首页 > 最新文献

Australian Journal of Politics and History最新文献

英文 中文
New South Wales July to December 2022 New South Wales July to December 2022
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12917
David Clune
{"title":"New South Wales July to December 2022","authors":"David Clune","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12917","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 2","pages":"346-352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50127627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Queensland 昆士兰
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12918
Paul D. Williams
{"title":"Queensland","authors":"Paul D. Williams","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12918","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 2","pages":"358-365"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50141274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Australian Capital Territory 首都领地
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12915
Chris Monnox
<p>In the second half of 2022, ACT politics returned to some of its staples: progressive social policy, environmental initiatives, and debate about the Labor-Greens government's signature light rail project were all prominent. The return of the decade-old light rail debate, traversed through multiple Territory elections and much commentary between, elicited groans in some quarters. But there were also some surprises, including a minor constitutional crisis centred around COVID-19 precautions in the Legislative Assembly.</p><p>ACT governments of all parties have a history of clashing with more conservative federal governments over social policy, with the federal government usually prevailing. They have repeatedly disagreed over drug harm minimisation and LGBTQ rights, but the most enduring point of contention has been voluntary euthanasia, which federal parliament prohibited territory governments from introducing in 1997. For supporters of the ban, euthanasia was a fraught moral issue, but many of its critics focused on the territory rights aspect, arguing there was no equivalent limit on state legislation. This perspective gained ground from 2017 as the states passed euthanasia legislation, seemingly leaving the territories behind.</p><p>The May 2022 federal election delivered a likely majority for overturning the ban, and in July federal Labor MPs Alicia Payne and Luke Gosling, from the ACT and Northern Territory respectively, introduced a private members' bill to do just that (<i>RiotAct</i>, 4 July 2022). Over the next six months the bill made its way through the House of Representatives and Senate, passing the latter on 1 December. Chief Minister Andrew Barr and Opposition Leader Elizabeth Lee, both supporters of the bill, were present in the gallery, with Barr welcoming the conclusion of a matter “already conclusively resolved in the minds of the public” (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 2 December 2022).</p><p>When it came to drug law reform, by contrast, the ACT occupied its more usual place as first mover within the Federation. Labor backbencher Michael Pettersson's bill to decriminalise small quantities of illicit drugs other than marijuana, already decriminalised in the Territory, was certainly a national first. But by the time it passed in October it had also been much-debated, and the event was muted: the Liberals promised to repeal the measure if elected in 2024 and Australian Federal Police Commissioner Reece Kershaw warned about “narco-tourism”, but no new arguments emerged (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 21 October 2022).</p><p>A six-month drug testing trial launched by the government in July was another first, and it attracted considerable attention for what it disclosed about the quality of drugs sold in Canberra: in its first month some 27 per cent of purported cocaine samples contained no cocaine, while one supposed sample of methamphetamine was simply sugar (<i>RiotAct</i>, 2 September 2022). Unsurprisingly, a significant minority of people us
作为回应,绅士办公室联系了领土工作场所健康和安全管理局WorkSafe,后者随后发布了禁止通知,禁止委员会举行进一步听证会(RiotAct2022年8月15日)。议长Joy Burch认为,这侵犯了议会的特权。她在写给工作场所健康与安全专员杰奎琳·阿吉乌斯的信中指责道:“你们采取的行动直接跨越了政府立法和行政部门之间的权力分离,从表面上看,试图颠覆议会对自己的程序行使控制权的专属认知”(《堪培拉时报》,2022年8月16日),关于估计的僵局得到了解决:听证会在一个更大的场所(议会会议厅)恢复,一些证人远程出席,工作安全局解除了禁令通知(RiotAct2022年8月17日至22日)。但这件事的宪法方面更令人不安,议会成立了一个特权委员会进行调查。12月初的报告发现,绅士办公室没有侵犯议会的特权;WorkSafe有,但委员会建议不对其或Agius专员采取行动(《堪培拉时报》,2022年12月2日)。此时,政府已经停止了大部分疫情措施。随着时间的推移,根据国家内阁的决定,它:从9月9日起,将新冠肺炎病例的强制隔离期从7天减少到5天;从9月16日起每周而不是每天公布病例数;从9月30日起放弃在公共交通工具上强制戴口罩;并从10月14日起完全结束强制隔离(RiotAct2022年8月31日、9月8日和30日)。然而,口罩强制令的结束在很大程度上是象征性的:一些坎伯兰人早已不再戴口罩,而另一些人则继续在拥挤的环境中使用口罩。类似的做法在8月份的预算中很明显,该预算被称为领土自2019年以来的第一个正常预算。巴尔(曾担任财政部长和首席部长)承诺不进行新的重大项目,而是利用当地人口增长高于预期带来的商品及服务税意外之财来减少赤字(《堪培拉时报》,2022年8月3日)。相反,是绿党通过寻求从预算中取消4100万美元的赛马补贴而引起了人们的注意。他们没有提及反对更广泛的预算或结束联盟,但自由党仍然发起了不信任动议(RiotAct2022年8月3日)。绿党领袖拉滕伯里驳斥了这一做法,称“没有人希望或期望政府仅仅因为两党在任何单一问题上存在分歧而解散”,但李坚称“这个支离破碎的政府正在分崩离析”(RiotAct2022年8月15日),但接下来的五个月对拉滕伯里来说并不容易。在担任司法部长期间,他首先面临着一场情绪化的运动,围绕着对危险司机的判决,受到影响的社区成员以及政府通常的反对者都提出了抗议。然后,随着这一年的临近,他被要求解决联邦自由党工作人员布鲁斯·莱曼(Bruce Lehrmann)被控强奸同事布列塔尼·希金斯(Brittany Higgins)的审判所带来的后果。社区对危险驾驶的情绪高涨,这是有原因的:2022年该地区18人的道路通行费是自2010年以来最严重的,其中几名受害者都是年轻人(RiotAct2022年10月26日)。其中包括20岁的Matthew McLuckie,他的父亲Tom在脸书上发起了一场运动,旨在“制定更严厉的法律”,提高人们对危险驾驶的认识(《堪培拉时报》,2022年7月6日)。McLuckie很快实现了后一个目标,他的竞选活动获得了大量支持。8月,他与反对党副领袖Jeremy Hanson一起发起了三份请愿书,要求审查ACT司法机构的量刑实践、司法任命程序和量刑指南的优缺点(《堪培拉时报》,2022年8月19日),最后一个被证明是最受欢迎的:到10月初,它得到了3000名签名者的支持,以及工党MLA Marisa Paterson(RiotAct,2022年9月28日,10月11日)。Rattenbury对此表示抵制,Barr拒绝了任何类似强制性判决的做法(RiotAct2022年11月7日),但政府确实试图通过成立法律和量刑咨询委员会并增加对一些驾驶违法行为的处罚来满足请愿者的担忧(RiotAct,2022年10月7日。在启动后一项改革时,Rattenbury表示,该法律应提供惩罚和威慑,但重申政府支持量刑时的司法自由裁量权(RiotAct,2022年11月23日)。Lehrmann的审判及其引发的问题同样令人担忧,但这是一个全国性的故事,而不是地方性的故事。 李表示,自由党的立场是出于透明而非权宜之计,并指出该党在距离下次选举还有18个多月的时候才宣布其政策。此外,她还有几条论点,当地媒体以她的名义刊登了一篇付费文章,将轻轨与其他服务的不足联系起来,强调了该项目的成本,并警告称“阿德莱德大道的每一寸土地上都会有高层建筑——现在(现有轻轨路线)诺斯伯恩大道沿线也有同样的开发项目”(《堪培拉时报》,2022年12月5日)。这场最新的轻轨辩论似乎将是广泛的,即使它远非新颖。
{"title":"Australian Capital Territory","authors":"Chris Monnox","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12915","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;In the second half of 2022, ACT politics returned to some of its staples: progressive social policy, environmental initiatives, and debate about the Labor-Greens government's signature light rail project were all prominent. The return of the decade-old light rail debate, traversed through multiple Territory elections and much commentary between, elicited groans in some quarters. But there were also some surprises, including a minor constitutional crisis centred around COVID-19 precautions in the Legislative Assembly.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;ACT governments of all parties have a history of clashing with more conservative federal governments over social policy, with the federal government usually prevailing. They have repeatedly disagreed over drug harm minimisation and LGBTQ rights, but the most enduring point of contention has been voluntary euthanasia, which federal parliament prohibited territory governments from introducing in 1997. For supporters of the ban, euthanasia was a fraught moral issue, but many of its critics focused on the territory rights aspect, arguing there was no equivalent limit on state legislation. This perspective gained ground from 2017 as the states passed euthanasia legislation, seemingly leaving the territories behind.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The May 2022 federal election delivered a likely majority for overturning the ban, and in July federal Labor MPs Alicia Payne and Luke Gosling, from the ACT and Northern Territory respectively, introduced a private members' bill to do just that (&lt;i&gt;RiotAct&lt;/i&gt;, 4 July 2022). Over the next six months the bill made its way through the House of Representatives and Senate, passing the latter on 1 December. Chief Minister Andrew Barr and Opposition Leader Elizabeth Lee, both supporters of the bill, were present in the gallery, with Barr welcoming the conclusion of a matter “already conclusively resolved in the minds of the public” (&lt;i&gt;Canberra Times&lt;/i&gt;, 2 December 2022).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;When it came to drug law reform, by contrast, the ACT occupied its more usual place as first mover within the Federation. Labor backbencher Michael Pettersson's bill to decriminalise small quantities of illicit drugs other than marijuana, already decriminalised in the Territory, was certainly a national first. But by the time it passed in October it had also been much-debated, and the event was muted: the Liberals promised to repeal the measure if elected in 2024 and Australian Federal Police Commissioner Reece Kershaw warned about “narco-tourism”, but no new arguments emerged (&lt;i&gt;Canberra Times&lt;/i&gt;, 21 October 2022).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;A six-month drug testing trial launched by the government in July was another first, and it attracted considerable attention for what it disclosed about the quality of drugs sold in Canberra: in its first month some 27 per cent of purported cocaine samples contained no cocaine, while one supposed sample of methamphetamine was simply sugar (&lt;i&gt;RiotAct&lt;/i&gt;, 2 September 2022). Unsurprisingly, a significant minority of people us","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 2","pages":"385-389"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12915","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50141272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 8
Northern Territory July to December 2022 北领地2022年7月至12月
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12916
Robyn Smith
{"title":"Northern Territory July to December 2022","authors":"Robyn Smith","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12916","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 2","pages":"379-385"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50141275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Is Spain Different? The Tamed Memory of the Spanish Civil War and the Limits of Spain's National Self-Image (2008–10) 西班牙不同吗?西班牙内战的驯服记忆与西班牙民族自我形象的局限(2008-2010)
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12874
David Huys

This article focusses on ongoing discussions about the place of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and the Franco dictatorship (1939–75) in Spain's democracy. Following the suspension of Judge Baltasar Garzón by the Spanish Supreme Court in 2010, who had indicted General Francisco Franco (1892–1975) and thirty-four accomplices under international law for committing crimes against humanity, a debate arose between leading intellectuals in Spain about the growing international influence on Spain's war past. This debate revealed that a group of influential left-wing intellectuals attempted to curb the social and political influence of the citizens' memory movements. The author observes how this happened by applying three strategies: the foreign strategy, the nationalistic-ethical strategy, and the saturation strategy. He concludes that the growing international pressure on Spain's handling of the Civil War and dictatorship led to a “Spanification” of the “culture of the transición” as a national memory, causing the memory movements to lose momentum and curbing the international influence on Spain's handling of its dictatorial past.

本文重点讨论了西班牙内战(1936–39)和佛朗哥独裁统治(1939–75)在西班牙民主中的地位。2010年,根据国际法起诉弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥将军(1892-1975)和34名同谋犯下反人类罪的巴尔塔萨·加松法官被西班牙最高法院停职。此后,西班牙主要知识分子之间就国际社会对西班牙战争历史日益增长的影响展开了辩论。这场辩论揭示了一群有影响力的左翼知识分子试图遏制公民记忆运动的社会和政治影响。作者通过运用三种策略来观察这种情况是如何发生的:对外策略、民族主义伦理策略和饱和策略。他总结道,国际社会对西班牙处理内战和独裁统治的压力越来越大,导致“过渡文化”作为一种国家记忆被“西班牙化”,导致记忆运动失去势头,并遏制了国际上对西班牙处理其独裁历史的影响。
{"title":"Is Spain Different? The Tamed Memory of the Spanish Civil War and the Limits of Spain's National Self-Image (2008–10)","authors":"David Huys","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12874","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12874","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article focusses on ongoing discussions about the place of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and the Franco dictatorship (1939–75) in Spain's democracy. Following the suspension of Judge Baltasar Garzón by the Spanish Supreme Court in 2010, who had indicted General Francisco Franco (1892–1975) and thirty-four accomplices under international law for committing crimes against humanity, a debate arose between leading intellectuals in Spain about the growing international influence on Spain's war past. This debate revealed that a group of influential left-wing intellectuals attempted to curb the social and political influence of the citizens' memory movements. The author observes how this happened by applying three strategies: the foreign strategy, the nationalistic-ethical strategy, and the saturation strategy. He concludes that the growing international pressure on Spain's handling of the Civil War and dictatorship led to a “Spanification” of the “culture of the transición” as a national memory, causing the memory movements to lose momentum and curbing the international influence on Spain's handling of its dictatorial past.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 2","pages":"266-282"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50152724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Yubbi Yarning Circle Model: Collective Narratives and Cultural Expression in the Journey of Trauma 尤比雅宁圈模式:创伤之旅中的集体叙事与文化表达
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12905
Peta Wanjunagalin, Robyn E Thompson

This article describes a “working model” that started as a culturally appropriate workshop created by students and staff involved in the Certificate III in Visual Arts at Goulburn Ovens Institute of TAFE, Shepparton Campus, Victoria in 2018. The Yubbi Yarning Circle Model (YYCM) sees First Nations Artists, as both Facilitators and Storytellers, expressing the ongoing effects of Aboriginal Exemption using visual storytelling. We explore how the model of a visual narrative can be utilised in further cultural activities planned for research into Aboriginal Exemption and how this art resource may effectively be disseminated to Storytellers who not only have a history of Aboriginal Exemption, but also more broadly in the wider community. The YYCM approach is multi-disciplinary and combines the cultural healing practices of the Yarning Circle, the Mariku knowledge of symbology, participatory action research using decolonised methodologies and findings on behavioral research from Northern Ireland about how the narrative can heal trauma.

这篇文章描述了一种“工作模式”,它始于2018年,由维多利亚州谢帕顿校区TAFE古尔本Ovens学院视觉艺术三级证书的学生和工作人员创建的一个适合文化的研讨会。Yubbi Yarning Circle模型(YYCM)将原住民艺术家视为促进者和讲故事者,通过视觉讲故事来表达原住民豁免的持续影响。我们探讨了视觉叙事模式如何在计划研究原住民豁免的进一步文化活动中得到利用,以及如何将这一艺术资源有效地传播给不仅有原住民豁免历史,而且在更广泛的社区中有着原住民豁免历史的讲故事者。YYCM方法是多学科的,结合了Yarning Circle的文化治疗实践、Mariku对符号学的知识、使用非殖民化方法的参与性行动研究以及北爱尔兰关于叙事如何治愈创伤的行为研究结果。
{"title":"Yubbi Yarning Circle Model: Collective Narratives and Cultural Expression in the Journey of Trauma","authors":"Peta Wanjunagalin,&nbsp;Robyn E Thompson","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12905","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article describes a “working model” that started as a culturally appropriate workshop created by students and staff involved in the Certificate III in Visual Arts at Goulburn Ovens Institute of TAFE, Shepparton Campus, Victoria in 2018. The Yubbi Yarning Circle Model (YYCM) sees First Nations Artists, as both Facilitators and Storytellers, expressing the ongoing effects of Aboriginal Exemption using visual storytelling. We explore how the model of a visual narrative can be utilised in further cultural activities planned for research into Aboriginal Exemption and how this art resource may effectively be disseminated to Storytellers who not only have a history of Aboriginal Exemption, but also more broadly in the wider community. The YYCM approach is multi-disciplinary and combines the cultural healing practices of the Yarning Circle, the Mariku knowledge of symbology, participatory action research using decolonised methodologies and findings on behavioral research from Northern Ireland about how the narrative can heal trauma.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 1","pages":"6-34"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50152722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Living Under Aboriginal Exemption: Negotiating State Governments' Policies and Practices 在原住民豁免下生活:谈判州政府的政策和做法
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12904
Judi Wickes, Kella Robinson, Lucinda Aberdeen

This volume of the Australian Journal of Politics and History presents an edited collection of papers delivered by emerging and established researchers at the Second Rethinking & Researching 20th Century Aboriginal Exemption Symposium, co-hosted by the University of the Sunshine Coast with La Trobe University in October 2021. The papers reveal the human costs, hardships and legacies of the state policies of Aboriginal Exemption last century which supposedly offered the promise of freedom to Indigenous Australians confined to reserves and missions. Equally, the papers explore innovative and culturally safe ways to investigate and further understand Aboriginal exemption that ensure Ancestors and Elders, who actively negotiated, resisted and subverted its use, are recognised and honoured.

《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》的这一卷展示了由第二次反思&;2021年10月,阳光海岸大学与拉筹伯大学联合主办的20世纪原住民豁免研究研讨会。这些文件揭示了上个世纪原住民豁免国家政策的人力成本、困难和遗产,据称该政策为被限制在保护区和使团内的澳大利亚原住民提供了自由的承诺。同样,这些论文探索了创新和文化安全的方式来调查和进一步了解原住民豁免,以确保积极谈判、抵制和颠覆其使用的祖先和长老得到认可和尊重。
{"title":"Living Under Aboriginal Exemption: Negotiating State Governments' Policies and Practices","authors":"Judi Wickes,&nbsp;Kella Robinson,&nbsp;Lucinda Aberdeen","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12904","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This volume of the <i>Australian Journal of Politics and History</i> presents an edited collection of papers delivered by emerging and established researchers at the <i>Second Rethinking &amp; Researching 20th Century Aboriginal Exemption Symposium</i>, co-hosted by the University of the Sunshine Coast with La Trobe University in October 2021. The papers reveal the human costs, hardships and legacies of the state policies of Aboriginal Exemption last century which supposedly offered the promise of freedom to Indigenous Australians confined to reserves and missions. Equally, the papers explore innovative and culturally safe ways to investigate and further understand Aboriginal exemption that ensure Ancestors and Elders, who actively negotiated, resisted and subverted its use, are recognised and honoured.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 1","pages":"1-5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50152721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
South Australia July to December 2022 南澳大利亚州2022年7月至12月
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12919
Rob Manwaring, Josh Sunman
<p>After the March state election, a Labor government was installed after convincingly ousting Steven Marshall's one-term Liberal government, continuing a tradition of short-lived Liberal governments in South Australia. In the second half of 2022, Peter Malinauskas' new government was seeking to bed down its agenda, and was favoured by political circumstances. Generally, there is a common political cycle between elections. In the first stage, a new government will often spend the first six to twelve months conducting reviews, taking stock, and generally blaming its predecessor for policy failures. The second stage, usually in years 2 to 3, focuses on securing policy wins and ‘delivering’. In the final stage, the attention then turns to the imminent election. For Malinauskas, the key was to hit the ground running, while for the new Liberal opposition leader David Speirs, it was a period of review and reflection upon the election loss.</p><p>The most pressing concern for the Malinauskas government was the intersection of two key issues: the latest wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the electoral goal of ‘ending the ramping crisis’. In July, the Omicron strain was “biting harder in South Australia than at any time since COVID-19 reached [SA] shores” (<i>The Advertiser</i>, 29 July 2022). At this time, Chief Health Officer Nicola Spurrier was encouraging South Australians to work from home where possible; but this sat in conflict with the Premier's desire for economic activity to resume, particularly in Adelaide's CBD. The total number of cumulative cases of COVID-19 in July 2022 was over 700,000, and at the peak of July, the number of reported daily cases was at 5,000 per day. After July, there was some respite and a steady decline in reported cases (<i>covid19data.com.au</i>). Data also confirmed that hospitalisations peaked in SA in July (374 cases, 25 July), declined steadily until October (reaching a low of about 30 cases), and then steadily rose again with 255 hospitalisations by the end of the year (<i>covid19data.com.au</i>). Compared with the other states these are relatively small numbers but proportionate to South Australia's population, this was a highly challenging situation.</p><p>COVID-19 then placed key strains on already stretched hospital and health resources. Health Minister Chris Picton faced a range of challenges in addressing the issue of ramping – the focal point of the March election. Labor made some headway into reducing the overall ramping levels (ambulances parked or ‘ramped’ outside hospitals), but health systems more generally were under strain. Labor suffered a blow when the Women and Children's Hospital Paediatric Intensive Care Unit lost its accreditation as a training unit (<i>The Advertiser</i>, 2 December 2022) and pressure continued when SA Health's patient records technology went into a “meltdown” (<i>The Advertiser</i>, 29 December 2022). A key stakeholder, the Salaried Medical Officers Association, called for an
3月州选举后,工党政府在令人信服地推翻了史蒂文·马歇尔的一届自由党政府后成立,延续了南澳大利亚短命自由党政府的传统。2022年下半年,Peter Malinauskas的新政府正在寻求搁置其议程,并受到政治环境的支持。一般来说,选举之间有一个共同的政治周期。在第一阶段,新政府通常会在最初的六到十二个月里进行审查、评估,并通常将政策失败归咎于前任。第二阶段,通常在2至3年,重点是确保政策胜利和“交付”。在最后阶段,人们的注意力转向即将到来的选举。对马林瑙斯卡斯来说,关键是要脚踏实地,而对新任自由党反对党领袖大卫·斯皮尔斯来说,这是一个对选举失利进行回顾和反思的时期。马利瑙斯卡政府最紧迫的担忧是两个关键问题的交叉:最新一波新冠肺炎疫情和“结束危机加剧”的选举目标。7月,奥密克戎毒株“在南澳大利亚州比新冠肺炎抵达南澳大利亚海岸以来的任何时候都更猛烈”(《广告商》,2022年7月29日)。此时,首席卫生官Nicola Spurrier鼓励南澳大利亚州尽可能在家工作;但这与总理希望恢复经济活动的愿望相冲突,尤其是在阿德莱德的中央商务区。2022年7月,新冠肺炎累计病例总数超过70万例,7月高峰期,每日报告病例数为5000例。7月之后,报告病例有所缓解并稳步下降(covid19data.com.au)。数据还证实,SA的住院人数在7月达到峰值(374例,7月25日),直到10月才稳步下降(达到约30例的低点),然后又稳步上升,到今年年底有255人住院(covid19data.com.au)。与其他州相比,这些州的人数相对较少,但与南澳大利亚州的人口成比例,这是一个极具挑战性的情况。新冠肺炎给本已紧张的医院和卫生资源带来了关键压力。卫生部长克里斯·皮克顿(Chris Picton)在解决3月大选的焦点——疫苗接种问题方面面临着一系列挑战。劳工在降低总体上升水平(救护车停在医院外或“上升”)方面取得了一些进展,但卫生系统总体上处于紧张状态。当妇女儿童医院儿科重症监护室失去培训机构的资格时,工党受到了打击(《广告人》,2022年12月2日),当SA Health的患者记录技术陷入“崩溃”时,压力仍在继续(《广告者》,2022月29日)。一个关键的利益相关者,带薪医生协会,呼吁立即对皇家阿德莱德医院(RAH)进行检查,以反映其对工作条件的担忧。此前,RAH紧急事务主管梅根·布鲁克斯博士辞职,他的辞职信暴露了员工面临的大部分压力(《广告人》,2022年12月29日)。工党政府将卫生系统改革视为一个长期项目。州选举后,它解雇了当时的卫生首席执行官Chris McGowan,并于8月宣布Robyn Wright博士(华盛顿州的卫生主管)将担任这一关键角色(《广告商》,2022年8月2日)。面对卫生系统的巨大压力,总理马林瑙斯卡斯承认,需要“整整四年”的时间来解决增长问题,并认为政府的计划“包括我们在该州历史上见过的对卫生系统资源的最大增长”(《广告人》,2022年12月29日)。健康很可能仍然是对他的政府的一个核心考验,尤其是因为这是他们成功选举战略的核心。儿童保护仍然是一个极其困难和“邪恶”的政策问题,鉴于2012年克洛伊·瓦伦丁(Chloe Valentine)的案件等备受关注的案件,许多政府一直在努力寻找足够的制度和系统应对措施。南非前警察局长Mal Hyde负责调查今年早些时候两名儿童的死亡,他们分别是6岁的Charlie Nowland和7岁的Makai Wanganeen。作为调查的一部分,海德向总理提交了一份审查报告,发现500名儿童可能处于“高风险”中(InDaily,2022年11月9日)。总理要求警察局长格兰特·史蒂文斯与所有这些受影响的儿童建立联系,涉及许多相关机构。12月,据报道,其中290名儿童仍未联系上(《广告商》,2022年12月7日)。 由于只有两名自由党女性在众议院任职,而且在3月份的州选举中,在芬尼斯和弗林德斯的安全农村席位上,该党几乎没有击退强大的女性独立人士的竞选,因此该党面临着选择一名女性候选人来取代查普曼的巨大压力。这种压力体现在前自由党工作人员Chelsey Potter的独立候选人资格上,她强烈批评该党在性别问题上的做法,并威胁要在与成功的联邦“蓝绿色”候选人类似的平台上竞争。尽管有这种压力,而且斯皮尔斯公开支持一位女性候选人,查普曼的温和派还是支持律师兼前领事官员杰克·巴蒂。这引起了该党保守派的坚定和公开批评,他们吹嘘自己在女性代表性方面的记录相对更强(《广告商》,2022年6月6日)。为了利用分歧,工党在3月份预选了律师Alice Rolls,而不是其候选人Rick Sarre(InDaily,2022年6月8日)。补选投票率高达83.8%,与自由党的投票率为2.5%。总理马林瑙斯卡斯很快宣称这是他刚刚成立的政府的胜利,并指出了政府在补选中通常面临的困难(美国广播公司新闻,2022年7月4日)。尽管在政治上得分很高,但这一结果,加上工党3月份在阿德莱德大都会传统蓝丝带地区的胜利,以及联邦政府的蓝绿色叛乱,表明自由党在其核心地带有问题需要解决。斯皮尔斯能否胜任这项任务可能是对其领导力的一个关键考验。2022年11月10日,南澳大利亚州所有68个地区和大都市议会的选举投票结束。由于自愿投票,南澳大利亚州的地方政府选举的参与率低于东部各州。投票通过邮寄投票进行,34.54%的选民返回选票包,延续了2018年开始的参与率上升趋势(ECSA 2022)。阿德莱德市长竞选吸引了五名候选人,包括现任市长Sandy Verschoor、前参议员Rex Patrick和前市长兼兰政府部长Jane Lomax Smith(《广告人》,2022年9月7日)。关键问题包括理事会的运作,以及对平衡遗产和发展的长期关注。Lomax Smith最终在一场因选票篡改指控而受损的三方角逐中获胜(InDaily,2022年11月8日)。Lomax Smith如何管理她与新州政府的关系,将对Malinauskas振兴市中心的努力产生重要影响,同时也将对许多州政府棘手的遗产和发展问题进行传统辩论。在政治周期的这一点上,马林纳斯卡政府正在寻求巩固其政治议程,并在任期内取得关键成就。3月大选前最重要的政策公告之一是考虑合并南澳大利亚州的两所公立大学——阿德莱德大学和南澳大利亚大学(UoA,UNISA)。12月,总理宣布这两所大学达成协议,正式确定合并程序。如果新机构继续运营,将被称为阿德莱德大学,并将于2026年1月开始运营。总体目标是最终创建澳大利亚最大的大学,并在“十年内”将该机构推向世界前50名(The Advertiser,2022年12月7日)。在这份公开声明中,双方就无净失业和计划中的中介“共同领导”模式达成了一致。总理和财政部长都热衷于强调潜在的经济和财政利益,自由党的教育发言人约翰·加德纳广泛支持,但敦促政府提高潜在成本的透明度。之前合并这两所大学的尝试在2012年失败了。全国高等教育联盟对该提案持矛盾态度,对其可取性有不同的看法,担心“更大”并不总是最好的(InDaily,2022年6月3日)。州政府在这个项目上投入了大量政治资本,总理将热切希望看到它在他的第一个任期内启动。这两项政策都
{"title":"South Australia July to December 2022","authors":"Rob Manwaring,&nbsp;Josh Sunman","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12919","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;After the March state election, a Labor government was installed after convincingly ousting Steven Marshall's one-term Liberal government, continuing a tradition of short-lived Liberal governments in South Australia. In the second half of 2022, Peter Malinauskas' new government was seeking to bed down its agenda, and was favoured by political circumstances. Generally, there is a common political cycle between elections. In the first stage, a new government will often spend the first six to twelve months conducting reviews, taking stock, and generally blaming its predecessor for policy failures. The second stage, usually in years 2 to 3, focuses on securing policy wins and ‘delivering’. In the final stage, the attention then turns to the imminent election. For Malinauskas, the key was to hit the ground running, while for the new Liberal opposition leader David Speirs, it was a period of review and reflection upon the election loss.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The most pressing concern for the Malinauskas government was the intersection of two key issues: the latest wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the electoral goal of ‘ending the ramping crisis’. In July, the Omicron strain was “biting harder in South Australia than at any time since COVID-19 reached [SA] shores” (&lt;i&gt;The Advertiser&lt;/i&gt;, 29 July 2022). At this time, Chief Health Officer Nicola Spurrier was encouraging South Australians to work from home where possible; but this sat in conflict with the Premier's desire for economic activity to resume, particularly in Adelaide's CBD. The total number of cumulative cases of COVID-19 in July 2022 was over 700,000, and at the peak of July, the number of reported daily cases was at 5,000 per day. After July, there was some respite and a steady decline in reported cases (&lt;i&gt;covid19data.com.au&lt;/i&gt;). Data also confirmed that hospitalisations peaked in SA in July (374 cases, 25 July), declined steadily until October (reaching a low of about 30 cases), and then steadily rose again with 255 hospitalisations by the end of the year (&lt;i&gt;covid19data.com.au&lt;/i&gt;). Compared with the other states these are relatively small numbers but proportionate to South Australia's population, this was a highly challenging situation.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;COVID-19 then placed key strains on already stretched hospital and health resources. Health Minister Chris Picton faced a range of challenges in addressing the issue of ramping – the focal point of the March election. Labor made some headway into reducing the overall ramping levels (ambulances parked or ‘ramped’ outside hospitals), but health systems more generally were under strain. Labor suffered a blow when the Women and Children's Hospital Paediatric Intensive Care Unit lost its accreditation as a training unit (&lt;i&gt;The Advertiser&lt;/i&gt;, 2 December 2022) and pressure continued when SA Health's patient records technology went into a “meltdown” (&lt;i&gt;The Advertiser&lt;/i&gt;, 29 December 2022). A key stakeholder, the Salaried Medical Officers Association, called for an","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 2","pages":"366-371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12919","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50135385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Australia's Pacific Mindset: Historical Foundations 澳大利亚的太平洋心态:历史基础
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-31 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12910
Ian Kemish
<p>Early in the 2022 Australian election campaign, in an address to the Lowy Institute in Sydney, then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison went out of his way to characterise Australia's regional neighbourhood as a geo-strategic theatre brimming with threats from a foreign power. He identified China, which had joined Russia in declaring a “no-limits” partnership shortly before the Ukraine invasion two weeks previously, as the key threat to the peaceful status quo in the region. He highlighted Beijing's expanding militarisation, along with “espionage, disinformation, cyber-attacks, foreign interference, and economic coercion.” Morrison said that China was becoming more assertive “in ways that are causing concern to nations across the region” and underlined that Australia's future was “inextricably linked” with those of the Pacific Island countries (PICs) to Australia's north and east.1</p><p>The Pacific is not usually an election focus in Australia — the region generally attracts only limited Australian media coverage. But the coalition government's decision to play the national security card, trumpeting its “Pacific step-up” program,2 combined with the subsequent revelation that Solomon Islands had secretly finalised a security agreement with China on the coalition's watch, was to ensure that the Pacific became a battleground in the struggle to win government. The Labor opposition bought into the prevailing national security narrative, seizing on the Government's discomfort over events in Solomon Islands. Shadow Foreign Minister Penny Wong told the media that “on Scott Morrison's watch, our region has become less secure.”3 Morrison continued to speak about the challenges arising from China's “intense” approaches to the PICs, warning in early April that “these threats still remain.”4 Labor brought forward a substantial new set of Pacific policies mid-campaign, positioning it well for intense, positive diplomatic engagement with the region in the early post-election period, led by Wong as Foreign Minister for the new government.5</p><p>The unusual domestic political focus on the Pacific led the mainstream Australian media into unfamiliar territory. With some exceptions, the intensive reporting that ensued in Australian outlets — and much of the accompanying commentary from Australian public figures — reflected little detailed knowledge of the Pacific itself. The region was often made to sound like nothing more than a vacant expanse full of risk, where China was locked in a dangerous contest with the West, led by Australia as its chief representative in the region.6 Little attention was given to the people of the region themselves — the challenges they face, their priorities, and their aspirations.</p><p>All this seemed to confirm the sense that Australian public interest in the Pacific is only aroused when other major powers are threatening to move in on our “backyard” — to use a habitual, neo-colonialist term that was redeployed regularly during the cam
2022年澳大利亚大选初期,时任总理斯科特·莫里森在悉尼洛伊研究所发表讲话,不遗余力地将澳大利亚的地区描述为一个充满外国威胁的地缘战略舞台。他指出,中国是对该地区和平现状的关键威胁。两周前,中国在入侵乌克兰前不久与俄罗斯一起宣布建立“无限制”伙伴关系。他强调了北京不断扩大的军事化,以及“间谍活动、虚假信息、网络攻击、外国干涉和经济胁迫”。莫里森表示,中国正变得更加自信,“其方式引起了该地区各国的担忧”,并强调澳大利亚的未来与澳大利亚北部和东部的太平洋岛国“密不可分”。1太平洋通常不是澳大利亚的选举焦点,该地区通常只吸引有限的澳大利亚媒体新闻报道但联合政府决定打国家安全牌,大肆宣扬其“太平洋升级”计划,2再加上随后所罗门群岛在联合政府的监督下秘密敲定了与中国的安全协议,是为了确保太平洋成为赢得政府的战场。工党反对派利用政府对所罗门群岛事件的不满,接受了普遍存在的国家安全叙事。影子外交部长Penny Wong对媒体表示,“在Scott Morrison的监督下,我们的地区变得不那么安全了。”3 Morrison继续谈到中国对太平洋岛国采取“激烈”做法所带来的挑战,并在4月初警告称,“这些威胁仍然存在。”4工党在竞选中期提出了一套实质性的新太平洋政策,在黄担任新政府外交部长的领导下,澳大利亚在选举后初期与该地区进行了激烈、积极的外交接触。5国内政治对太平洋地区不同寻常的关注导致澳大利亚主流媒体进入了陌生的领域。除了一些例外,澳大利亚媒体随后进行的密集报道——以及澳大利亚公众人物的大部分评论——反映出对太平洋本身的了解很少。该地区经常被认为只不过是一片充满风险的空地,在那里,中国与以澳大利亚为首的西方国家展开了一场危险的竞争。6该地区的人民自己——他们面临的挑战、他们的优先事项和他们的愿望——几乎没有得到关注。所有这些似乎都证实了一种感觉,即只有当其他大国威胁要进入我们的“后院”时,澳大利亚公众才会对太平洋地区产生兴趣——用一个在竞选期间经常重新部署的习惯性新殖民主义术语来说。换言之,这种战略否认是澳大利亚政府的做法和澳大利亚公众在太平洋地区的心态背后的压倒性动机或本能。2022年,太平洋岛民强烈认为,澳大利亚政府和国际社会其他成员一样,没有认真对待他们自己的愿望和压倒一切的当务之急,特别是他们对气候变化的担忧,7被区域领导人在2018年太平洋岛屿论坛(PIF)安全宣言中描述为“对太平洋人民生计、安全和福祉的最大威胁”。“8考虑到澳大利亚对中国的党派竞争,以及当时更广泛的全球安全背景,澳大利亚在2022年竞选期间对太平洋的公开评论几乎完全集中在该地区正在进行的“地缘战略竞争”上,这是很自然的。澳大利亚媒体自然对国内政治双方相互竞争的国家安全证书最感兴趣,正如我们稍后将探讨的那样,对中国在太平洋地区的做法也有合理的担忧理由,其中许多原因是地区领导人所共有的。毫无疑问,中国在该地区更加积极的姿态,加上俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,使地缘战略格局成为公众关注的重要故事。但澳大利亚媒体的叙述也反映了澳大利亚对太平洋根深蒂固的文化观,我们的政治家和行政人员以及广大公众都参与其中。将太平洋描述为一个只有威胁的地方,而不是合作或机会的地方,以及随之而来的对拒绝向外国势力提供战略空间的近乎排他性的关注,有着长期的历史基础,我们认为这对我们的利益和价值观构成了威胁。 对历史记录的回顾证实,在澳大利亚后联邦时代的早期,这些焦虑因素已经成为澳大利亚人思考自己在世界上地位的不可或缺的因素。事实上,从澳大利亚殖民项目一开始就关注战略否认,到19世纪,殖民地强烈的孤立感和他们在太平洋地区反复经历的外国威胁——或者至少被认为是这样——进一步加强了这一点。事实上,正如我们将看到的那样,对外国威胁澳大利亚在太平洋地区的安全的担忧在推动澳大利亚建国方面发挥了重要作用。拒绝将太平洋交给其他人可以被认为是当初决定建立新南威尔士殖民地的动机之一。该项目最早的支持者认为,它将提供一个基地,从中攻击西班牙在海洋中的商业,并有助于击败西班牙裔美国人。9 Shaw,Blainey,其他人则认为,其动机还包括拒绝法国占领即将成为澳大利亚的领土。10 1786年,在要求东印度公司正式同意建立殖民地时,英国内政大臣悉尼勋爵(Lord Sydney)指出,植物学湾属于该公司的贸易垄断区,并辩称这将“是防止我们的欧洲邻居移民到该区的一种手段,而这可能会对该公司的事务产生无限的影响。”。“11第一批澳大利亚行政人员明白,他们是被拥有太平洋权力的帝国统治者指控的。总督阿瑟·菲利普的任命使他不仅成为澳大利亚大陆东半部的“总总督”,以及“太平洋上上述北纬10°37′和43°39′的邻近岛屿”,这是一片广阔的海洋,从北部约克角和塔斯马尼亚南端之间的东部海岸线向外辐射。12这为澳大利亚对太平洋的“所有权”态度埋下了种子。悉尼殖民地在其最早的几年里就在这一权力下对诺福克岛进行了探险,而新西兰在19世纪的前几十年实际上成为了新南威尔士州的延伸。菲利普上任20多年后,他的继任者之一拉克伦·麦考瑞(Lachlan Macquarie)在维护他对遥远的塔希提岛的法律权威时引用了最初任命的条款,在他任命了一名地方法官来帮助维持法律和秩序之后。13在19世纪的头几十年里,澳大利亚殖民地对来自太平洋地区外国势力的一系列战略威胁做出了焦虑的反应,无论是真实的还是感知的。18世纪末,法国和英国一直是区域勘探和新定居点的竞争对手,在这一时期,法国太平洋地区发现了许多新发现。1788年1月,当菲利普将第一支舰队开进悉尼港时,拉·佩罗斯和他的船只抵达植物学湾,反映了这种活动模式。新南威尔士州几乎是在法国大革命前夕建立的,随后对波拿巴皇帝的长期战争在19世纪初成为英国当局最关心的问题,当时这个新殖民地正在站稳脚跟。对法国对澳大利亚兴趣的担忧推动了这一时期英国殖民地的扩张。法国探险家在太平洋遇到过。因此,为了确保太平洋南站内任何可能对法国有用的战略位置的安全,金总督于1803年派遣了一支探险队在范地定居。314事实上,在革命后的几年里,法国在太平洋的勘探活动严重减少,使该油田对英国人更加开放。但在这一时期,法国在公众心目中被重申为英国的传统敌人,怀疑挥之不去。即使在1826年,关于法国计划在西澳大利亚建立殖民地的传言也促使英国当局建立了自己的殖民地。15随着法国从19世纪40年代开始建立从塔希提岛到新喀里多尼亚、新赫布里底群岛、瓦利斯和富图纳的属地或保护国,这种担忧在殖民地中也不会消散,俄罗斯的扩张引发了对英属印度的担忧;当时莫斯科巩固了对西伯利亚的控制,并在那里驻扎了一支庞大的太平洋舰队,为“俄罗斯-美国”(现在的阿拉斯加)领土提供服务,并将其更广泛的领土设计投射到大洋彼岸。早在1807年,俄罗斯船只就开始访问悉尼,但直到19世纪30年代,俄罗斯海军的访问频率增加,殖民地媒体才首次发出真正的警报。 1854年至1856年,随着克里米亚战争的爆发,俄罗斯成为英国的敌人,这一事态发展加剧了殖民地的重大防御活动。1854年,一支俄罗斯海军中队通过附近水域,导致了澳大利亚帝国军队的重组,包括将军事总部从悉尼迁至墨尔本,并在悉尼港周围建造防御炮台。17澳大利亚定居点的英国规划者最初将中国视为贸易机会而非威胁,但19
{"title":"Australia's Pacific Mindset: Historical Foundations","authors":"Ian Kemish","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12910","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;Early in the 2022 Australian election campaign, in an address to the Lowy Institute in Sydney, then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison went out of his way to characterise Australia's regional neighbourhood as a geo-strategic theatre brimming with threats from a foreign power. He identified China, which had joined Russia in declaring a “no-limits” partnership shortly before the Ukraine invasion two weeks previously, as the key threat to the peaceful status quo in the region. He highlighted Beijing's expanding militarisation, along with “espionage, disinformation, cyber-attacks, foreign interference, and economic coercion.” Morrison said that China was becoming more assertive “in ways that are causing concern to nations across the region” and underlined that Australia's future was “inextricably linked” with those of the Pacific Island countries (PICs) to Australia's north and east.1&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The Pacific is not usually an election focus in Australia — the region generally attracts only limited Australian media coverage. But the coalition government's decision to play the national security card, trumpeting its “Pacific step-up” program,2 combined with the subsequent revelation that Solomon Islands had secretly finalised a security agreement with China on the coalition's watch, was to ensure that the Pacific became a battleground in the struggle to win government. The Labor opposition bought into the prevailing national security narrative, seizing on the Government's discomfort over events in Solomon Islands. Shadow Foreign Minister Penny Wong told the media that “on Scott Morrison's watch, our region has become less secure.”3 Morrison continued to speak about the challenges arising from China's “intense” approaches to the PICs, warning in early April that “these threats still remain.”4 Labor brought forward a substantial new set of Pacific policies mid-campaign, positioning it well for intense, positive diplomatic engagement with the region in the early post-election period, led by Wong as Foreign Minister for the new government.5&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The unusual domestic political focus on the Pacific led the mainstream Australian media into unfamiliar territory. With some exceptions, the intensive reporting that ensued in Australian outlets — and much of the accompanying commentary from Australian public figures — reflected little detailed knowledge of the Pacific itself. The region was often made to sound like nothing more than a vacant expanse full of risk, where China was locked in a dangerous contest with the West, led by Australia as its chief representative in the region.6 Little attention was given to the people of the region themselves — the challenges they face, their priorities, and their aspirations.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;All this seemed to confirm the sense that Australian public interest in the Pacific is only aroused when other major powers are threatening to move in on our “backyard” — to use a habitual, neo-colonialist term that was redeployed regularly during the cam","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 2","pages":"390-404"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12910","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50149294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
A Polanyian Perspective on the Conflict Between Neoliberal Economics and Countrymindedness in Australian Drought and Water Policy 从波兰学角度看澳大利亚干旱和水资源政策中新自由主义经济学与国家意识之间的冲突
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.12859
Angus Robertson, Benjamin Habib

This article evaluates the successes and failures of Australian drought and water policy reforms. By analysing the influence of the ideas central to neoliberal economics and countrymindedness on the development and implementation of the National Drought Policy and the Murray Darling Basin Plan, we illustrate that drought and water policy reforms in Australia can be explained in the context of Karl Polanyi's double movement theory. We demonstrate that founding Australia's agricultural policy on economic assumptions is unlikely to be well-received in a nation that exhibits widespread sympathy for the plight of agricultural producers. As such, we postulate that neoliberal agricultural policies that ignore the relevant social and historical context will be unpopular and vulnerable to a countermovement that undermines the intent and hinders the implementation of the policy.

本文评估了澳大利亚干旱和水资源政策改革的成败。通过分析新自由主义经济学的核心思想和国家意识对《国家干旱政策》和《墨累达令流域计划》的制定和实施的影响,我们说明澳大利亚的干旱和水资源政策改革可以用卡尔-波兰尼的双重运动理论来解释。我们证明,在一个普遍同情农业生产者困境的国家,将经济假设作为澳大利亚农业政策的基础不太可能受到欢迎。因此,我们推测,忽视相关社会和历史背景的新自由主义农业政策将不受欢迎,并容易受到反运动的影响,从而破坏政策的意图并阻碍政策的实施。
{"title":"A Polanyian Perspective on the Conflict Between Neoliberal Economics and Countrymindedness in Australian Drought and Water Policy","authors":"Angus Robertson,&nbsp;Benjamin Habib","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12859","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12859","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article evaluates the successes and failures of Australian drought and water policy reforms. By analysing the influence of the ideas central to neoliberal economics and countrymindedness on the development and implementation of the National Drought Policy and the Murray Darling Basin Plan, we illustrate that drought and water policy reforms in Australia can be explained in the context of Karl Polanyi's double movement theory. We demonstrate that founding Australia's agricultural policy on economic assumptions is unlikely to be well-received in a nation that exhibits widespread sympathy for the plight of agricultural producers. As such, we postulate that neoliberal agricultural policies that ignore the relevant social and historical context will be unpopular and vulnerable to a countermovement that undermines the intent and hinders the implementation of the policy.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 1","pages":"21-39"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12859","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128204477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
Australian Journal of Politics and History
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1