首页 > 最新文献

Australian Journal of Politics and History最新文献

英文 中文
Australian Capital Territory January to June 2024 澳大利亚首都领地2024年1月至6月
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-27 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13028
Chris Monnox
{"title":"Australian Capital Territory January to June 2024","authors":"Chris Monnox","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13028","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"799-803"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142764394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
“Politics Are Quite Beneath the Concern of the Average Billjim”: Politics and the First World War Anzacs, 1914–1918 “政治远远低于普通比尔吉姆的关注”:政治和第一次世界大战的澳新军团,1914-1918
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-27 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13026
Daniel Reynaud

The politics of Australia during First World War have been analysed in depth by many scholars, but little attention has been paid to the politics of the soldiers of the First Australian Imperial Force (AIF). Though often assumed to have been not interested in politics, this article demonstrates that they engaged in politics at multiple levels. They were concerned about decision making and power relationships within the AIF, in international circles and within the British empire. They were also active on a range of domestic political issues, particularly around volunteering and conscription, but also with other federal, state, and local issues. They engaged in the politics of shaping the “digger” legacy. Pre-war ideologies, particularly on class issues and religion, were influential in shaping soldier political engagement and responses. Far from being political innocents, the Anzacs showed themselves to be interested and active in a range of political arenas.

许多学者对第一次世界大战期间澳大利亚的政治进行了深入的分析,但对澳大利亚第一帝国部队(AIF)士兵的政治却很少关注。虽然通常被认为对政治不感兴趣,但本文证明了他们在多个层面上参与政治。他们关心AIF内部、国际圈子和大英帝国内部的决策和权力关系。他们在一系列国内政治问题上也很活跃,尤其是在志愿服务和征兵方面,但也在其他联邦、州和地方问题上很活跃。他们参与了塑造“挖掘者”遗产的政治活动。战前的意识形态,特别是阶级问题和宗教,对塑造士兵的政治参与和反应有影响。澳新军团绝不是政治上的无辜分子,他们表现出对一系列政治领域的兴趣和活跃。
{"title":"“Politics Are Quite Beneath the Concern of the Average Billjim”: Politics and the First World War Anzacs, 1914–1918","authors":"Daniel Reynaud","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13026","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The politics of Australia during First World War have been analysed in depth by many scholars, but little attention has been paid to the politics of the soldiers of the First Australian Imperial Force (AIF). Though often assumed to have been not interested in politics, this article demonstrates that they engaged in politics at multiple levels. They were concerned about decision making and power relationships within the AIF, in international circles and within the British empire. They were also active on a range of domestic political issues, particularly around volunteering and conscription, but also with other federal, state, and local issues. They engaged in the politics of shaping the “digger” legacy. Pre-war ideologies, particularly on class issues and religion, were influential in shaping soldier political engagement and responses. Far from being political innocents, the Anzacs showed themselves to be interested and active in a range of political arenas.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"71 4","pages":"563-580"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145646806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
A Little History of the Australian Labor Party. By Nick Dyrenfurth and Frank Bongiorno. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2024. pp. 304. $27.99 (pb) 澳大利亚工党历史简介。作者:Nick dyrenforth和Frank Bongiorno。悉尼:新南威尔士大学出版社,2024。304页。27.99美元(pb)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-20 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13020
Sean Scalmer
{"title":"A Little History of the Australian Labor Party. By Nick Dyrenfurth and Frank Bongiorno. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2024. pp. 304. $27.99 (pb)","authors":"Sean Scalmer","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"71 3","pages":"520-522"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145197003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
South Australia January to June 2024 2024年1月至6月
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-09 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13024
Andrew Parkin

The first half of 2024 in South Australia marked the midway point in the current State election cycle. The Malinauskas government had been elected in March 2022, defeating the Liberal government headed by Premier Steven Marshall. Under the State's 4-year fixed-term electoral provisions, the next election will be held in March 2026.

In just two years, Peter Malinauskas has become the longest-serving current Australian Premier. While that is mainly a reflection on an extraordinary turnover in leadership elsewhere, it is also the case that the Malinauskas regime seems firmly entrenched in office. Events during the period under review reinforced an impression of a government enjoying solid electoral support while pursuing an ambitious policy agenda, alongside an Opposition struggling to define itself.

The March by-election in the inner metropolitan seat of Dunstan, triggered by the resignation of former Premier Marshall from Parliament, epitomised this political situation. For 116 years, no South Australian governing party had won an Opposition seat in a by-election. This was what Labor managed to achieve.

The seat of Dunstan had emerged from the 2022 election as the State's most marginal seat, with Marshall re-elected as the local member with just an 0.5% margin. The expectation was that the Liberals would retain the seat in the by-election. The demographics of the inner-eastern-suburbs seat seem to favour the Liberals, and they could also highlight the difficulty that the government was experiencing in delivering its most prominent 2022 election undertaking: the reduction of ambulance ramping outside of, and patient congestion within, public hospitals.

The by-election campaign was quite brutal in some respects. Labor disclosed that the Liberal candidate had, four years earlier, lodged an expression of interest for a position in the office of Labor's then Shadow Attorney-General Kyam Maher. Brushing aside criticism of the disclosure as a lamentable breach of an applicant's privacy, Labor claimed instead that it revealed her disdain for the Liberal government at that time. The major parties traded accusations that their respective candidates carried inappropriate associations arising from past family business matters.

The result was close but nonetheless swung the seat to Labor, increasing its numbers in the 47-member House of Assembly to 28. The Labor/Liberal two-party-preferred vote split ended up as 50.8/49.2, a swing of 1.4 percentage points from the March 2022 outcome. Both major parties lost ground (each by about 3%) in terms of first-preference votes, with the Greens picking up a 5.5% positive swing.

Premier Malinauskas was able to claim that the Dunstan result showed voters supported the government's “broad agenda to take the state forward” and were not focused on “one singular issue”—a clear allusion to the hospital ramping issue (Advertiser, 28 March 2024).

Geoff Brock, an Independent MP w

2024年上半年在南澳大利亚州标志着当前州选举周期的中点。马林诺斯卡政府于2022年3月当选,击败了由史蒂文·马歇尔总理领导的自由党政府。根据国家4年任期的选举规定,下届选举将于2026年3月举行。在短短两年内,彼得·马利纳斯卡斯成为澳大利亚现任任期最长的总理。虽然这主要反映了其他地方领导层的巨大更替,但马林诺斯卡斯政权似乎在办公室里根深蒂固。本报告所述期间发生的事件强化了一种印象,即政府在追求雄心勃勃的政策议程的同时,获得了坚实的选举支持,而反对派则在努力定义自己。由前总理马歇尔从议会辞职引发的邓斯坦市中心3月的补选,是这种政治局势的缩影。116年来,南澳大利亚没有一个执政党在补选中赢得过反对党席位。这就是工党成功实现的目标。邓斯坦的席位从2022年的选举中脱颖而出,成为该州最边缘的席位,马歇尔以0.5%的优势再次当选为当地成员。人们期望自由党能在补选中保住席位。内东区选区的人口结构似乎对自由党有利,他们也可能凸显出政府在履行其2022年最重要的选举承诺时遇到的困难:减少公立医院外的救护车坡道和医院内的病人拥堵。补选竞选在某些方面相当残酷。工党透露,四年前,这位自由党候选人曾向工党当时的影子总检察长凯姆·马赫(Kyam Maher)的办公室提交了一份职位意向书。工党不理会外界对她的批评,认为这是对申请人隐私的可悲侵犯,相反,工党声称,这暴露了她当时对自由党政府的蔑视。主要政党相互指责各自的候选人与过去的家族企业事务有不适当的联系。虽然结果很接近,但工党还是赢得了这个席位,使其在众议院的47个席位增加到28个。工党/自由党两党优先投票的结果为50.8/49.2,比2022年3月的结果相差1.4个百分点。两个主要政党在第一偏好选票方面都有所失势(各自约3%),绿党获得了5.5%的正面选票。Malinauskas总理声称,邓斯坦的选举结果表明选民支持政府“推动国家前进的广泛议程”,而不是关注“一个单一的问题”——这显然是在影射医院扩建问题。曾在马利诺斯卡内阁担任地方政府、区域道路和退伍军人事务部长的独立议员Geoff Brock于4月初宣布,“为了我的健康、我的家庭和我的选民的最大利益”,他将“退出”该部(新南威尔士州议会辩论,2024年4月11日)。布洛克解释说,他打算继续担任斯图尔特中北部席位的国会议员。最近有独立人士在工党内阁任职的历史;布洛克本人在2014-2018年总理杰·韦瑟里尔(Jay Weatherill)执政期间就这样做了。马林瑙斯卡斯总理延续了这一传统,安排代表卡维尔选区阿德莱德山选区的独立议员丹·格雷根(Dan Cregan)取代布洛克。格雷根于2018年当选为自由党议员,但于2021年10月辞职。不久之后,他当选为众议院议长,并在2022年3月大选后在两大政党的支持下保住了这一职位。与他的独立前任一样,但与威斯敏斯特传统的负责任政府观念相当紧张,他们同意“作为部长,[格雷根]将保持独立,并在议会立法前保持强大的独立声音”(https://www.premier.sa.gov.au/the-team/dan-cregan-mp).The空缺的议长职位由工党议员莱昂·比格内尔填补。2021年通过的《宪法(独立议长)修正案》规定,议长不能再是注册政党的成员,这导致比格内尔“暂时离开工党”,用总理的话来说。(《印度日报》,2024年4月12日)作为新任特别国务部长,格雷根的当务之急是推进工党在2022年大选中的承诺,即停止向政党捐款。今年6月,克里根和马利纳斯卡斯总理发布了一项具体的建议,供公众讨论。 根据拟议的模式,一个已成立的政党在任何时候都不能接受财政捐款(除了每年高达100美元的会员费),也不能接受任何候选人的捐款,用于与选举有关的开支。整体选举开支上限将被设定:每名众议院候选人的最高开支为10万美元,立法会团体的最高开支为50万美元。政党可以获得公共资金(按目前的每票费率支付)加上每年高达70万美元的“运营资金”(根据议员人数计算),其中一半必须用于政党管理,而不是竞选活动。由于新的政党和新的无党派候选人将无法利用过去的选票统计来获得公共资金,他们将不受捐款禁令的限制,但将对最高捐款设定上限(设定为2700美元)。该提案不限制“第三方”在选举中发表意见的支出,不过会有披露此类支出的规定。这项规定显然是为了迎合高等法院的判决,因为高等法院的判决承认宪法中隐含的政治交流权利。另一方面,拟议的改革旨在禁止“关联实体”(名义上可能独立于政党,但实际上直接支持其活动的团体)成为规避对政党捐款禁令的后门手段。总理Malinauskas认为,尽管改革“不符合我国政府自身的政治利益”,但还是提出了改革。(《印度日报》,2024年6月13日)其影响之一将是禁止工会入会费,而工会入会费一直是工党的一个惯常资金来源。根据总理的说法,该提案使南澳大利亚“在结束金钱与政治权力之间的联系方面处于世界领先地位”(Advertiser, 2024年6月13日)。几位独立评论员同意这种大胆的说法。对于学术律师Graeme Orr来说,该提案标志着SA成为“世界上第一个寻求禁止‘选举捐款’的民主制度”(Inside Story, 2024年6月25日)。另一位学术律师Anne Twomey将该提案置于南非令人羡慕的“创新传统”中,与选举改革有关,以及诸如扩大妇女选举权,消除不合理的选举边界和“选举广告的真相”条款等历史性成就(the Conversation, 2024年6月18日)。其他政治参与者的反应是谨慎的。反对党副领袖约翰·加德纳(John Gardner)表示担心,通过“美式超级政治行动委员会(pac)的强化”,鼓励第三方参与会增加“我们选举美国化的风险”。绿党领袖罗伯特·西姆斯(Robert Simms)同意有必要打击“捐款对我们民主的腐蚀性影响”,但对这一具体提议持保留态度:“魔鬼将在细节中”(《广告商》,2024年6月13日)。在本报告所述期间,尽管卫生部长克里斯·皮克顿(Chris Picton)抓住一切机会宣传开设新的公立医院床位或建设新的医疗基础设施,但救护车停放、急诊室人满为患和取消选择性手术的情况仍然存在。5月份,救护车拥堵的“损失小时数”达到了创纪录的水平。虽然6月的数字较低,但仍比2023年6月高得多(Advertiser, 2024年7月3日)。总理马利纳斯卡斯早在1月份就宣布,他不后悔在2022年的选举中承诺“解决日益严重的危机”。他补充说,“我很遗憾这需要时间……[因为]我不能改变物理定律”(InDaily, 2024年1月8日)。邓斯坦后来的补选结果可能表明,选民们对医疗政策问题的棘手已经习以为常了。工党显然更希望聚光灯落在其他政策举措上。其中之一就是住房政策。住房部长尼克·钱皮恩(Nick Champion)“这是一代人以来第一次”监督公共住房投资的增加。重新安排优先次序的标志,是恢复“房屋信托基金”的名称,指负责提供和管理公共房屋的机构。正是在房屋信托的品牌下,SA才成为知名的公共租赁房屋供应商。该品牌在2006年被归入更广泛的“Housing SA”名称(South Australia Media Release, 2024年6月23日)。政府也一直在大力推
{"title":"South Australia January to June 2024","authors":"Andrew Parkin","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13024","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The first half of 2024 in South Australia marked the midway point in the current State election cycle. The Malinauskas government had been elected in March 2022, defeating the Liberal government headed by Premier Steven Marshall. Under the State's 4-year fixed-term electoral provisions, the next election will be held in March 2026.</p><p>In just two years, Peter Malinauskas has become the longest-serving current Australian Premier. While that is mainly a reflection on an extraordinary turnover in leadership elsewhere, it is also the case that the Malinauskas regime seems firmly entrenched in office. Events during the period under review reinforced an impression of a government enjoying solid electoral support while pursuing an ambitious policy agenda, alongside an Opposition struggling to define itself.</p><p>The March by-election in the inner metropolitan seat of Dunstan, triggered by the resignation of former Premier Marshall from Parliament, epitomised this political situation. For 116 years, no South Australian governing party had won an Opposition seat in a by-election. This was what Labor managed to achieve.</p><p>The seat of Dunstan had emerged from the 2022 election as the State's most marginal seat, with Marshall re-elected as the local member with just an 0.5% margin. The expectation was that the Liberals would retain the seat in the by-election. The demographics of the inner-eastern-suburbs seat seem to favour the Liberals, and they could also highlight the difficulty that the government was experiencing in delivering its most prominent 2022 election undertaking: the reduction of ambulance ramping outside of, and patient congestion within, public hospitals.</p><p>The by-election campaign was quite brutal in some respects. Labor disclosed that the Liberal candidate had, four years earlier, lodged an expression of interest for a position in the office of Labor's then Shadow Attorney-General Kyam Maher. Brushing aside criticism of the disclosure as a lamentable breach of an applicant's privacy, Labor claimed instead that it revealed her disdain for the Liberal government at that time. The major parties traded accusations that their respective candidates carried inappropriate associations arising from past family business matters.</p><p>The result was close but nonetheless swung the seat to Labor, increasing its numbers in the 47-member House of Assembly to 28. The Labor/Liberal two-party-preferred vote split ended up as 50.8/49.2, a swing of 1.4 percentage points from the March 2022 outcome. Both major parties lost ground (each by about 3%) in terms of first-preference votes, with the Greens picking up a 5.5% positive swing.</p><p>Premier Malinauskas was able to claim that the Dunstan result showed voters supported the government's “broad agenda to take the state forward” and were not focused on “one singular issue”—a clear allusion to the hospital ramping issue (<i>Advertiser</i>, 28 March 2024).</p><p>Geoff Brock, an Independent MP w","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"782-787"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.13024","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142763945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
John A. Moses (1930–2024) 约翰·a·摩西(1930-2024)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-10-08 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13025
Andrew G. Bonnell
{"title":"John A. Moses (1930–2024)","authors":"Andrew G. Bonnell","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13025","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"71 4","pages":"851-855"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145646586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Tasmanian Politics January to June 2024 塔斯马尼亚政治2024年1月至6月
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13022
Dain Bolwell
<p>The political highlight of the period was the early state election. There were also three Legislative Council seats up for ballots in May, the continuing charges against a Supreme court judge, the ongoing football stadium controversy, as well as significant concerns for the economy and education, and the demise of an infamous bronze statue.</p><p>Tasmania retained the nation's only Liberal government following the snap state election held a year early on 23 March. Premier Jeremy Rockcliff called the poll following the defection of two former liberals to the cross-bench, which had plunged the government into a minority of eleven in the twenty-five-seat House of Assembly. Pointedly, out of the seven MHAs who had resigned since 2021, six were Liberals. Despite Rockcliff's call for a “strong majority Liberal government,” the election resulted in a continued minority Liberal government, with only fourteen seats in the expanded 35-seat parliament, which returned to its pre-1998 configuration of five 7-member electorates. Key reasons for the restoration of seats were the dearth of potential Cabinet members and high ministerial workloads in the smaller house.</p><p>Labor secured two seats in each electorate for a total of ten, leaving a diverse cross-bench of a record eleven that included five Greens, three from the Jacqui Lambie Network (JLN), plus three left-leaning independents. The North–South chasm remained evident with most of the Liberals and all of the JLN members elected from the North, while most of the Greens and independents were elected from the South. It was especially notable that two Greens were elected in the Hobart seat of Clark, an unprecedented outcome in a single electorate. Sustainability-focused fisherman Craig Garland, who was the last elected in Braddon, was an exception as an independent standing against the ebbing Liberal tide in the North–West, while Cecily Rosol was atypical as a winning Green in Bass (TEC, 31 March). Ironically, the five Greens was the same number that had led the major parties to collude in reducing parliament to twenty-five seats in 1998 so as to raise quotas and deny opportunities for minor parties.</p><p>Issues prominent during the campaign included health, especially access to bulk-billing general practitioners and ambulance ramping at hospitals, as well as housing, and significantly, the Australian Football League (AFL) stadium planned for Hobart's Macquarie Point. The Liberals proposed to solve the ambulance ramping dilemma by simply forbidding it, which did have some subsequent success. The stadium was conspicuously less supported in the North and was opposed by Labor and the Greens, a disadvantage to the government according to Liberal strategist, Brad Stansfield (Mercury, 23 March). However, the idea of a Tasmanian AFL team did find broad support. Interestingly, the JLN representatives had run on a platform of “no policies” instead relying on a promise to closely scrutinise government proposals.
这一时期的政治亮点是早期的州选举。今年5月还有三个立法会席位有待投票,对最高法院法官的指控仍在继续,足球场的争议仍在继续,对经济和教育的重大关注,以及一座臭名昭著的铜像的消失。早在一年前的3月23日,塔斯马尼亚州就提前举行了州选举,并保留了全国唯一的自由党政府。总理杰里米·罗克克利夫在两名前自由党人叛逃到交叉席位后宣布进行投票,这使得政府在25个席位的众议院中成为11个少数党。值得注意的是,自2021年以来辞职的7位mha中,有6位是自由党人。尽管罗克克利夫呼吁建立一个“强有力的多数自由党政府”,但选举结果仍然是一个少数自由党政府,在扩大后的35个席位的议会中只有14个席位,而议会又恢复到1998年以前的5个7个席位的结构。恢复席位的主要原因是缺乏潜在的内阁成员和较小的议院的高部长工作量。工党在每个选区都获得了两个席位,总共10个席位,留下了创纪录的11个席位,其中包括5个绿党,3个来自杰基·兰比网络(JLN),还有3个左倾的独立人士。南北分歧仍然很明显,大多数自由党和所有民族解放阵线成员都是从北方选出的,而大多数绿党和独立人士则是从南方选出的。尤其值得注意的是,两名绿党人在克拉克的霍巴特席位上当选,这在单一选区中是前所未有的。关注可持续发展的渔民克雷格·加兰(Craig Garland)是最后一次在布雷登当选的人,他是一个例外,因为他是一个独立的人,反对西北部自由党的退潮,而塞西莉·罗索尔(Cecily Rosol)则是非典型的,她在巴斯(TEC, 3月31日)赢得了绿党的胜利。具有讽刺意味的是,1998年,五个绿党正是导致主要政党串通一气,将议会席位减少到25个,以提高配额,剥夺小党派的机会。运动期间的突出问题包括保健,特别是获得全科医生的大额收费和医院的救护车停靠,以及住房,重要的是,计划在霍巴特麦夸里角建造澳大利亚足球联盟体育场。自由党提议通过简单地禁止救护车坡道来解决这一困境,这确实取得了一些成功。该体育场在北部的支持率明显较低,并遭到工党和绿党的反对,根据自由党战略家布拉德·斯坦斯菲尔德(Brad Stansfield)的说法,这对政府不利。然而,组建一支塔斯马尼亚AFL球队的想法确实得到了广泛的支持。有趣的是,“民族解放阵线”代表的竞选纲领是“没有政策”,而不是依靠密切审查政府提案的承诺。工党领袖丽贝卡·怀特(Rebecca White)根据塔斯马尼亚州现有的不与其他政党达成协议的政策,排除了寻求跨席位支持组建政府的可能性。随后,在2018年、2021年和2024年三次选举失利后,她辞去了领导人职务。她被前金伯勒市长迪恩·温特(Dean Winter)取代,后者在没有对手的情况下获得了工党右翼和议会党的支持。就在州选举的前五天,让一些政客懊恼的是,新的塔斯马尼亚AFL球队“塔斯马尼亚魔鬼”在该州的几个地方成立了。奇怪的是,这是在与华纳兄弟(Warner Brothers)进行谈判之后,华纳兄弟持有与卡通人物“塔兹”(Taz)相关的商标。会员人数在两天内达到12万,创下了AFL的新纪录(news.com.au, 3月20日),尽管最低的10美元会费无疑是其成功的原因之一。前塔斯马尼亚人、里士满足球俱乐部首席执行官布伦登·盖尔随后宣布,他将于2025年初成为新俱乐部的首任首席执行官。5月4日举行了三个东南部议席的立法会选举,其中两个延续了地方政府市长在上议院赢得席位的悠久传统:普罗塞被自由党保留,尽管受欢迎的现任议员简·豪利特(Jane Howlett)已经转移到下议院。在最终结果中,索雷尔市长克里•文森特(Kerry Vincent)以52.9%比47.1%的得票率击败了工党前领导人布莱恩•格林(Bryan Green),这对自由党来说是一个轻微的进步。尽管射击党菲利普·比格在初选中获得了12.4%的第三高选票,但他几乎没有得到什么支持,最终排在进步的独立人士帕姆·夏普教授之后,排名第四。在前工党现任议员乔希·威利当选为下议院议员后,大霍巴特北部郊区工党倾向的选区埃尔威克以独立议员身份回归。格伦诺奇市长贝克•托马斯(Bec Thomas)最终以53.3%至46.7%的得票率战胜了保守党候选人特莎•麦克劳克林(Tessa McLaughlin)。 前工党成员、著名律师法比亚诺·坎杰洛西在初选中获得18.7%的选票,而麦克劳克林获得28.4%的选票,绿党的珍妮特·谢利在1.83万张选票中获得了超过20%的选票。霍巴特是澳大利亚最环保的选区之一,现任和前市长罗布·瓦伦丁(Rob Valentine)空出了霍巴特,前MHA绿党领袖凯西·奥康纳(Cassy O’connor)以59.7%的得票率轻松获胜,而排名第二的独立市议员约翰·凯利(John Kelly)以40.3%的得票率获胜。在中间偏左的压倒性优势中,前塔斯马尼亚州年度最佳候选人、工党的约翰·卡马拉(John Kamara)以18.6%的得票率位居第三。独立的塔斯科斯活动家查理·伯顿在初选中获得13.6%的选票,排名第四(TEC, 5月20日)。结果,整个议院变成了四名自由党议员、三名工党议员、七名独立议员和一名绿党议员。这是绿党以工党的利益为代价获得的席位,也是绿党首次赢得上议院席位。去年11月,塔斯马尼亚司法系统对格里高利·格森(Gregory Geason)的家庭暴力指控进展缓慢,此后,最高法院法官格里高利·格森(Gregory Geason)继续被停职,拿全薪。4月,他将面临7月在塔斯马尼亚州的暴力和骚扰指控,并因类似的相关问题在新南威尔士州的法院受审(news.com.au, 4月18日)。在霍巴特,格森的辩护律师、埃尔威克选区的立法会候选人法比亚诺·坎杰洛西(Fabiano Cangelosi)。一项针对澳大利亚学校的重大研究发现,塔斯马尼亚州学生面临的欺凌率明显高于其他任何司法管辖区(SBS, 5月21日)。澳大利亚教育研究委员会(ACER)发布了对2022年经合组织国际学生评估项目结果的分析。超过13000名学生接受了采访。研究发现,虽然塔斯马尼亚州的校园欺凌率在24个可比较的经合组织国家中排名第二,但塔斯马尼亚州的校园欺凌率在全国各个类别中都是最高的。这些类别包括经常被毁坏或被盗(8%),被威胁(9%),被打或推(10%),以及被取笑(24%)。教育部长乔·帕尔默没有对调查结果发表评论。然而,克拉克独立的克里斯蒂·约翰逊后来成功地推动议会调查学校歧视的相关问题,称欺凌的数量是“完全不可接受的”(水星,6月13日)。大约在霸凌事件曝光的同时,生产力委员会发布了2024年政府服务报告,该报告显示,塔斯马尼亚州的教育表现明显落后于除北领地以外的所有其他司法管辖区。2022年,只有53%的学生从12年级毕业,低于2021年的57.7%,而全国平均水平为76%。过去10年,该校的出勤率大幅下降,师生比例在全国最低之列。工党的乔希·威利(Josh Willey)指出了这些失败,部长罗杰·扬施(Roger Jaensch)承认“需要做更多的事情”,同时强调了在自由党领导下的员工招聘以及将所有高中延长到11年级和12年级。引人注目的是,塔斯马尼亚州43%的学生属于“低社会经济优势”,而全国的这一比例为31% (Mercury
{"title":"Tasmanian Politics January to June 2024","authors":"Dain Bolwell","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13022","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;The political highlight of the period was the early state election. There were also three Legislative Council seats up for ballots in May, the continuing charges against a Supreme court judge, the ongoing football stadium controversy, as well as significant concerns for the economy and education, and the demise of an infamous bronze statue.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Tasmania retained the nation's only Liberal government following the snap state election held a year early on 23 March. Premier Jeremy Rockcliff called the poll following the defection of two former liberals to the cross-bench, which had plunged the government into a minority of eleven in the twenty-five-seat House of Assembly. Pointedly, out of the seven MHAs who had resigned since 2021, six were Liberals. Despite Rockcliff's call for a “strong majority Liberal government,” the election resulted in a continued minority Liberal government, with only fourteen seats in the expanded 35-seat parliament, which returned to its pre-1998 configuration of five 7-member electorates. Key reasons for the restoration of seats were the dearth of potential Cabinet members and high ministerial workloads in the smaller house.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Labor secured two seats in each electorate for a total of ten, leaving a diverse cross-bench of a record eleven that included five Greens, three from the Jacqui Lambie Network (JLN), plus three left-leaning independents. The North–South chasm remained evident with most of the Liberals and all of the JLN members elected from the North, while most of the Greens and independents were elected from the South. It was especially notable that two Greens were elected in the Hobart seat of Clark, an unprecedented outcome in a single electorate. Sustainability-focused fisherman Craig Garland, who was the last elected in Braddon, was an exception as an independent standing against the ebbing Liberal tide in the North–West, while Cecily Rosol was atypical as a winning Green in Bass (TEC, 31 March). Ironically, the five Greens was the same number that had led the major parties to collude in reducing parliament to twenty-five seats in 1998 so as to raise quotas and deny opportunities for minor parties.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Issues prominent during the campaign included health, especially access to bulk-billing general practitioners and ambulance ramping at hospitals, as well as housing, and significantly, the Australian Football League (AFL) stadium planned for Hobart's Macquarie Point. The Liberals proposed to solve the ambulance ramping dilemma by simply forbidding it, which did have some subsequent success. The stadium was conspicuously less supported in the North and was opposed by Labor and the Greens, a disadvantage to the government according to Liberal strategist, Brad Stansfield (Mercury, 23 March). However, the idea of a Tasmanian AFL team did find broad support. Interestingly, the JLN representatives had run on a platform of “no policies” instead relying on a promise to closely scrutinise government proposals.","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"776-782"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.13022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142764344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Toxic Parliaments and What Can Be Done about Them. By Marian Sawer and Maria Maley (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024), 135pp. Open access or Eur 49.99 (hb). 有毒的议会和我们能做些什么。Marian Sawer和Maria Maley著(Palgrave Macmillan出版社,2024),135页。开放获取或€49.99 (hb)。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-16 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13023
Janine Hayward
{"title":"Toxic Parliaments and What Can Be Done about Them. By Marian Sawer and Maria Maley (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024), 135pp. Open access or Eur 49.99 (hb).","authors":"Janine Hayward","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13023","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"71 3","pages":"523-525"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
New South Wales January to June 2024 新南威尔士州2024年1月至6月
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-04 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13021
David Clune
{"title":"New South Wales January to June 2024","authors":"David Clune","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"787-792"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142764242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Life So Full of Promise: Further Biographies of Australia's Lost Generation. By Ross McMullin. Melbourne: Scribe, 2023, pp. 626. $49.99 (paperback) 《充满希望的生活:澳大利亚迷惘一代再传》罗斯·麦克穆林著。墨尔本:Scribe, 2023,第626页。49.99美元(平装)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13019
Carolyn Holbrook
{"title":"Life So Full of Promise: Further Biographies of Australia's Lost Generation. By Ross McMullin. Melbourne: Scribe, 2023, pp. 626. $49.99 (paperback)","authors":"Carolyn Holbrook","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"71 1","pages":"176-179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143530034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Art of Opposition. Edited by Scott Prasser and David Clune. Brisbane: Connor Court Publishing, 2024, pp. 487. $69.95 (HB) 反对的艺术。斯科特·普拉瑟和大卫·克伦编辑。布里斯班:Connor Court Publishing, 2024,第487页。$ 69.95 (HB)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1111/ajph.13018
Richard Reid
{"title":"The Art of Opposition. Edited by Scott Prasser and David Clune. Brisbane: Connor Court Publishing, 2024, pp. 487. $69.95 (HB)","authors":"Richard Reid","doi":"10.1111/ajph.13018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13018","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"71 1","pages":"174-176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143530724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
Australian Journal of Politics and History
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1