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Editor’s Corner 编辑园地
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.02.001
Nikolas K. Gvosdev
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引用次数: 0
Iran’s Proxy War Strategy 伊朗的代理人战争战略
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.05.006
Anthony Celso

This article analyzes Iran’s Shia Imamate project that shapes its proxy war strategy. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s (IRI) indirect surrogate warfare doctrine is discussed in three stages. First, the historical forces behind Tehran’s proxy war approach and ideological factors that drive it are analyzed. Second, the historical execution of its militia strategy is examined; and third, the consequences of the Iranian-Hezbollah military entrenchment in Syria and its impact on the October 2023 Gaza War are assessed. The author concludes that Iran and its Shia proxies are poorly positioned to sustain a regional war against Israel to save Hamas.

本文分析了伊朗塑造其代理战争战略的什叶派伊玛目计划。文章分三个阶段讨论了伊朗伊斯兰共和国(IRI)的间接代理战争理论。首先,分析了德黑兰代理战争方式背后的历史力量和意识形态因素。其次,研究其民兵战略的历史执行情况;第三,评估伊朗-真主党在叙利亚的军事态势及其对 2023 年 10 月加沙战争的影响。作者的结论是,伊朗及其什叶派代理人没有能力为拯救哈马斯而维持一场针对以色列的地区战争。
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引用次数: 0
Pakistan-US Friendship: An Enduring Geo-Political Relationship 巴基斯坦与美国的友谊:持久的地缘政治关系
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.09.011
Nasir Mehmood, Julian Spencer-Churchill
Despite the growing salience of the Pakistan-China and US-Indian alliances, Pakistan-US relations continue to be a valuable enhancement both to stability and to Washington’s influence in South Asia. The United States contributes to Pakistan’s national security, just as Pakistan reciprocates in those areas where the U.S.-Indian relationship has its limitations. Pakistan also helps play a stabilizing effect on the US-China rivalry, despite Islamabad’s close association with Beijing.
尽管巴中联盟和美印联盟日益突出,但巴美关系仍对稳定和华盛顿在南亚的影响力起到宝贵的促进作用。美国为巴基斯坦的国家安全做出了贡献,而巴基斯坦也在美印关系存在局限的领域做出了回报。尽管伊斯兰堡与北京关系密切,但巴基斯坦也对中美竞争起到了稳定作用。
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引用次数: 0
Managing Vital US National Interests: Improving the Security Policy-Making Process 管理重要的美国国家利益:改进安全政策制定过程
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.09.005
John A. Mauk
In this security environment, focused, pragmatic national security policy is as important as ever in US history. Clearly articulated priorities among national security interests, and achievable objectives to protect them, are the compelling security imperatives to focus both government and defense industrial base effort. The unsettling reality is the National Security Council (NSC), and the associated security policy-making system, routinely fails at this critically important mission.
在这种安全环境下,重点突出、务实的国家安全政策与美国历史上任何时候都一样重要。明确阐述国家安全利益的优先事项,以及保护这些利益的可实现目标,是政府和国防工业基地集中精力的紧迫安全要务。令人不安的现实是,国家安全委员会(NSC)以及与之相关的安全政策制定系统经常无法完成这一极其重要的使命。
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引用次数: 0
Cyberspace: Great Power Competition in a Fragmenting Domain 网络空间:碎片化领域中的大国竞争
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.09.007
Thomas F. Lynch III
This article explains how the cyber domain today largely replicates the patterns of devolution and fragmentation observed in the electromagnetic spectrum (EM) and aviation domains more than a century ago. Both remained fragmented under duress of heightened Great Power rivalries and tensions coinciding with World War I and World War II. Relevant history demonstrates that once fragmented under Great Power duress, global domains with obvious incentives for pursuing mutual gains remain fragmented—often until after a severe clash of Great Power militaries. The ongoing cyber domain fragmentation under the pressure of increasing Great Power stress is destined to persist and will render moot legal and diplomatic efforts to constrain risky strategic cyber competition between them. Successful American strategic competition in cyberspace below the threshold of armed conflict requires all national instruments of cyber power—including military ones—be utilized in persistent and assertive strategic cyber-campaigning against Russian and Chinese cyber campaigns that aim for strategically significant erosion of western relative power and cohesion.
本文解释了当今网络领域如何在很大程度上复制了一个多世纪前在电磁频谱(EM)和航空领域观察到的蜕变和分裂模式。第一次世界大战和第二次世界大战期间,大国之间的竞争和紧张局势加剧,这两个领域在这种压力下仍然支离破碎。相关历史表明,一旦在大国胁迫下四分五裂,具有明显互利动机的全球领域就会继续四分五裂--往往要等到大国军事发生严重冲突之后。在大国日益加剧的压力下,网络领域的持续分裂注定会持续下去,并将使限制它们之间危险的网络战略竞争的法律和外交努力变得毫无意义。美国在网络空间的战略竞争要想成功地低于武装冲突的门槛,就必须利用所有国家的网络力量工具--包括军事工具--进行持久而坚定的战略网络运动,以对抗俄罗斯和中国的网络运动,这些网络运动旨在从战略上严重削弱西方的相对力量和凝聚力。
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引用次数: 0
The United States’ Position in Africa: On Solid Ground or Shifting Sand? 美国在非洲的地位:根基稳固还是风沙漫天?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.02.002
Charles A. Ray

After decades of benign neglect, followed by a four-year period of outright disdain, the United States finally announced on August 8, 2022, a policy towards the continent of Africa that seemed to herald an era of treating the countries of Africa with respect and dignity, and acknowledging African agency in our bilateral and multilateral dealings. The question is whether the countries of Africa take this newly announced attitude seriously and will they act accordingly. Is the US position in Africa on a solid foundation, or are we witnessing a shift in global alliances with this significant portion of the global south moving closer to those who are not our friends? The large number of African countries abstaining on the United Nations votes calling for a Russian pullout from Ukraine or condemning Russia for the invasion have exposed cracks in African solidarity with the so-called West. But is this a new phenomenon, or an indication of the way things have always been?

在经历了数十年的善意忽视和四年的公然蔑视之后,美国终于在 2022 年 8 月 8 日宣布了一项针对非洲大陆的政策,这似乎预示着一个以尊重和尊严对待非洲国家并在我们的双边和多边交往中承认非洲机构的时代的到来。问题是,非洲国家是否认真对待这一新宣布的态度,是否会采取相应行动。美国在非洲的立场是否有坚实的基础,还是我们正在目睹全球联盟的转变,全球南部的这一重要部分正在向那些不是我们朋友的国家靠拢?许多非洲国家在联合国呼吁俄罗斯撤出乌克兰或谴责俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的投票中投了弃权票,这暴露了非洲与所谓西方团结的裂痕。但这是一种新现象,还是表明事情一直如此?
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引用次数: 0
Three Illusions of US Foreign Policy 美国外交政策的三个幻想
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.02.011
Jakub Grygiel

The United States, and more broadly, the West, is prone to be surprised. We are surprised by China’s pursuit of hegemony through economic and military means; by Russia’s engaging in the largest conventional war in Europe since 1945; by the United Kingdom leaving the European Union. We think that economic sanctions will fundamentally alter the calculus of our enemies—even deter a potential attack—and we are puzzled when they do not. The recent streak of surprises is not a fluke of history, an unlucky combination of events. This article contends that our surprise is due to a series of illusions that characterize our foreign policy vision. These illusions stem from a mistaken series of assumptions about the causes of political order and about the drivers of political behavior.

美国,更广泛地说,西方,很容易感到惊讶。我们惊讶于中国通过经济和军事手段追求霸权;惊讶于俄罗斯在欧洲发动自1945年以来规模最大的常规战争;惊讶于英国退出欧盟。我们以为经济制裁会从根本上改变敌人的算盘,甚至阻止潜在的攻击,但事实并非如此,这让我们大惑不解。最近的连续意外并非历史的侥幸,也不是不幸的事件组合。本文认为,我们之所以感到意外,是因为我们的外交政策视野中存在一系列错觉。这些错觉源于对政治秩序成因和政治行为驱动因素的一系列错误假设。
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引用次数: 0
Make Africa Atlantic Again 让非洲再次成为大西洋
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.02.006
Mohammed Soliman, Nikolas K. Gvosdev
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引用次数: 0
NATO at 75 Years: A Guide to the Past and a Roadmap for the Future 北约 75 周年:过去的指南和未来的路线图
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.05.008
Joel R. Hillison, Christopher Hickey

As the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) reaches its 75th- year anniversary, it is important to reflect on the past, examine the present, and to imagine the future of the alliance. NATO has had periodic self-reflections in the past, including the influential 1967 Harmel Report. Importantly, the report laid out the rationale for a dual-track NATO policy that would retain a strong deterrence posture while moving toward a détente with the Soviet Union and later toward cooperation with Russia. While Russia’s war against Ukraine rages, it is impossible to return to a more cooperative relationship with Russia. Yet, NATO’s history demonstrates that conflict with Russia is not inevitable. In any case, only a strong NATO can prevent that conflict and provide stability to the transatlantic region.

在北大西洋公约组织(NATO)成立 75 周年之际,反思过去、审视现在并展望联盟的未来显得尤为重要。北约过去曾定期进行自我反思,其中包括颇具影响力的 1967 年《哈梅尔报告》。重要的是,该报告提出了北约双轨政策的基本原理,即在保持强大威慑态势的同时,逐步实现与苏联的缓和,并在之后实现与俄罗斯的合作。虽然俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争仍在继续,但不可能恢复与俄罗斯更多的合作关系。然而,北约的历史表明,与俄罗斯的冲突并非不可避免。无论如何,只有强大的北约才能防止冲突,并为跨大西洋地区提供稳定。
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引用次数: 0
Challenges in Washington’s Ideological Foreign Policy 华盛顿意识形态外交政策面临的挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.orbis.2024.09.008
Taehwa Hong
In an era defined by intense competition with China and Russia, Washington faces a crucial challenge: how to reconcile its ideological commitments with the pragmatic needs of global geopolitics. This article argues for forming pragmatic coalitions that include illiberal regimes, noting that key geopolitical partners in the Indo-Pacific, Europe, and the Middle East are often less than ideal from a liberal democratic perspective. However, deterring revisionist challenges will remain an utmost priority for the United States, and achieving it would likely require diplomatic flexibility.
在与中国和俄罗斯激烈竞争的时代,华盛顿面临着一个关键挑战:如何协调其意识形态承诺与全球地缘政治的务实需求。本文指出,从自由民主的角度来看,印度洋-太平洋、欧洲和中东地区的主要地缘政治伙伴往往并不理想,因此主张建立包括非自由主义政权在内的务实联盟。然而,遏制修正主义挑战仍将是美国的首要任务,而实现这一目标可能需要外交上的灵活性。
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引用次数: 0
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