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Performing Aboriginal Rights in 1951: From Australia's Top End to Southeast 1951年原住民权利的行使:从澳大利亚的顶端到东南
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12823
Amanda Harris, Tiriki Onus, Linda Barwick

In 1951, performers from Daly River and Tiwi Islands Aboriginal communities staged a corroboree strike. The musicians and dancers had routinely entertained visiting cruise ships in the Darwin Botanic Gardens, but now joined dockside workers to protest the jailing and exiling of two Aboriginal agitators Lawrence Wurrpen (Urban) and Fred (Nadpur) Waters. In Melbourne, the Australian Aborigines' League expressed solidarity with the Darwin strikes and protested the exclusion of Aboriginal voices from the Jubilee of Australian Federation. The League's leaders Doug Nicholls and Bill Onus produced a new work of musical theatre featuring east coast Aboriginal performers Fred Foster, Margaret Tucker, Georgia Lee, Harold Blair, and others in ‘Out of the Dark — An Aboriginal Moomba’. In this paper we examine political uses of performance in Australia's assimilation era, and show how Aboriginal agitators used music and dance to connect struggles for rights across Australia, and to keep cultural identity alive. In doing so we show how performance operated both as work and as assertion of cultural sovereignty.

1951年,来自戴利河和提维群岛原住民社区的表演者举行了一场确证罢工。音乐家和舞者们经常在达尔文植物园招待来访的游轮,但现在加入了码头工人的行列,抗议两名土著煽动者Lawrence Wurrpen(Urban)和Fred(Nadpur)Waters被监禁和流放。在墨尔本,澳大利亚原住民联盟对达尔文罢工表示声援,并抗议将原住民的声音排除在澳大利亚联邦庆典之外。联盟领导人Doug Nicholls和Bill Onus制作了一部新的音乐剧作品,由东海岸原住民演员Fred Foster、Margaret Tucker、Georgia Lee、Harold Blair和其他人在《走出黑暗——原住民木巴》中表演。在这篇论文中,我们研究了澳大利亚同化时代表演的政治用途,并展示了原住民煽动者如何利用音乐和舞蹈将澳大利亚各地的权利斗争联系起来,并保持文化身份。在这样做的过程中,我们展示了表演是如何作为作品和文化主权的主张来运作的。
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引用次数: 0
“No-Platforming”: Freedom of Speech and the Australian Public Sphere "无平台":言论自由与澳大利亚的公共领域
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-21 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12888
John William Tate

“No-Platforming” has increased in prominence within Australia in recent years. Furthermore, it has moved from university campuses to more mainstream sectors of the Australian public sphere. The “no-platforming” of an audience member on an ABC current affairs programme in March 2022 is evidence of this. By focussing on the arguments for and against no-platforming, as well as this incident, this article seeks to show their wider significance for no-platforming in Australia, and the implications of this for freedom of speech within the Australian public sphere.

近年来,"无平台 "在澳大利亚日益突出。此外,它已从大学校园转移到澳大利亚公共领域的更多主流部门。2022 年 3 月,一名观众在澳大利亚广播公司的时事节目中被 "拒绝站台 "就是明证。本文通过聚焦支持和反对 "无平台 "的论点以及这一事件,试图说明其对澳大利亚 "无平台 "的广泛意义,以及对澳大利亚公共领域言论自由的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Cutting the Gordian Knot: Reassessing Australia's Lend-Lease Settlement1 快刀斩乱麻:重新评估澳大利亚的租借协议1
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-21 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12894
Mark Clayton

During the Second World War, Australia received almost $2 billion worth of Lend-Lease aid from the United States — the largest foreign debt ever incurred by the Commonwealth. The settlement terms for this debt, however, were never defined or discussed during that conflict, remaining “an uncertain obligation to be assessed by an unknown person on an unspecified day of judgment.”2 This paper examines the economic, military, and geopolitical factors that shaped Australia's Lend-Lease Settlement Agreement of June 1946. It focusses on the military aircraft which accounted for a quarter of this foreign debt. The least saleable of all Lend-Lease surpluses, these also proved the most challenging for US and Australian negotiators. Having contested initial US claims and secured sizeable debt reductions, Lend-Lease settlement was trumpeted by the Chifley government as a great diplomatic success. Findings from this investigation indicate instead that Australia's Lend-Lease settlement terms were restrictive, and possibly punitive, having been substantially determined by US domestic and partisan-political considerations. Moreover, these details and their significant implications were withheld from the public, the media, and the parliamentary opposition in the months leading to the September 1946 federal election.

第二次世界大战期间,澳大利亚从美国获得了价值近 20 亿美元的租借援助--这是澳大利亚联邦有史以来最大的一笔外债。然而,这笔债务的清偿条款在冲突期间从未被确定或讨论过,仍然是 "一项不确定的义务,由一个不知名的人在不确定的审判日进行评估"。本文的重点是占这笔外债四分之一的军用飞机。在所有租借法案盈余中,军用飞机最不容易出售,这也是美国和澳大利亚谈判人员面临的最大挑战。由于对美国最初的要求提出了质疑,并确保了可观的债务削减,奇夫利政府大肆宣扬租借法案的解决取得了巨大的外交成功。调查结果表明,澳大利亚的租借法案和解条款是限制性的,甚至可能是惩罚性的,在很大程度上是由美国国内和党派政治因素决定的。此外,在 1946 年 9 月联邦大选之前的几个月里,这些细节及其重大影响都被隐瞒,没有向公众、媒体和议会反对党公布。
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引用次数: 0
A Symbol of Imperial Unity? The Australian Colonies and the 1897 Imperial Conference 帝国统一的象征?澳大利亚殖民地与 1897 年帝国会议
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-21 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12892
Alex Little, Margaret Hutchison, Benjamin Mountford

The 1897 colonial conference coincided with Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee and an outpouring of late-Victorian imperial sentiment. Against this backdrop of imperial celebration, colonial leaders met with Secretary of State for the Colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, whose own views as to the importance of imperial reform were taking shape. For the most part, while grateful for Chamberlain's interests, Australian leaders feared significant imperial reform might undermine rather than reinforce imperial unity. As a result, the conference struggled to translate pro-imperial sentiment into tangible commitments. This article argues that the meetings between Chamberlain and colonial leaders in 1897 are worthy of examination not only because they shed light on Anglo-Australian relations but also because they provide insight into a significant period in the history of late-Victorian British imperialism and the development of Australian federation. Drawing on the confidential proceedings of the conference, this article offers a close reading of the key imperial issues under discussion and their resonance in contemporary Australian and imperial political discourse. Moreover, it contends that the conference debates reflected not only important issues in Anglo-Australian affairs, but also a series of broader ambitions and limitations when it came to the campaign for imperial unity in the late-Victorian era.

1897 年的殖民地会议恰逢维多利亚女王登基钻禧,维多利亚晚期的帝国主义情绪得到了宣泄。在帝国庆典的背景下,殖民地领导人会见了殖民地事务大臣约瑟夫-张伯伦(Joseph Chamberlain)。在大多数情况下,澳大利亚领导人虽然对张伯伦的利益表示感谢,但他们担心重大的帝国改革可能会破坏而不是加强帝国的统一。因此,会议难以将亲帝情绪转化为实际承诺。本文认为,1897 年张伯伦与殖民地领导人之间的会议值得研究,不仅因为它们揭示了英澳关系,还因为它们让人们了解了维多利亚晚期英帝国主义和澳大利亚联邦发展史上的一个重要时期。本文根据会议的机密记录,仔细解读了讨论中的关键帝国问题及其在当代澳大利亚和帝国政治话语中的共鸣。此外,文章还认为,会议辩论不仅反映了英澳事务中的重要问题,还反映了维多利亚时代后期帝国统一运动中一系列更广泛的雄心和局限性。
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引用次数: 0
All Containment and No Engagement: Australia's Contemporary Policy towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea 只遏制不接触:澳大利亚当代的朝鲜政策
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-21 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12891
Jack D. Butcher

Australia's interactions with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), henceforth known as North Korea, have ebbed and flowed throughout their seventy-five-year history. In times of détente on the Korean Peninsula, Australia actively engaged North Korea and sought to facilitate its integration into the international system. However, during the recent détente in 2018–2019, Canberra broke with tradition and watched on as Trump, Moon, and Kim sought to negotiate a deal towards Pyongyang's denuclearisation. Why has Australia not followed its security partners and engaged, despite being an Indo-Pacific middle power and an advocate for non-proliferation? Answers to this question remain unknown in the international relations literature. Therefore, I conducted process tracing and identified seven “critical junctures” in Australia's relationship with North Korea while analysing its responses using middle power theory. Australia's preference for non-engagement is due to a shift towards a “maximum pressure” policy reliant on sanctions, reducing incentives to engage. This stems from a normative objection to Pyongyang's violation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and limited material capabilities to persuade North Korea to denuclearise unilaterally. I aim to give an up-to-date account of Australia-North Korea relations and draw attention to a neglected area in Australia's non-proliferation policy.

澳大利亚与朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(朝鲜)(以下简称北朝鲜)的交往在其七十五年的历史中起起伏伏。在朝鲜半岛局势缓和时期,澳大利亚积极与朝鲜接触,并努力促进朝鲜融入国际体系。然而,在最近2018-2019年的缓和时期,堪培拉打破了传统,眼睁睁地看着特朗普、文在寅和金正恩试图通过谈判达成平壤无核化的协议。尽管澳大利亚是印度洋-太平洋地区的中等强国,也是防扩散的倡导者,但为什么没有跟随其安全伙伴参与其中呢?国际关系文献中对这一问题的答案仍是未知数。因此,我进行了过程追踪,确定了澳大利亚与朝鲜关系中的七个 "关键时刻",同时运用中间力量理论分析了澳大利亚的反应。澳大利亚之所以倾向于不与朝鲜接触,是因为它转向了依赖制裁的 "最大压力 "政策,从而降低了与朝鲜接触的动机。这源于对平壤违反《不扩散核武器条约》(NPT)的规范性反对,以及说服朝鲜单方面无核化的物质能力有限。我旨在介绍澳朝关系的最新情况,并提请关注澳大利亚防扩散政策中一个被忽视的领域。
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引用次数: 0
Conserving the Councillor: A Case for Widespread Local Officeholding 保护议员:广泛担任地方公职的案例
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12840
Joshua McDonnell

Guided by participatory and deliberative conceptions of democracy, local governments have embraced the need for increased citizen participation in decision-making. Yet, at the same time, a systematic reduction in the number of councillor seats has seen a precipitous decline in opportunities to participate in the council chamber. With specific reference to the Australian case, this paper seeks to explain this incongruity, suggesting that the answer lies in the wide adoption of democratic theorists' narrow conceptualisation of the role of the councillor. Viewed solely as representatives, whether in the corporate, mirror, or delegate mode, councillors are valued only insofar as they prove instrumental to an efficient and responsive system of governance. Their participation, itself, is not intrinsically valued. Drawing on novel and extant empirical evidence to demonstrate the participatory virtues of officeholding, this paper argues that when due regard is afforded to councillors' participatory role, a normative case for widespread — and more inclusive — officeholding emerges.

在参与性和协商性民主概念的指导下,地方政府接受了增加公民参与决策的必要性。然而,与此同时,由于议员席位的系统性减少,进入议会的机会急剧减少。具体参考澳大利亚的案例,本文试图解释这种不一致性,认为答案在于广泛采用民主理论家对议员角色的狭隘概念。无论是在公司、镜像还是代表模式下,议员都只被视为代表,只有在他们被证明有助于建立高效和反应灵敏的治理体系的情况下,他们才会受到重视。他们的参与本身并没有得到内在的重视。利用新颖和现存的经验证据来证明公职的参与性美德,本文认为,当适当考虑到议员的参与作用时,就会出现一个广泛且更具包容性的公职规范案例。
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引用次数: 1
The Debate Over the Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australians: National Unity and Memories of the 1967 Referendum 关于宪法承认澳大利亚土著居民的辩论:民族团结与对 1967 年全民公决的回忆
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12889
Murray Goot, Tim Rowse

In the debate over constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians since 2010, the high “Yes” vote in 1967 has been recalled as a benchmark of national unity and goodwill towards Indigenous Australians, something to which Australians must return. The 1967 referendum has been evoked as a “step” towards reconciliation, with constitutional recognition presented as the next step. The “recognition” that the 1967 referendum enabled has been (mis)represented as allowing Indigenous Australians to be counted in the Census, hence to “count” more generally. Explaining constitutional changes to voters in the referendum on an Indigenous Voice, “Yes” and “No” campaigns are likely to describe amendments in emotively powerful terms. False memories of “recognition” obscure a political fissure within the myth of 1967. Some who celebrate 1967 have wanted the Constitution to continue to distinguish Indigenous from non-Indigenous Australians, one understanding of the 1967 amendment to Section 51(xxvi); others have hoped that the next referendum would complete the deletion of distinguishing words that had begun in 1967 with the repeal of Section 127. The myths of 1967 combine to accommodate opposing ideals of national “unity”, allowing protagonists in the debate to read the “lessons” of 1967 in ways that reinforce their own political perspectives.

自 2010 年以来,在关于宪法承认澳大利亚土著居民的辩论中,1967 年的高票 "赞成 "被视为民族团结和善待澳大利亚土著居民的基准,澳大利亚人必须回到这一点。1967 年的公投被认为是走向和解的 "一步",而宪法承认则是下一步。1967 年全民公决促成的 "承认 "被(错误地)表述为允许将澳大利亚土著人计入人口普查,从而更普遍地 "计入"。在 "土著之声 "全民公决中,"赞成 "和 "反对 "运动在向选民解释宪法变化时,很可能会用情绪化的有力措辞来描述修正案。关于 "承认 "的虚假记忆掩盖了 1967 年神话中的政治裂痕。一些庆祝 1967 年的人希望《宪法》继续将土著澳大利亚人与非土著澳大利亚人区分开来,这是对 1967 年第 51(xxvi)条修正案的一种理解;另一些人则希望下一次全民公决能够完成从 1967 年废除第 127 条开始的区分性词语的删除工作。1967 年的神话结合在一起,容纳了对立的民族 "统一 "理想,使辩论中的主角能够以强化自身政治观点的方式解读 1967 年的 "教训"。
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引用次数: 0
From Welfarist Support for Vulnerable Groups to a Social Justice Perspective: The Australian Council of Social Service and the Construction of Poverty, 1956–75 从对弱势群体的福利主义支持到社会正义视角:澳大利亚社会服务理事会与贫困的构建,1956-1975 年
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12869
Philip Mendes

It has often been suggested that poor Australians were a forgotten cohort during the long period of post-World War Two prosperity. Yet the peak non-government welfare body, the Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS), aimed from its establishment in 1956 to publicise concerns about poverty, and stimulate policy responses to relieve the disadvantage of those living in poverty. Using a range of primary sources including ACOSS annual reports, policy statements, committee meeting minutes and newsletters, this paper examines the key manifestations of ACOSS advocacy for low-income Australians including research reports, budget submissions and public forums. It is argued that ACOSS gradually shifted from a welfarist approach based on lifting the incomes of specific vulnerable groups in isolation to a social justice approach that linked poverty to wider societal inequities.

人们常说,在二战后的漫长繁荣时期,澳大利亚的穷人是被遗忘的群体。然而,作为最重要的非政府福利机构,澳大利亚社会服务委员会(ACOSS)自 1956 年成立以来,一直致力于宣传对贫困问题的关注,并鼓励采取政策措施来缓解贫困人口的不利处境。本文利用一系列原始资料,包括澳大利亚社会服务理事会的年度报告、政策声明、委员会会议记录和通讯,研究了澳大利亚社会服务理事会为低收入澳大利亚人进行宣传的主要表现形式,包括研究报告、预算报告和公共论坛。本文认为,澳大利亚社会保障协会逐渐从孤立地提高特定弱势群体收入的福利主义方法转变为将贫困与更广泛的社会不平等联系起来的社会正义方法。
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引用次数: 0
Australian Political Science in the 1960s: Establishing the Discipline of Politics at Flinders University 二十世纪六十年代的澳大利亚政治学:在弗林德斯大学建立政治学学科
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12887
Doug Munro

The appointment of foundation professors and establishing Departments/Disciplines in the new Australian universities of the 1960s could be fraught, as the example of Political Theory and Institutions at Flinders University demonstrates. It is worth examining the dynamics of this particular case study because it throws light on the state of Political Science Australia-wide and the nature of the academic job market at the time, as well as revealing the gap between aspiration and outcome in the new Australian universities of the 1960s. The Flinders experience speaks to wider patterns.

正如弗林德斯大学(Flinders University)的《政治理论与制度》(Political Theory and Institutions)一书所展示的那样,在二十世纪六十年代新建的澳大利亚大学中,基础教授的任命和系/学科的建立都是充满荆棘的。这一特殊案例研究的动态值得研究,因为它揭示了整个澳大利亚政治科学的现状和当时学术就业市场的性质,并揭示了 20 世纪 60 年代澳大利亚新建大学的愿望与结果之间的差距。弗林德斯大学的经验说明了更广泛的模式。
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引用次数: 0
Ralph Bunche and the Colour of Sovereignty: Exploring the Eurocentrism of the United Nations' First Peacekeeper 拉尔夫·邦切与主权色彩——联合国首位维和人员的欧洲中心主义探索
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12824
Catherine Goetze

Ralph Bunche, the first African American to receive the Nobel Peace Prize, was a committed anti-imperialist, a fighter against racism and for civil rights. And yet, his action and appearance as special representative of the United Nations Secretary-General in the Congo, made him appear as hostile to African independence and as a (neo-colonial) “blanc,” questioning the sincerity of his anti-imperialism as well as his anti-racism. The article argues that Bunche's dilemma is paradigmatic for the paradox that exists between the United Nations' (UN) declared anti-racism and anti-imperialism, on the one hand, and its politics of peacekeeping and peacebuilding which are effectively a quasi-imperial politics of world order, on the other. The article dissects Ralph Bunche's writing and thinking on the international system, Africa and the Congo in order to understand how individual anti-racist commitment can co-exist, or even be co-constitutive of, systemic racism of international politics and law. Apart from providing important insights into the thought of a central founding figure of UN peacekeeping and peacebuilding, the article contributes, hence, to ongoing discussions on Eurocentrism and race in international politics.

拉尔夫·邦奇是第一位获得诺贝尔和平奖的非裔美国人,他是一位坚定的反帝国主义者,是一位反对种族主义和争取公民权利的斗士。然而,他作为联合国秘书长驻刚果特别代表的行动和露面,使他看起来对非洲独立充满敌意,是一个(新殖民主义)“白人”,质疑他反帝国主义和反种族主义的诚意。文章认为,Bunche的困境是联合国宣布的反种族主义和反帝国主义与其维持和平和建设和平政治之间存在的悖论的典范,而维持和平和和平政治实际上是世界秩序的准帝国政治。文章剖析了拉尔夫·邦切对国际体系、非洲和刚果的写作和思考,以了解个人的反种族主义承诺如何与国际政治和法律中的系统性种族主义共存,甚至共同构成。除了对联合国维和与建设和平的核心创始人物的思想提供重要见解外,这篇文章还为正在进行的关于欧洲中心主义和国际政治中种族的讨论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Australian Journal of Politics and History
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