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Peacebuilding最新文献

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Pluck, luck and peacemaking 勇气、运气和和平
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2247721
Roger Mac Ginty
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引用次数: 0
Gender as an analytic lens for agonistic peace: insights from Colombia’s Truth Commission 性别作为痛苦和平的分析视角:哥伦比亚真相委员会的见解
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-17 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2247723
E. Murphy
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引用次数: 0
Memory, violence and post-conflict reconstruction: rebuilding and reimagining Mosul 记忆、暴力和冲突后重建:重建和重新构想摩苏尔
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-17 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2247722
C. Larkin, Inna Rudolf
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引用次数: 0
Geographies of peace in the wake of non-war violence in the city: Agir pour la Paix in a marginalised neighbourhood in France 城市非战争暴力之后的和平地理:法国边缘社区的和平之路
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2236412
Claske Dijkema, Herrick Mouafo Djontu
ABSTRACTResearch on violently contested cities has focused on cities in the global South and on civil war contexts. This article makes the case for broadening this empirical scope to cities in non-war contexts, which are considered ‘at peace’ but where politicians regularly declare war on e.g. drugs and terrorism. Experiences of violence, such as riots, youth violence and the aftermaths of terrorist attacks in a marginalised social housing neighbourhood in Grenoble (France) serve as the empirical grounding of this argument. Participatory action research with different collectives in this neighbourhood shows that community initiatives were able to have a positive impact on the destructive consequences of different forms of paroxysmal violence. These collectives initiated action in the aftermath of paroxysmal violence. One of them placed peace at the heart of its approach. By weaving everyday relationships its members could repair the social tissue that violence had destroyed.KEYWORDS: Peaceurban violenceterrorismcitizenshipanti-Muslim racismhealing AcknowledgmentsI would like to thank all those involved in Agir pour la Paix for having taught me important lessons in life. I would like to extend my gratitude to colleagues at Modus Operandi and swisspeace, for stimulating discussions, their insights are indirectly reflected in this article. Claske Dijkema has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 894389.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mathieu Rigouste, L’ennemi intérieur: la généalogie coloniale et militaire de l’ordre sécuritaire dans la France contemporaine (Paris: Découverte, 2011).2 Patrick Kanner, ‘Des centaines de Molenbeek potentiels en France', Le Parisien, March 27, 2016 https://www.leparisien.fr/politique/attentats-des-centaines-de-molenbeek-potentiels-en-france-estime-patrick-kanner-27-03-2016–5664587.php (accessed March 15, 2017).3 Field notes, 15 January 2015.4 Jennifer Robinson, Ordinary Cities: Between Modernity and Development, Questioning Cities (London; New York: Routledge, 2006).5 ‘Reversing the Gaze’ is a four-year project that studies political phenomena in Europe through concepts developed in and from the Global South, https://reversingthegaze.net.6 Caroline O. Moser, and Cathy McIlwaine, ‘New Frontiers in Twenty-First Century Urban Conflict and Violence’. Environment and Urbanization 26, no. 2 (1 October 2014): 331–44.7 Derek Gregory, ‘The Everywhere War: The Everywhere War’, The Geographical Journal 177, no. 3 (September 2011): 238–50.8 Sultan Barakat, ‘City War Zones’, Urban Age 5, no. 6 (1998): 119 Theoretical contributions such as the work of Pearce and Perea on non-war violence in post-war and beyond war contexts in Latin America call the opposition between war/violence and peace into question. Jenny Pearce and Carlos M. Perea, ‘Post War and Non War Violences: L
关于暴力冲突城市的研究主要集中在全球南方城市和内战背景下。本文提出了将这一经验范围扩大到非战争背景下的城市的案例,这些城市被认为是“和平”的,但政治家经常对毒品和恐怖主义宣战。在格勒诺布尔(法国)一个边缘化的社会住房社区中,暴力事件的经历,如骚乱、青年暴力和恐怖袭击的后果,是这一论点的经验基础。对该社区不同集体进行的参与性行动研究表明,社区倡议能够对不同形式的突发性暴力的破坏性后果产生积极影响。这些集体在突发暴力事件之后采取了行动。其中之一将和平置于其方针的核心。通过编织日常关系,其成员可以修复被暴力破坏的社会组织。关键词:和平、城市暴力、恐怖主义、公民、反穆斯林、种族主义、治愈致谢我要感谢所有参与“为和平而战”的人,感谢他们给我上了人生中重要的一课。我要感谢Modus Operandi和swisspace的同事们,他们激发了讨论,他们的见解间接反映在这篇文章中。Claske Dijkema已获得欧盟地平线2020研究和创新计划(Marie Skłodowska-Curie资助协议编号894389)的资助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1马蒂厄·里古斯特:《<s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> - - - - - - <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> - - - <s:1> <s:1> - - - <s:1> <s:1> - - - <s:1> - - -》(巴黎:<s:1> - - - 2011年)2 . Patrick Kanner,“Des centaines de Molenbeek potentiels en France”,Le Parisien, 2016年3月27日https://www.leparisien.fr/politique/attentats-des-centaines-de-molenbeek-potentiels-en-france-estime-patrick-kanner-27-03-2016 -5664587.php(2017年3月15日访问)Jennifer Robinson,《普通城市:在现代性与发展之间,质疑城市》(伦敦;纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2006)。“逆转凝视”是一个为期四年的项目,通过在全球南方发展和发展的概念来研究欧洲的政治现象,https://reversingthegaze.net.6卡罗琳O.莫泽和凯茜McIlwaine,“21世纪城市冲突和暴力的新领域”。环境与城市化26,第1期。德里克·格雷戈里,《无处不在的战争:无处不在的战争》,《地理杂志》177期,第331-44.7页。3(2011年9月):238-50.8 Sultan Barakat,“城市战区”,Urban Age 5, no。6(1998): 119理论贡献,如Pearce和Perea关于拉丁美洲战后和战后非战争暴力的工作,对战争/暴力与和平之间的对立提出了质疑。3(2019年9月2日):247-53;Carlos M. Perea,“没有战争的极端暴力及其对拉丁美洲建设和平的社会再生产影响”,《建设和平》第7期。3(2019年9月2日):254-67.10关于模糊战争与和平之间的明确界限,请参见安妮卡Björkdahl,“城市建设和平”,《建设和平》1号。2(2013年6月):207-21。思考受恐怖主义暴力影响的欧美城市的和平与冲突的三位学者是:ML . deaismes Combes,“遇到陌生人:本体论安全与波士顿马拉松爆炸案”,《合作与冲突》,第52期。1(2017年3月):126-43;菲利普·刘易斯,《为了城市的和平:发展社区间和宗教间关系的英国案例研究》,《建设和平与发展杂志》,第6期。1(2011年6月):63-74;以及约阿尼斯·泰利迪斯和安娜·格罗姆的《街头艺术作为日常反恐?》《挪威艺术界对2011年7月22日袭击事件的反应》,《合作与冲突》,第54期。2(2019年6月):191-210.11另见罗杰·麦金蒂:《没有战争就没有和平:恢复停滞的和平进程与和平协定》(纽约:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦出版社,2006年)。麦金蒂所说的“没有战争,就没有和平”指的是,尽管签署了全面的和平协议,但在战后局势中仍要处理致命的暴力事件。虽然麦金蒂和我说话的背景不同,但我们都对捕捉战争之外的暴力行为感兴趣斯蒂芬·格雷厄姆,《被围困的城市:新的军事城市主义》(伦敦;纽约:Verso, 2010).13Emma Elfversson, Ivan Gusic, Jonathan Rock Rokem,“城市中的和平,城市中的和平?”暴力冲突城市的和平地理理论与探索,《建设和平》(2023年6月21日):1 - 17,1。
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引用次数: 0
In-group competition & out-group cooperation: cooperative players in protracted ethnic conflict resolution 群内竞争与群外合作:旷日持久的民族冲突解决中的合作主体
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2231268
C. M. Jackson
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引用次数: 0
Disruptive hope: the communal repertoires of violence resistance in Cúcuta 颠覆性的希望:库库塔暴力抵抗的公共剧目
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2231296
Jorge Mantilla
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引用次数: 1
Fierce and accommodationist divided cities: understanding right-to-the-city protests in Beirut and Manama 激烈的和解主义者分裂了城市:理解贝鲁特和麦纳麦的进城权抗议
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2219119
J. Nagle, Simon Mabon
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引用次数: 1
The art of ‘tick boxes’: quantitative audience evaluation methods of documentary theatre for ‘peace’ in Northern Ireland “勾选框”艺术:北爱尔兰“和平”纪录片剧场的定量观众评价方法
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2231269
H. McCallum
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引用次数: 0
Civility as collective self-care in Nablus (Palestine): face-to-face interactions in the shadow of war 纳布卢斯(巴勒斯坦)作为集体自我照顾的文明:战争阴影下的面对面互动
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2234734
E. Schaeublin
ABSTRACT The inhabitants of the Palestinian city of Nablus in the West Bank, which has been under Israeli military rule since 1967, practice bottom-up civility to shape public life in spite of political rights being denied to them. As most institutional forms of ‘civil society’ are deeply distrusted, everyday civility among Palestinians dynamically reacts to occurrences of political violence. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Nablus in 2013 and 2014, this article argues that bottom-up civility constitutes a medium for addressing ethical and political questions about how to live together in dignity in the midst of a repressive and opaque political landscape. As such, civility can be understood as a form of collective ethical self-care. People laterally discipline one another to embody dignity and piety in their face-to-face interactions and to express respect for victims by hiding signs of consumption and market transactions. In an enclosed community facing repression, ethical claims about dignity and civility in public interactions are a form of political agency that calls for decentering common understandings of civil society.
摘要自1967年以来一直处于以色列军事统治之下的约旦河西岸巴勒斯坦城市纳布卢斯的居民,尽管政治权利被剥夺,但他们仍以自下而上的文明来塑造公共生活。由于大多数“公民社会”的制度形式都不受信任,巴勒斯坦人的日常文明对政治暴力的发生会做出动态反应。本文基于2013年和2014年纳布卢斯的民族志实地调查,认为自下而上的文明构成了一种媒介,可以解决道德和政治问题,即如何在压抑和不透明的政治环境中有尊严地生活在一起。因此,文明可以被理解为集体道德自我照顾的一种形式。人们相互横向约束,在面对面的互动中体现尊严和虔诚,并通过隐藏消费和市场交易的迹象来表达对受害者的尊重。在一个面临镇压的封闭社区中,在公共互动中对尊严和文明的道德要求是一种政治机构形式,要求对公民社会达成体面的共识。
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引用次数: 0
Young protesters’ ambivalence about violence in the 2015 crisis in Burundi: local legacies of conflict and generational change 2015年布隆迪危机中年轻抗议者对暴力的矛盾心理:冲突的地方遗产和代际变化
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2023.2234735
L. Berckmoes, Anonymous
ABSTRACT April 2015, Burundi. What started as peaceful demonstrations against another term of president Nkurunziza, quickly turned into violent confrontations between mostly young male civilians and government forces. The demonstrations signalled the beginning of a new political crisis after a decade of peace. In this paper, we draw on eye-witness accounts of civilians to understand the escalation of violence. We argue that legacies of conflict informed the understanding and escalation of the violence. For instance, memories and skills learned by adults and older peers during the civil war were passed on to novices to organise protests and neighbourhood defence. Yet the legacies of conflict also juxtaposed with protesters’ ideals on ‘civil’ non-violent political dialogue. The ambivalence towards violence experienced and narrated by protesters and witnesses points to intergenerational change, but may also be understood as contradictions in how political dialogue and competition is generally envisioned in Burundi.
2015年4月,布隆迪。一开始是反对总统恩库伦齐扎连任的和平示威,但很快演变成以年轻男性为主的平民和政府军之间的暴力对抗。示威活动标志着经过十年和平后新的政治危机的开始。在本文中,我们利用平民目击者的叙述来理解暴力的升级。我们认为,冲突的遗留影响了对暴力的理解和升级。例如,成年人和年长的同龄人在内战期间学到的记忆和技能被传授给新手,以组织抗议活动和邻里防御。然而,冲突的遗产也与抗议者关于“公民”非暴力政治对话的理想并存。抗议者和目击者所经历和叙述的对暴力的矛盾态度表明了代际变化,但也可以理解为布隆迪政治对话和竞争的普遍设想的矛盾。
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Peacebuilding
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