Regional Science Policy and Practice最新文献

英文中文

Influence of land-use planning on public forests' vegetation cover: Insights from the Brazilian Amazon 土地利用规划对公共森林植被覆盖的影响：来自巴西亚马逊的见解

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-04-02 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100197

Iranilda Moraes , Claudia Azevedo-Ramos

Allocating Brazilian undesignated public forests (UPF) to specific land-use categories is advocated as essential for improved forest governance. In 2010, a 1.3-million-hectare area of UPF in eastern Amazon, known as the Mamuru-Arapiuns Glebas, underwent a land-use planning and allocation process. Over a decade later, the impact of this initiative on the region's forest cover remains unknown. Analyses of forest cover dynamics and land use within the newly created land categories were conducted in four-year intervals from 2006 to 2018. The results indicated a total forest cover loss of 50,017 ha (4 %), with annual rates increasing over the analyzed periods and a significant rise in deforestation and/or logging activities in some land categories following the land-use planning (e.g. in community areas, altered forests increased by an average of 641 ha/year). During the first post-planning period (T₂), forest cover loss increased by 18 % compared to the pre-planning period (T₁). In T₃, the increase was 350 %, resulting in annual losses ranging from 1708 ha/year to 7690 ha/year. The findings reveal that while allocating UPF contributes to land-use governance in a specific region, it does not necessarily lead to reduced deforestation, depending on the chosen land-use category. Additionally, the study highlights that UPF allocation is only a first step, emphasizing the crucial need for implementing effective management tools in these areas to enhance the strategy's success and achieve better forest governance in the Amazon.

提倡将巴西的未指定公共森林分配给特定的土地使用类别，这是改善森林治理的必要条件。2010年，亚马逊东部一个130万公顷的UPF地区，即Mamuru-Arapiuns Glebas，经历了土地使用规划和分配过程。十多年过去了，这一举措对该地区森林覆盖的影响仍不得而知。从2006年到2018年，每隔四年对新创建的土地类别进行森林覆盖动态和土地利用分析。结果表明，森林覆盖总量减少了500,017 ha(4 %)，在分析期间，年损失率增加，在土地利用规划之后，一些土地类别的毁林和/或伐木活动显著增加（例如，在社区地区，改变的森林平均增加641 ha/年）。在第一个规划后时期（T2），森林覆盖损失比规划前时期（T1）增加了18. %。T3增加了350 %，年损失在1708 ha/年到7690 ha/年之间。研究结果表明，尽管分配UPF有助于特定区域的土地利用治理，但它并不一定导致森林砍伐减少，这取决于所选择的土地利用类别。此外，该研究强调，UPF分配只是第一步，强调了在这些地区实施有效管理工具的关键必要性，以提高战略的成功程度，并在亚马逊地区实现更好的森林治理。

{"title":"Influence of land-use planning on public forests' vegetation cover: Insights from the Brazilian Amazon","authors":"Iranilda Moraes , Claudia Azevedo-Ramos","doi":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100197","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100197","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Allocating Brazilian undesignated public forests (UPF) to specific land-use categories is advocated as essential for improved forest governance. In 2010, a 1.3-million-hectare area of UPF in eastern Amazon, known as the Mamuru-Arapiuns Glebas, underwent a land-use planning and allocation process. Over a decade later, the impact of this initiative on the region's forest cover remains unknown. Analyses of forest cover dynamics and land use within the newly created land categories were conducted in four-year intervals from 2006 to 2018. The results indicated a total forest cover loss of 50,017 ha (4 %), with annual rates increasing over the analyzed periods and a significant rise in deforestation and/or logging activities in some land categories following the land-use planning (e.g. in community areas, altered forests increased by an average of 641 ha/year). During the first post-planning period (T<sub>2</sub>), forest cover loss increased by 18 % compared to the pre-planning period (T<sub>1</sub>). In T<sub>3</sub>, the increase was 350 %, resulting in annual losses ranging from 1708 ha/year to 7690 ha/year. The findings reveal that while allocating UPF contributes to land-use governance in a specific region, it does not necessarily lead to reduced deforestation, depending on the chosen land-use category. Additionally, the study highlights that UPF allocation is only a first step, emphasizing the crucial need for implementing effective management tools in these areas to enhance the strategy's success and achieve better forest governance in the Amazon.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":45520,"journal":{"name":"Regional Science Policy and Practice","volume":"17 6","pages":"Article 100197"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2025-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143807677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Angry together or agitated alone? The role of social capital in the geographies of discontent 一起生气还是单独激动？社会资本在不满地域中的作用

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-04-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100185

Luise Koeppen , Dimitris Ballas , Arjen Edzes , Sierdjan Koster

Research on the spatial variation in ‘populist’ and ‘anti-establishment’ voting focuses on the role of ‘left behind places’, where these parties are particularly successful in regions that have been left behind economically or culturally. Applying this perspective to the German case, this paper examines the spatial distribution of ‘populist’ and ‘anti-establishment’ voting. Using micro-data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) and official regional statistics at NUTS 3 level, we construct a multilevel model to investigates the roles of socio-economic and demographic contextual and individual level determinants with the intention to vote for AfD, die Linke, and radical right or ‘anti-establishment’ parties in general in the 2017 federal election. Specifically, we explore how social capital – encompassing interpersonal relations and civic engagement – affects the likelihood of voting for these parties. Although social capital is commonly thought of as a shielding effect against ‘populist’ and ‘anti-establishment’ voting and strengthening political representation, its influence on anti-establishment voting remains vague. Based on original survey data from 2017, the results show that indicators of interpersonal relations and civic engagement in networks of civil society, specific forms of social capital, seem to play an important role in affecting voting behaviour, revealing that civically involved individuals are more likely to support established democratic parties, rather than voting for a ‘populist’ or ‘anti-establishment’ party.

对“民粹主义”和“反建制”投票的空间差异的研究集中在“落后地区”的作用上，这些政党在经济或文化落后的地区尤其成功。本文将这一视角应用于德国案例，考察了“民粹主义”和“反建制”投票的空间分布。利用德国社会经济研究小组（GSOEP）的微观数据和NUTS 3级别的官方区域统计数据，我们构建了一个多层次模型，以调查社会经济和人口背景以及个人层面决定因素在2017年联邦选举中投票给德国新选择党、左翼党和激进右翼或“反建制”政党的作用。具体来说，我们探讨社会资本-包括人际关系和公民参与-如何影响投票给这些政党的可能性。虽然社会资本通常被认为是对“民粹主义”和“反建制”投票和加强政治代表性的屏蔽效应，但它对反建制投票的影响仍然模糊。基于2017年的原始调查数据，结果显示，公民社会网络中的人际关系和公民参与指标，即社会资本的特定形式，似乎在影响投票行为方面发挥了重要作用，揭示了公民参与个人更有可能支持已建立的民主政党，而不是投票给“民粹主义”或“反建制”政党。

{"title":"Angry together or agitated alone? The role of social capital in the geographies of discontent","authors":"Luise Koeppen , Dimitris Ballas , Arjen Edzes , Sierdjan Koster","doi":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100185","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100185","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Research on the spatial variation in ‘populist’ and ‘anti-establishment’ voting focuses on the role of ‘left behind places’, where these parties are particularly successful in regions that have been left behind economically or culturally. Applying this perspective to the German case, this paper examines the spatial distribution of ‘populist’ and ‘anti-establishment’ voting. Using micro-data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) and official regional statistics at NUTS 3 level, we construct a multilevel model to investigates the roles of socio-economic and demographic contextual and individual level determinants with the intention to vote for AfD, <em>die Linke</em>, and radical right or ‘anti-establishment’ parties in general in the 2017 federal election. Specifically, we explore how social capital – encompassing interpersonal relations and civic engagement – affects the likelihood of voting for these parties. Although social capital is commonly thought of as a shielding effect against ‘populist’ and ‘anti-establishment’ voting and strengthening political representation, its influence on anti-establishment voting remains vague. Based on original survey data from 2017, the results show that indicators of interpersonal relations and civic engagement in networks of civil society, specific forms of social capital, seem to play an important role in affecting voting behaviour, revealing that civically involved individuals are more likely to support established democratic parties, rather than voting for a ‘populist’ or ‘anti-establishment’ party.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":45520,"journal":{"name":"Regional Science Policy and Practice","volume":"17 6","pages":"Article 100185"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2025-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143882450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Deterministic political competition and regional economic outcomes when the creative class sets tax policy 创意阶层制定税收政策时的决定性政治竞争和区域经济成果

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-04-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100198

Amitrajeet A. Batabyal , Hamid Beladi

We analyze how deterministic political competition between the elites and the so-called creative class shapes economic outcomes in a stylized region. By deterministic, we mean a case where political power has shifted from the elites to the creative class with probability one. There are three groups in our region: workers, creative class members, and the elites. Unlike previous studies, tax policy in our region is set not by the elites but instead by the creative class. In this setting, we first present a counterintuitive result in which the creative class prefers to tax itself, and not the elites or the workers, with the tax proceeds being redistributed also to itself via lump-sum transfers. Second, we explain why this counterintuitive result makes sense. Finally, we discuss whether the above counterintuitive result will hold if the proceeds of taxation are redistributed using lump-sum transfers to all the groups in our region and not just to the creative class.

我们分析了精英阶层和所谓的创意阶层之间的决定性政治竞争如何在一个程式化的地区塑造经济结果。所谓确定性，我们指的是政治权力从精英阶层转移到创意阶层的概率为1的情况。我们这个地区有三个群体：工人、创意阶层成员和精英。与以往的研究不同，我们地区的税收政策不是由精英制定的，而是由创意阶层制定的。在这种情况下，我们首先提出了一个违反直觉的结果，即创意阶层更愿意向自己征税，而不是向精英或工人征税，税收收入也通过一次性转移重新分配给自己。其次，我们解释了为什么这个反直觉的结果是有道理的。最后，我们讨论了如果将税收收入通过一次性转移的方式重新分配给我们地区的所有群体，而不仅仅是创意阶层，那么上述违反直觉的结果是否成立。

引用次数: 0

When the past becomes the future: The challenges of policies in ‘Left Behind’ places in East Germany – A case study from the Gera region 当过去成为未来：东德“落后”地区的政策挑战——来自格拉地区的案例研究

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-03-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100195

Tobias Johannes Hertrich, Thomas Brenner

The concept of ‘left behind’ places encompasses economic, demographic, infrastructural, social and political aspects. Different studies of the left behind place concept focus on different aspects or combinations of these. The theoretical model by Hertrich and Brenner (2024) assumes an interplay of many aspects that lead to the left behind feeling, but emphasizes the emerging dynamics of opinion. The purpose of this paper is to analyze this interaction of individual factors in detail in a case study and thus gain a deeper understanding of the processes that presumably play a role in many other regions. Contrary to perception, the Labor market region (LMR) Gera is developing dynamically in many parameters. We find that although the reasons for the left behind feeling can be assigned to the pillars of the model, in most cases they relate to the past. We conclude that the political measures and developments in the LMR to date have not had an effect due to the strong formation of opinion based on historical events. In addition, the dynamics of opinion formation play a major role in left behind places, which has so far been neglected in politics.

“落后”地区的概念包括经济、人口、基础设施、社会和政治方面。对留守地概念的不同研究侧重于不同方面或这些方面的组合。Hertrich和Brenner（2024）的理论模型假设了导致留守感的许多方面的相互作用，但强调了意见的新兴动态。本文的目的是在一个案例研究中详细分析这种个体因素的相互作用，从而对可能在许多其他地区发挥作用的过程有更深入的了解。与人们的看法相反，劳动力市场区域（LMR） Gera在许多参数中都是动态发展的。我们发现，尽管留下感觉的原因可以归因于模型的支柱，但在大多数情况下，它们与过去有关。我们得出的结论是，由于基于历史事件的强烈意见形成，迄今为止，LMR的政治措施和发展尚未产生影响。此外，舆论形成的动态在落后地区发挥着重要作用，这在政治上一直被忽视。

{"title":"When the past becomes the future: The challenges of policies in ‘Left Behind’ places in East Germany – A case study from the Gera region","authors":"Tobias Johannes Hertrich, Thomas Brenner","doi":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100195","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100195","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>The concept of <strong>‘</strong>left behind<strong>’</strong> places encompasses economic, demographic, infrastructural, social and political aspects. Different studies of the left behind place concept focus on different aspects or combinations of these. The theoretical model by Hertrich and Brenner (2024) assumes an interplay of many aspects that lead to the left behind feeling, but emphasizes the emerging dynamics of opinion. The purpose of this paper is to analyze this interaction of individual factors in detail in a case study and thus gain a deeper understanding of the processes that presumably play a role in many other regions. Contrary to perception, the Labor market region (LMR) Gera is developing dynamically in many parameters. We find that although the reasons for the left behind feeling can be assigned to the pillars of the model, in most cases they relate to the past. We conclude that the political measures and developments in the LMR to date have not had an effect due to the strong formation of opinion based on historical events. In addition, the dynamics of opinion formation play a major role in left behind places, which has so far been neglected in politics.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":45520,"journal":{"name":"Regional Science Policy and Practice","volume":"17 8","pages":"Article 100195"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143874406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Spatial equity in public rental housing based on commuting accessibility 基于通勤可达性的公租房空间公平

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-03-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100196

Seongman Jang, Hyungwon Park

Public rental housing (PRH) differs from general housing in its policy objectives and resident composition, as low-income households in PRH face financial constraints that limit their ability to afford high rents. In this context, this study assesses the spatial equity of PRH by comparing the commuting accessibility of PRH residents to that of general housing residents. Specifically, it investigates the following research questions: 1) Is there a significant difference in commute distance between PRH and general housing residents? 2) Is this difference attributable to income level? 3) Is there spatial autocorrelation between the density of households and workplaces by income group? The key findings are as follows: 1) The average straight-line commute distance for PRH residents was significantly longer than that for general housing residents. (2) PRH residents—except those in the lowest income group (income class 1)—had significantly longer commutes than their general housing counterparts. 3) The bivariate Global Moran’s I analysis indicated that PRH exhibited little to no spatial autocorrelation across all income classes, whereas general housing displayed relatively strong spatial clustering. Additionally, the bivariate LISA cluster map analysis revealed that PRH residents experienced a spatial separation between their residences and workplaces, whereas general housing residents exhibited a more balanced job-housing distribution. These findings indicate that PRH residents face inequitable commuting accessibility caused by a persistent job-housing imbalance

公屋的政策目标和住户组成与一般房屋不同，因为公屋的低收入住户面临经济困难，负担不起高昂的租金。在此背景下，本研究通过比较公屋居民与一般住宅居民的通勤可达性来评估公屋的空间公平性。具体而言，本研究主要探讨以下研究问题：1)公屋居民与一般房屋居民的通勤距离是否有显著差异？2)这种差异是否可归因于收入水平？3)不同收入群体家庭与工作场所密度之间是否存在空间自相关？主要发现如下：1)公屋居民的平均直线通勤距离明显长于一般房屋居民。(2)除收入最低组别（收入第一类）外，公屋住户的通勤时间明显长于一般住屋住户。3)双变量全球Moran’s I分析表明，住房在各收入阶层间表现出较弱或不存在空间自相关性，而一般住房表现出较强的空间聚类。此外，双变量LISA聚类图分析显示，公屋居民在居住和工作场所之间存在空间分离，而一般住房居民则表现出更平衡的工作和住房分布。这些研究结果表明，由于持续的职住失衡，公屋居民面临着通勤不公平的问题

{"title":"Spatial equity in public rental housing based on commuting accessibility","authors":"Seongman Jang, Hyungwon Park","doi":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100196","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100196","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Public rental housing (PRH) differs from general housing in its policy objectives and resident composition, as low-income households in PRH face financial constraints that limit their ability to afford high rents. In this context, this study assesses the spatial equity of PRH by comparing the commuting accessibility of PRH residents to that of general housing residents. Specifically, it investigates the following research questions: 1) Is there a significant difference in commute distance between PRH and general housing residents? 2) Is this difference attributable to income level? 3) Is there spatial autocorrelation between the density of households and workplaces by income group? The key findings are as follows: 1) The average straight-line commute distance for PRH residents was significantly longer than that for general housing residents. (2) PRH residents—except those in the lowest income group (income class 1)—had significantly longer commutes than their general housing counterparts. 3) The bivariate Global Moran’s I analysis indicated that PRH exhibited little to no spatial autocorrelation across all income classes, whereas general housing displayed relatively strong spatial clustering. Additionally, the bivariate LISA cluster map analysis revealed that PRH residents experienced a spatial separation between their residences and workplaces, whereas general housing residents exhibited a more balanced job-housing distribution. These findings indicate that PRH residents face inequitable commuting accessibility caused by a persistent job-housing imbalance</div></div>","PeriodicalId":45520,"journal":{"name":"Regional Science Policy and Practice","volume":"17 8","pages":"Article 100196"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143874770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100192

Siska Krisdiana Nofianti

引用次数: 0

Unravelling the geography and spatial mismatch of individual and political discontent in the UK 揭示英国个人不满和政治不满在地理和空间上的不匹配

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-03-18 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100194

Camilla Lenzi, Giovanni Perucca

This paper studies the association between life and political discontent in the regions (NUTS2) of the United Kingdom in the Brexit period (2015–2016). Previous literature suggested that political discontent is propelled by the unhappiness experienced by people suffering from the economic decline of their community. This paper provides a first attempt to test empirically this hypothesis by mapping the geography of life and political discontent, by identifying alternative regional discontent typologies and by profiling them according to their socioeconomic characteristics. Results suggest that the link between regional economic decline and political discontent via life dissatisfaction accounts for a partial variation in political discontent outcome. Regional demography and cultural values are important co-determinants of political discontent.

本文研究了英国脱欧时期（2015-2016）地区生活与政治不满之间的关系。先前的文献表明，政治上的不满是由遭受社区经济衰退的人们所经历的不快乐所推动的。本文提供了第一次尝试，通过绘制生活和政治不满的地理图，通过识别替代的区域不满类型，并根据其社会经济特征对其进行分析，以经验检验这一假设。结果表明，区域经济衰退与政治不满之间的联系（通过生活不满）解释了政治不满结果的部分变化。地区人口和文化价值是政治不满的重要共同决定因素。

引用次数: 0

The emergence of the radical right on the Spanish political scene: Towards a spatial perspective 西班牙政治舞台上激进右翼的出现：走向空间视角

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-03-18 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100193

Adolfo Maza , Maria Hierro

This paper unveils the reasons behind the irruption of the radical right-wing populist party VOX in the region of Andalusia, breaking the immunity to that political trend in Spain. The empirical analysis is based on data from the 2018 Regional Election at municipal level (778 municipalities), revealing that geographical location matters from two perspectives: because VOX outcome in a municipality is closely related to that in its neighbors (spatial dependence) and since the influence of the main explanatory factors varies between municipalities (spatial non-stationarity). Furthermore, it uncovers that the share of votes won in the previous regional election by the most important right-wing party (namely PP) is the most decisive factor explaining the new support for VOX, closely followed by the percentage of the foreign population. Other important explanatory variables are age, income and size. Finally, the results reveal the existence of some geographical clusters characterized by different spatial patterns.

本文揭示了激进右翼民粹主义政党VOX在安达卢西亚地区的入侵背后的原因，打破了西班牙对该政治趋势的免疫力。实证分析基于2018年市级（778个市）地区选举的数据，发现地理位置的影响主要体现在两个方面：一是一个城市的VOX结果与其相邻城市的VOX结果密切相关（空间依赖性），二是主要解释因素的影响在不同的城市之间存在差异（空间非平稳性）。此外，它揭示了最重要的右翼政党（即人民党）在之前的地区选举中赢得的选票份额是解释VOX获得新支持的最决定性因素，其次是外国人口的百分比。其他重要的解释变量是年龄、收入和体型。最后，研究结果揭示了一些具有不同空间格局特征的地理集群的存在。

引用次数: 0

Socio-economic and environmental impacts of intended decarbonisation policies in the East Asia region 东亚地区脱碳政策的社会经济和环境影响

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-03-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100191

Yuventus Effendi , Budy P. Resosudarmo

Given the rising levels of carbon emissions, governments in the East Asia region are exploring effective decarbonization policies. This study examines the socio-economic and environmental implications of these policies using a computable general equilibrium model that captures the closed linkages between the economy and climate change. Our findings suggest that the intended decarbonization policy, aimed at accelerating technology transfer, may not always reduce carbon emissions. However, incorporating Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) technology into existing coal power plants and implementing a carbon tax could significantly reduce carbon emissions in all countries in the region. The paper suggests implementing carbon tax policy to reduce carbon emissions, retrofitting CCS technology in coal-based electricity powerplants, and developing renewable electricity at the same time as controlling emissions from non-renewable energy. These policies, however, need some supplement policy strategies to compensate for the potential output contraction due to the tax.

鉴于碳排放水平不断上升，东亚地区各国政府正在探索有效的脱碳政策。本研究使用可计算的一般均衡模型考察了这些政策的社会经济和环境影响，该模型捕捉了经济与气候变化之间的密切联系。我们的研究结果表明，旨在加速技术转让的脱碳政策可能并不总能减少碳排放。然而，将碳捕集与封存（CCS）技术纳入现有的燃煤电厂并实施碳税可以显著减少该地区所有国家的碳排放。建议在控制不可再生能源排放的同时，实施碳税政策，减少碳排放，对燃煤电厂进行CCS技术改造，发展可再生电力。然而，这些政策需要一些补充政策策略来弥补税收可能导致的产出萎缩。

引用次数: 0

The consequence of urban shrinkage: Investigation on the local fiscal revenue 城市收缩的后果：对地方财政收入的考察

IF 1.7 Q2 GEOGRAPHY

Regional Science Policy and Practice

Pub Date : 2025-03-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.rspp.2025.100188

Jian Wang , Lechao Zhang , Kefu Lin

Previous research on urban shrinkage has primarily focused on conceptual development and identifying underlying drivers. This paper seeks to extend this foundation by proposing a comprehensive analytical framework, grounded in a review of relevant literature, to examine the fiscal implications of urban shrinkage. Specifically, we explore the impact of population decline, a defining characteristic of urban shrinkage on local fiscal revenues. Applying our framework to the context of Japan, we discover that urban shrinkage significantly deteriorates local fiscal revenues, particularly affecting building taxes. However, the heterogeneity shows that the impact of shrinkage on land tax and depreciated assets tax appears to be less pronounced. This study enhances our understanding of the fiscal consequences of urban shrinkage and offers valuable insights for policy-making at the local government level.

以往关于城市收缩的研究主要集中在概念发展和确定潜在驱动因素上。本文试图通过提出一个全面的分析框架来扩展这一基础，该框架基于对相关文献的回顾，以研究城市收缩的财政影响。具体来说，我们探讨了人口下降对地方财政收入的影响，这是城市收缩的一个决定性特征。将我们的框架应用到日本的背景下，我们发现城市收缩显著恶化了地方财政收入，特别是影响到建筑税。然而，异质性表明，收缩对土地税和折旧资产税的影响似乎不太明显。本研究增强了我们对城市收缩的财政后果的理解，并为地方政府层面的决策提供了有价值的见解。

引用次数: 0

首页上一页

下一页尾页

类型

全部化学•材料生命科学医学物理工程技术环境•农林材料科学地球科学法学管理学化学环境科学与生态学计算机科学教育学经济学农林科学人文科学生物学数学物理与天体物理心理学综合性期刊其他工业工程理学历史学农学文学信息工程

数据库

全部 ACS Publications Elsevier ieeexplore Springer The Royal Society of Chemistry Wiley

期刊

Regional Science Policy and Practice

全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.

﹀