants’ opportunism, tied to national indifference and indeterminacy, and triggered by the recent national legibility introduced by regime change.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"21 1","pages":"413 - 431"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90170879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：