In the context of Hobsbawm's thesis about the nineteenth-century law of progress, the author studies Kollár's and Štúr's conception of Slavic reciprocity, which he compares with the Greek Great Idea (Megali Idea) and the Greek-Cypriot idea of enosis. He came to the conclusion that there is greater similarity, especially between Štúr's conception and enosis, since they both required state-political as well as territorial unification of Slavs or Greeks, unlike Kollár's conception, which was, rather, a cultural and literary reciprocity project. As a historical paradox, the author considers the fact that the practical and feasible conception of enosis was never carried out, while Kollár's theoretical conception and Štúr's highly unlikely model became, in a modified form, a reality after the First and Second World Wars.
{"title":"Slavic Reciprocity and Greek-Cypriot Enosis as the Nineteenth-Century Forms of the Law of Progress","authors":"Vasil Gluchman","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12906","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12906","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In the context of Hobsbawm's thesis about the nineteenth-century law of progress, the author studies Kollár's and Štúr's conception of Slavic reciprocity, which he compares with the Greek <i>Great Idea</i> (<i>Megali Idea</i>) and the Greek-Cypriot idea of <i>enosis</i>. He came to the conclusion that there is greater similarity, especially between Štúr's conception and <i>enosis</i>, since they both required state-political as well as territorial unification of Slavs or Greeks, unlike Kollár's conception, which was, rather, a cultural and literary reciprocity project. As a historical paradox, the author considers the fact that the practical and feasible conception of <i>enosis</i> was never carried out, while Kollár's theoretical conception and Štúr's highly unlikely model became, in a modified form, a reality after the First and Second World Wars.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"595-614"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138959955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Australian rule in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea (TPNG) was conducted in large part by a system of patrol officers, the “kiaps”. This article examines rule-by-kiap in the two remote, westernmost districts of the late-Territory (Western and West Sepik) between 1960 and 1973, drawing upon archival sources and interviews with former officers. Australian colonial rule in these districts should be understood as “government by inspection”. The extension of infrastructures of access and the conduct of the census were dominant preoccupations of the Administration, and demonstrations of force were routine. Rule-by-kiap was characteristic of much of TPNG across the years of Australian rule but persisted later in these remote districts, due to their late consolidation under the control of the colonial state. Accordingly, longstanding preoccupations such as the census became linked to new imperatives, such as the conduct of elections.
{"title":"“Government by Inspection”: Australian Rule in the “Forgotten West” of the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, 1960–73","authors":"William Leben","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12841","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12841","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Australian rule in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea (TPNG) was conducted in large part by a system of patrol officers, the “kiaps”. This article examines rule-by-kiap in the two remote, westernmost districts of the late-Territory (Western and West Sepik) between 1960 and 1973, drawing upon archival sources and interviews with former officers. Australian colonial rule in these districts should be understood as “government by inspection”. The extension of infrastructures of access and the conduct of the census were dominant preoccupations of the Administration, and demonstrations of force were routine. Rule-by-kiap was characteristic of much of TPNG across the years of Australian rule but persisted later in these remote districts, due to their late consolidation under the control of the colonial state. Accordingly, longstanding preoccupations such as the census became linked to new imperatives, such as the conduct of elections.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"629-646"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138963711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Letterboxes and Loudspeakers: Compulsory Voting and the Transformation of Grassroots Electioneering in Australia, 1910–51","authors":"Chris Monnox","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12870","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12870","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"615-628"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138964967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>Many Victorians would have been glad that politics became a less prominent feature in the media at the start of 2023. The weeks leading into this year were marked with an intense election campaign that resulted in Labor winning 56 of the 88 seats in the Legislative Assembly at the election in late November, while the results of the Legislative Council were finalised just days before Christmas. The preceding year, however, set the tone for 2023 with the practice of Victorian politics seemingly unchanged in the new year. Labor, led by Daniel Andrews, appeared to be comfortably advancing its legislative and political agenda. In contrast, the major opposition party, the Liberal Party, led by John Pesutto, continued to struggle to make an impact on state politics.</p><p>The same sorts of challenges the two major parties experienced in 2022 also continued into the new year. For Labor, questions about accountability and integrity provided a source of distraction, while questions about the Liberal Party's principles and personnel continued to haunt the party's leader.</p><p>One of the first political issues that emerged in Victoria in 2023 was the issue of how to mark the 26<sup>th</sup> of January, the date on which Australia Day has been a public holiday in all jurisdictions since 1994. Festivities, including a parade through Melbourne, were part of traditional Australia Day events. These events were cancelled in 2021 due to COVID restrictions. The Victorian government also cancelled the parade in 2022 because, as Deputy Premier Jacinta Allan explained, “This has got everything to do with how, as a community, we choose to mark the day differently” (cited in <i>The Age</i>, 21 January 2023).</p><p>In 2023, the Andrews Government made a more explicit announcement about why it would be cancelling the annual Australia Day parade, and holding other events and activities in Federation Square, by stating that the “Victorian Government recognises 26 January represents a day of mourning and reflection for some Victorians, and is a challenging time for First Peoples” (Victorian Government, 5 July 2023).</p><p>Public support for this decision came from the First Peoples' Assembly of Victoria whose co-chair, Marcus Stewart, said that the “parade was a slap in the face and only rub[s] salt in the wounds. It was a mark of the harm and the hurt that was caused through colonisation” (cited in SBS News, 22 January 2023). In contrast, the Opposition Leader John Pesutto called on the Premier to “explain to Victorians why this important event will not be proceeding” as it was “a popular family event that both brought communities together and people into our CBD” (cited in The Age, 21 January 2023).</p><p>As one of the first issues to engage major party leaders in Victoria in 2023, the question of marking Australia Day became symbolic of state politics in the first half of the year. The Andrews Government was able to progress on its policy agenda, while the Opposition s
{"title":"Victoria January to June 2023","authors":"Dr Zareh Ghazarian","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12958","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12958","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Many Victorians would have been glad that politics became a less prominent feature in the media at the start of 2023. The weeks leading into this year were marked with an intense election campaign that resulted in Labor winning 56 of the 88 seats in the Legislative Assembly at the election in late November, while the results of the Legislative Council were finalised just days before Christmas. The preceding year, however, set the tone for 2023 with the practice of Victorian politics seemingly unchanged in the new year. Labor, led by Daniel Andrews, appeared to be comfortably advancing its legislative and political agenda. In contrast, the major opposition party, the Liberal Party, led by John Pesutto, continued to struggle to make an impact on state politics.</p><p>The same sorts of challenges the two major parties experienced in 2022 also continued into the new year. For Labor, questions about accountability and integrity provided a source of distraction, while questions about the Liberal Party's principles and personnel continued to haunt the party's leader.</p><p>One of the first political issues that emerged in Victoria in 2023 was the issue of how to mark the 26<sup>th</sup> of January, the date on which Australia Day has been a public holiday in all jurisdictions since 1994. Festivities, including a parade through Melbourne, were part of traditional Australia Day events. These events were cancelled in 2021 due to COVID restrictions. The Victorian government also cancelled the parade in 2022 because, as Deputy Premier Jacinta Allan explained, “This has got everything to do with how, as a community, we choose to mark the day differently” (cited in <i>The Age</i>, 21 January 2023).</p><p>In 2023, the Andrews Government made a more explicit announcement about why it would be cancelling the annual Australia Day parade, and holding other events and activities in Federation Square, by stating that the “Victorian Government recognises 26 January represents a day of mourning and reflection for some Victorians, and is a challenging time for First Peoples” (Victorian Government, 5 July 2023).</p><p>Public support for this decision came from the First Peoples' Assembly of Victoria whose co-chair, Marcus Stewart, said that the “parade was a slap in the face and only rub[s] salt in the wounds. It was a mark of the harm and the hurt that was caused through colonisation” (cited in SBS News, 22 January 2023). In contrast, the Opposition Leader John Pesutto called on the Premier to “explain to Victorians why this important event will not be proceeding” as it was “a popular family event that both brought communities together and people into our CBD” (cited in The Age, 21 January 2023).</p><p>As one of the first issues to engage major party leaders in Victoria in 2023, the question of marking Australia Day became symbolic of state politics in the first half of the year. The Andrews Government was able to progress on its policy agenda, while the Opposition s","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"755-760"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12958","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138584726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2003, Iraq was invaded, ostensibly to remove a nuclear threat, by a coalition led by George W. Bush. At the same time select allies were invitited to participate in Bush's Global Nuclear Energy Partnership which aimed to limit the spread of nuclear enrichment and reprocessing. This came as climate change gave emphasis to the development of nuclear energy, especially in Asia. With an abundant supply of uranium and strict nuclear safeguards, Australia was well placed to provide a site for the full suite of nuclear services. The recent AUKUS nuclear submarine agreement has underscored its failure to do so. This article makes the case for the adoption of nuclear power as a necessary step in the development of advanced manufacturing; the provision of a domestic capability to fuel nuclear attack submarines and other naval craft; and as a contribution to global nuclear non-proliferation.
{"title":"Whatever Happened to the Australian Role in the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership?","authors":"Wayne Reynolds","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12837","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12837","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In 2003, Iraq was invaded, ostensibly to remove a nuclear threat, by a coalition led by George W. Bush. At the same time select allies were invitited to participate in Bush's Global Nuclear Energy Partnership which aimed to limit the spread of nuclear enrichment and reprocessing. This came as climate change gave emphasis to the development of nuclear energy, especially in Asia. With an abundant supply of uranium and strict nuclear safeguards, Australia was well placed to provide a site for the full suite of nuclear services. The recent AUKUS nuclear submarine agreement has underscored its failure to do so. This article makes the case for the adoption of nuclear power as a necessary step in the development of advanced manufacturing; the provision of a domestic capability to fuel nuclear attack submarines and other naval craft; and as a contribution to global nuclear non-proliferation.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"580-594"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138982658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>International politics often seems like an ever-unfolding stream of crises, some predicted and some not, coupled with proclamations that we live in extraordinary times (sometimes to justify exceptional measures). The first half of 2023 did not disappoint in this regard. The year began with continued violence in Myanmar, Yemen, and Ukraine. By April, a new conflict had broken out in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces.1 March marked the 20<sup>th</sup> anniversary of the Iraq War, a reminder of the profound and lasting impact it has had on global politics.2 Natural disasters and extreme weather events also featured heavily in the first half of 2023, often aggravating already precarious situations around the world. These included a tragic earthquake that crossed the border of Turkey and Syria, wildfires in Chile and Cyclone Gabrielle in New Zealand. On March 4, Vanuatu implemented a state of emergency after suffering two cyclones in a week,3 while a state of emergency was declared in Alberta, Canada on May 6 due to wildfires.4 June 2023 was recorded as the hottest June on record,5 while July was the hottest month ever in the global temperature record.6 Summer in the Northern Hemisphere saw heatwaves and record global daily temperatures being exceeded on numerous occasions. Despite a sense of impending doom around a future climate apocalypse, limited advances were made in tackling the problem. Worth noting in this regard was the passing of a UN resolution to secure a legal opinion from the International Court of Justice on the obligation of states to tackle the climate crisis.7</p><p>Heightened uncertainty around technological developments and how they will transform global politics also loomed large in the first half of 2023. Released at the end of 2022, ChatGPT burst onto the scene at the beginning of this year sparking a range of predictions and discussions around the role of Artificial Intelligence in global politics.8 The app TikTok continued to be at the heart of much controversy with a range of Western states banning its use on government devices. From 18 June, the world was captivated as rescuers sought to locate a tourist vessel that had imploded while visiting the submerged wreckage of the Titanic. The period was also marked by, sometimes controversial, leadership transitions. Charles III was crowned to both pomp and protest. On 8 January, supporters of Jair Bolsonaro stormed the congress in Brazil, in scenes reminiscent of the Capitol attacks in the US in 2021, after he lost the election to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.9 On 14 May, Recep Tayip Erdoğan won a hotly contested run-off election in Turkey, dashing hopes from his opponents that his reign was coming to an end.10 In another failed transition on the same day, the Move Forward Party won the most seats in the Thai general election but were unable to rule.11 Less controversial, but perhaps more surprising, was the resignation of New Zealand's Prime Min
{"title":"Issues in Australian Foreign Policy January to June 2023","authors":"Ari Jerrems, Arielle Christodulou, Sasha Kronja","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12957","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12957","url":null,"abstract":"<p>International politics often seems like an ever-unfolding stream of crises, some predicted and some not, coupled with proclamations that we live in extraordinary times (sometimes to justify exceptional measures). The first half of 2023 did not disappoint in this regard. The year began with continued violence in Myanmar, Yemen, and Ukraine. By April, a new conflict had broken out in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces.1 March marked the 20<sup>th</sup> anniversary of the Iraq War, a reminder of the profound and lasting impact it has had on global politics.2 Natural disasters and extreme weather events also featured heavily in the first half of 2023, often aggravating already precarious situations around the world. These included a tragic earthquake that crossed the border of Turkey and Syria, wildfires in Chile and Cyclone Gabrielle in New Zealand. On March 4, Vanuatu implemented a state of emergency after suffering two cyclones in a week,3 while a state of emergency was declared in Alberta, Canada on May 6 due to wildfires.4 June 2023 was recorded as the hottest June on record,5 while July was the hottest month ever in the global temperature record.6 Summer in the Northern Hemisphere saw heatwaves and record global daily temperatures being exceeded on numerous occasions. Despite a sense of impending doom around a future climate apocalypse, limited advances were made in tackling the problem. Worth noting in this regard was the passing of a UN resolution to secure a legal opinion from the International Court of Justice on the obligation of states to tackle the climate crisis.7</p><p>Heightened uncertainty around technological developments and how they will transform global politics also loomed large in the first half of 2023. Released at the end of 2022, ChatGPT burst onto the scene at the beginning of this year sparking a range of predictions and discussions around the role of Artificial Intelligence in global politics.8 The app TikTok continued to be at the heart of much controversy with a range of Western states banning its use on government devices. From 18 June, the world was captivated as rescuers sought to locate a tourist vessel that had imploded while visiting the submerged wreckage of the Titanic. The period was also marked by, sometimes controversial, leadership transitions. Charles III was crowned to both pomp and protest. On 8 January, supporters of Jair Bolsonaro stormed the congress in Brazil, in scenes reminiscent of the Capitol attacks in the US in 2021, after he lost the election to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.9 On 14 May, Recep Tayip Erdoğan won a hotly contested run-off election in Turkey, dashing hopes from his opponents that his reign was coming to an end.10 In another failed transition on the same day, the Move Forward Party won the most seats in the Thai general election but were unable to rule.11 Less controversial, but perhaps more surprising, was the resignation of New Zealand's Prime Min","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"705-718"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12957","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138598834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article provides an account of how innovative participatory governance unfolded in South Australia between 2010 and 2018. In doing so it explores how an ‘interactive’ political leadership style, which scholarship argues is needed in contemporary democracy, played out in practice. Under the leadership of Premier Jay Weatherill this approach to governing, known as ‘debate and decide’, became regarded as one of the most successful examples of democratic innovation globally. Using an archival and media method of analysis the article finds evidence of the successful application of an interactive political leadership style, but one that was so woven into competitive politics that it was abandoned after a change in government in March 2018. To help sustain interactive political leadership styles the article argues for research into how a broader base of politicians perceives the benefits and risks of innovative participatory governance. It also argues for a focus on developing politicians' collaborative leadership capabilities. However, the article concludes by asking: if political competition is built into our system of government, are we be better off leveraging it, rather than resisting it, in the pursuit of democratic reform?
{"title":"Debate and Decide: Innovative Participatory Governance in South Australia 2010–2018","authors":"Matt D. Ryan","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12843","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12843","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article provides an account of how innovative participatory governance unfolded in South Australia between 2010 and 2018. In doing so it explores how an ‘interactive’ political leadership style, which scholarship argues is needed in contemporary democracy, played out in practice. Under the leadership of Premier Jay Weatherill this approach to governing, known as ‘debate and decide’, became regarded as one of the most successful examples of democratic innovation globally. Using an archival and media method of analysis the article finds evidence of the successful application of an interactive political leadership style, but one that was so woven into competitive politics that it was abandoned after a change in government in March 2018. To help sustain interactive political leadership styles the article argues for research into how a broader base of politicians perceives the benefits and risks of innovative participatory governance. It also argues for a focus on developing politicians' collaborative leadership capabilities. However, the article concludes by asking: if political competition is built into our system of government, are we be better off leveraging it, rather than resisting it, in the pursuit of democratic reform?</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"667-686"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12843","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138600592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>The Dominic Perrottet Coalition Government continued to be dogged by scandals as the 25 March election approached. In early January, enemies in the Premier's right faction leaked the fact that Perrottet had worn a Nazi uniform at his 21st birthday party (<i>Guardian</i>, 12 January; <i>Sydney Morning Herald</i>, 23 February 2023). Soon after, a Liberal MLC was disendorsed over his circulation of revealing photos of a female colleague (<i>SMH</i>, 18 February 2023). In February, Minister for Finance Damien Tudehope resigned over his failure to disclose shareholdings (<i>Guardian</i>, 17 February 2023). A report by the Auditor-General found that intervention by former Nationals Leader and Deputy Premier John Barilaro had prevented ALP electorates from receiving bushfire recovery funding (<i>Guardian</i>, 2 February 2023). A Legislative Council committee inquiry into allegations by a Liberal MP about improper dealings between Liberal members of Hills Shire Council and a major developer was impeded by the non-cooperation of Liberal activists, including two of the Premier's brothers (New South Wales Legislative Council, Portfolio Committee No. 7, <i>Allegations of impropriety against agents of the Hills Shire Council and property developers in the region</i>, Report No. 18, March 2023). The Independent Commission into Corruption, after the election, commenced an investigation into the allegations (<i>SMH</i>, 19 April 2023).</p><p>Factional divisions in the Liberal Party caused damaging in-fighting and delays in pre-selections. A month before polling day, the party did not have candidates selected in 20 seats (<i>Australian</i>, 27 January; <i>SMH</i>, 25 February 2023). Perrottet strongly pushed for the endorsement of more women candidates but with limited success. In the Liberal Party's heartland on Sydney's north shore, the party had only one female lower house candidate.</p><p>In spite of all this, a Newspoll released on 27 February showed the Coalition's primary vote was 37 per cent compared to Labor's 36 per cent; the two-party preferred vote was ALP 52 per cent to Coalition 48 per cent. This represented a swing to the Opposition, but not the 6.3 per cent two-party preferred swing needed to put it into office in its own right (<i>Australian</i>, 27 February 2023).</p><p>Arguably, the explanation came down to leadership. Perrottet, the conservative Catholic father of seven, initially seemed an unlikely successor to the popular Gladys Berejiklian, with a cadaverous look and awkward public presence. He proved to be a political pragmatist, however, moving to the left on social, environmental, and economic issues, particularly in response to the success of “teal” independents in the 2022 federal election. Perrottet also seems to have earned some public respect by his dogged, unflappable response to the troubles, not of his own making, that beset him. In the Newspoll referred to above, Perrottet was the preferred premier for 43 per cent of responde
{"title":"New South Wales January to June 2023","authors":"David Clune","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12954","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12954","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Dominic Perrottet Coalition Government continued to be dogged by scandals as the 25 March election approached. In early January, enemies in the Premier's right faction leaked the fact that Perrottet had worn a Nazi uniform at his 21st birthday party (<i>Guardian</i>, 12 January; <i>Sydney Morning Herald</i>, 23 February 2023). Soon after, a Liberal MLC was disendorsed over his circulation of revealing photos of a female colleague (<i>SMH</i>, 18 February 2023). In February, Minister for Finance Damien Tudehope resigned over his failure to disclose shareholdings (<i>Guardian</i>, 17 February 2023). A report by the Auditor-General found that intervention by former Nationals Leader and Deputy Premier John Barilaro had prevented ALP electorates from receiving bushfire recovery funding (<i>Guardian</i>, 2 February 2023). A Legislative Council committee inquiry into allegations by a Liberal MP about improper dealings between Liberal members of Hills Shire Council and a major developer was impeded by the non-cooperation of Liberal activists, including two of the Premier's brothers (New South Wales Legislative Council, Portfolio Committee No. 7, <i>Allegations of impropriety against agents of the Hills Shire Council and property developers in the region</i>, Report No. 18, March 2023). The Independent Commission into Corruption, after the election, commenced an investigation into the allegations (<i>SMH</i>, 19 April 2023).</p><p>Factional divisions in the Liberal Party caused damaging in-fighting and delays in pre-selections. A month before polling day, the party did not have candidates selected in 20 seats (<i>Australian</i>, 27 January; <i>SMH</i>, 25 February 2023). Perrottet strongly pushed for the endorsement of more women candidates but with limited success. In the Liberal Party's heartland on Sydney's north shore, the party had only one female lower house candidate.</p><p>In spite of all this, a Newspoll released on 27 February showed the Coalition's primary vote was 37 per cent compared to Labor's 36 per cent; the two-party preferred vote was ALP 52 per cent to Coalition 48 per cent. This represented a swing to the Opposition, but not the 6.3 per cent two-party preferred swing needed to put it into office in its own right (<i>Australian</i>, 27 February 2023).</p><p>Arguably, the explanation came down to leadership. Perrottet, the conservative Catholic father of seven, initially seemed an unlikely successor to the popular Gladys Berejiklian, with a cadaverous look and awkward public presence. He proved to be a political pragmatist, however, moving to the left on social, environmental, and economic issues, particularly in response to the success of “teal” independents in the 2022 federal election. Perrottet also seems to have earned some public respect by his dogged, unflappable response to the troubles, not of his own making, that beset him. In the Newspoll referred to above, Perrottet was the preferred premier for 43 per cent of responde","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"731-737"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12954","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138617459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>The first half of 2023 in South Australia marked the one-year anniversary of Labor's return to governmental office after the election of March 2022. It is telling how quickly memories have faded of the four-year tenure (2018–2022) of the Marshall Liberal government which Labor's victory had brought to an end. Labor under Premier Peter Malinauskas now seems well entrenched and set to continue a Labor dominance which, apart from the Marshall interregnum, has governed the State since 2002.</p><p>Labor's election campaign had emphasised one key claim: that the Liberals had badly mismanaged the public hospital system. The most conspicuous evidence for this was the persistent “ramping” of ambulances outside hospital emergency departments unable to accommodate additional patients. Labor, their campaign slogan had promised, would “fix the ramping crisis”.</p><p>As the Liberal Opposition has been keen to point out, the Labor government has not yet been particularly successful in addressing this problem. At some points during the period under review, the incidence and duration of ambulance ramping reached record levels (<i>InDaily</i>, 6 April 2023). On the defensive, Labor pointed to its increased investment in the hospital system, to flaws in the national Medicare system which were diverting patients to public hospitals, and to chokepoints in the aged-care system keeping elderly patients in hospital beds (<i>Advertiser</i>, 27 March 2023). Each of these plausible responses had been proffered by the predecessor Liberal administration.</p><p>Labor added a new defence: that the fine detail of its electoral promise was not actually aimed at reducing levels of ramping. Rather, it was to improve ambulance response times. On that measure, there had indeed been an improvement (<i>Advertiser</i>, 22 March 2023). The Liberals were not convinced by what they regarded as mere verbal sophistry, though its March motion of no confidence in Health Minister Chris Picton was predictably defeated along party lines in the House of Assembly (<i>SA Parliamentary Debates</i>, 23 March 2023).</p><p>In late March, South Australia became the first Australian jurisdiction to institutionalise a formal Indigenous Voice to Parliament. For Premier Malinauskas, the <i>First Nations Voice Act</i> was “a momentous piece of legislation for our First Nations people” (<i>Advertiser</i>, 27 March). Prime Minister Anthony Albanese acknowledged the achievement in similar terms, as a “momentous and historic moment – not only for South Australians but for all Australians” with implications for the national Voice referendum anticipated for the second half of 2023 (<i>Advertiser</i>, 26 March 2023).</p><p>The Act creates a State-level First Nations Voice interconnected with six regionally defined “local” Voices. First Nations people residing in the State will elect members (half to be “female persons” and half to be “male persons”) to their respective local Voice. Each local Voice will have two
{"title":"South Australia January to June 2023","authors":"Andrew Parkin","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12955","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12955","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The first half of 2023 in South Australia marked the one-year anniversary of Labor's return to governmental office after the election of March 2022. It is telling how quickly memories have faded of the four-year tenure (2018–2022) of the Marshall Liberal government which Labor's victory had brought to an end. Labor under Premier Peter Malinauskas now seems well entrenched and set to continue a Labor dominance which, apart from the Marshall interregnum, has governed the State since 2002.</p><p>Labor's election campaign had emphasised one key claim: that the Liberals had badly mismanaged the public hospital system. The most conspicuous evidence for this was the persistent “ramping” of ambulances outside hospital emergency departments unable to accommodate additional patients. Labor, their campaign slogan had promised, would “fix the ramping crisis”.</p><p>As the Liberal Opposition has been keen to point out, the Labor government has not yet been particularly successful in addressing this problem. At some points during the period under review, the incidence and duration of ambulance ramping reached record levels (<i>InDaily</i>, 6 April 2023). On the defensive, Labor pointed to its increased investment in the hospital system, to flaws in the national Medicare system which were diverting patients to public hospitals, and to chokepoints in the aged-care system keeping elderly patients in hospital beds (<i>Advertiser</i>, 27 March 2023). Each of these plausible responses had been proffered by the predecessor Liberal administration.</p><p>Labor added a new defence: that the fine detail of its electoral promise was not actually aimed at reducing levels of ramping. Rather, it was to improve ambulance response times. On that measure, there had indeed been an improvement (<i>Advertiser</i>, 22 March 2023). The Liberals were not convinced by what they regarded as mere verbal sophistry, though its March motion of no confidence in Health Minister Chris Picton was predictably defeated along party lines in the House of Assembly (<i>SA Parliamentary Debates</i>, 23 March 2023).</p><p>In late March, South Australia became the first Australian jurisdiction to institutionalise a formal Indigenous Voice to Parliament. For Premier Malinauskas, the <i>First Nations Voice Act</i> was “a momentous piece of legislation for our First Nations people” (<i>Advertiser</i>, 27 March). Prime Minister Anthony Albanese acknowledged the achievement in similar terms, as a “momentous and historic moment – not only for South Australians but for all Australians” with implications for the national Voice referendum anticipated for the second half of 2023 (<i>Advertiser</i>, 26 March 2023).</p><p>The Act creates a State-level First Nations Voice interconnected with six regionally defined “local” Voices. First Nations people residing in the State will elect members (half to be “female persons” and half to be “male persons”) to their respective local Voice. Each local Voice will have two","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"725-731"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12955","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138608192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>In early 2023, Canberra was the subject of two federal inquiries, one looking at the city's role as national capital and the other considering the ACT government's decision to compulsorily acquire Calvary, a local hospital. At the same time the Legislative Assembly focused on planning, an issue renowned for bringing out Canberrans' parochial side. In the event, however, the planning debate coincided with a national discussion about housing and development while the Calvary issue became entangled with the Territory's particular constitutional position.</p><p>Urban planning in the ACT is highly contentious. It pits supporters of a denser Canberra linked by more public transport, among whom Chief Minister Andrew Barr is usually numbered, against those who prefer the low-rise suburbia that still characterises much of the city. It also inspires a good deal of grassroots organisation: many inner suburbs have active residents' groups, which usually oppose change, while Greater Canberra, a city-wide YIMBY (yes-in-my-back-yard) group founded in 2021, advocates for denser neighbourhoods and more permissive zoning, especially in these same suburbs.</p><p>Little of this is unique to Canberra, and in 2023 a national debate about housing, cities, and anti-development sentiment (eg., <i>Sydney Morning Herald</i>, 25 July 2023) coincided with long-mooted reforms to the local planning system. This process started with a consultation round in 2019, but its key elements were a new planning bill, introduced to the Legislative Assembly in September 2022, and a new Territory Plan, to be introduced later in 2023. The planning bill established a new process for development applications, while the new Territory Plan will set out Canberra's zoning scheme.</p><p>The planning bill sought to introduce what the government called an outcomes-based system, with more room for developers to deviate from rigid (and justiciable) rules (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 18 December 2022). Offering an example in early 2023, Planning Minister Mick Gentleman suggested developers might seek approval from the Territory Planning Authority to build apartments with fewer carparks than the statutory minimum near public transport corridors. Young people, according to Gentleman, were saying “we want to live close to really good public transport… and we don't mind the density” (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 6 February 2023). Others did mind: the <i>Canberra Times</i> editorialised against Gentleman's suggestion and his assessment of the apartment market, saying “many Canberrans only buy units out of economic necessity” (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 7 February 2023).</p><p>Greater Canberra, meanwhile, called for reduced parking minimums and more besides. Its ‘Missing Middle’ campaign, launched in February and backed by a range of groups including the YWCA and Master Builders ACT, asked the government to upzone Residential Zone One, which covers more than eighty percent of Canberra's residential land. This, they said
{"title":"Australian Capital Territory January to June 2023","authors":"Chris Monnox","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12952","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12952","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In early 2023, Canberra was the subject of two federal inquiries, one looking at the city's role as national capital and the other considering the ACT government's decision to compulsorily acquire Calvary, a local hospital. At the same time the Legislative Assembly focused on planning, an issue renowned for bringing out Canberrans' parochial side. In the event, however, the planning debate coincided with a national discussion about housing and development while the Calvary issue became entangled with the Territory's particular constitutional position.</p><p>Urban planning in the ACT is highly contentious. It pits supporters of a denser Canberra linked by more public transport, among whom Chief Minister Andrew Barr is usually numbered, against those who prefer the low-rise suburbia that still characterises much of the city. It also inspires a good deal of grassroots organisation: many inner suburbs have active residents' groups, which usually oppose change, while Greater Canberra, a city-wide YIMBY (yes-in-my-back-yard) group founded in 2021, advocates for denser neighbourhoods and more permissive zoning, especially in these same suburbs.</p><p>Little of this is unique to Canberra, and in 2023 a national debate about housing, cities, and anti-development sentiment (eg., <i>Sydney Morning Herald</i>, 25 July 2023) coincided with long-mooted reforms to the local planning system. This process started with a consultation round in 2019, but its key elements were a new planning bill, introduced to the Legislative Assembly in September 2022, and a new Territory Plan, to be introduced later in 2023. The planning bill established a new process for development applications, while the new Territory Plan will set out Canberra's zoning scheme.</p><p>The planning bill sought to introduce what the government called an outcomes-based system, with more room for developers to deviate from rigid (and justiciable) rules (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 18 December 2022). Offering an example in early 2023, Planning Minister Mick Gentleman suggested developers might seek approval from the Territory Planning Authority to build apartments with fewer carparks than the statutory minimum near public transport corridors. Young people, according to Gentleman, were saying “we want to live close to really good public transport… and we don't mind the density” (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 6 February 2023). Others did mind: the <i>Canberra Times</i> editorialised against Gentleman's suggestion and his assessment of the apartment market, saying “many Canberrans only buy units out of economic necessity” (<i>Canberra Times</i>, 7 February 2023).</p><p>Greater Canberra, meanwhile, called for reduced parking minimums and more besides. Its ‘Missing Middle’ campaign, launched in February and backed by a range of groups including the YWCA and Master Builders ACT, asked the government to upzone Residential Zone One, which covers more than eighty percent of Canberra's residential land. This, they said","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"69 4","pages":"743-747"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12952","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138615602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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