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Occupying Space in the Kirkuk Bazaar: an intersectional analysis 基尔库克市集的空间占领:一个交叉分析
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2131246
D. O’Driscoll, Amal Bourhrous
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引用次数: 1
Why peacebuilding is condemned to fail if it ignores ethnicization. The case of Colombia 为什么如果忽视种族主义,建设和平就注定失败。哥伦比亚的案例
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2128583
María Cárdenas
ABSTRACT Recent criticism of the liberal peace paradigm has raised awareness about racial silence and coloniality in peacebuilding and research. Drawing on ethnographic research in Colombia, this article argues that the interaction between ethnicization, armed conflict, and peacebuilding is relevant not only to so-called ethnic conflicts but to postcolonial conflict settings more generally. To demonstrate this, I first show that ethnicization is a key driver of armed conflict and its territorial expansion. I then discuss how two peacebuilding attempts, the constitution of 1991 and the peace agreement of 2016, dealt with ethnicization. Findings demonstrate that overlooking the interaction between ethnicization and conflict diminished their success. In contrast, embracing ethnic(ized) agency in peacebuilding made visible postcolonial violence, delegitimized its use, and enabled conflict transformation. The Colombian case is indicative of other contexts because it shows that peace cannot be achieved if the colonial fundaments of conflict transformation and democracy remain unaddressed.
摘要最近对自由主义和平范式的批评提高了人们对建设和平和研究中种族沉默和殖民主义的认识。本文借鉴哥伦比亚的民族志研究,认为种族化、武装冲突和建设和平之间的互动不仅与所谓的种族冲突有关,而且与更普遍的后殖民冲突环境有关。为了证明这一点,我首先表明,种族化是武装冲突及其领土扩张的关键驱动力。然后,我讨论了1991年宪法和2016年和平协议这两项建设和平努力是如何处理种族化问题的。调查结果表明,忽视种族化和冲突之间的互动会削弱他们的成功。相比之下,在建设和平中接纳种族(化)机构使后殖民暴力变得明显,使其使用失去合法性,并促成了冲突的转变。哥伦比亚的案例表明了其他情况,因为它表明,如果冲突转变和民主的殖民基础得不到解决,就无法实现和平。
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引用次数: 2
Modern concept of peacebuilding and the idea of peacebuilding in Igbo pre-colonial society in Africa 现代建设和平理念与非洲伊博殖民前社会的建设和平理念
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2131055
C. Amaechi, Nathaniel Umukoro
ABSTRACT Several studies have examined and applied the concept of peacebuilding in different contexts. A careful examination of these studies revealed that adequate attention has not been given to an examination of the modern concept of peacebuilding vis a vis the idea of peacebuilding in Igbo pre-colonial society in Africa. With the aid of secondary data and historical descriptive approach, this article seeks to contribute to the literature on peacebuilding by bringing in the Igbo perspective. The paper reveals that the Igbo pre-colonial society perceived peacebuilding as a long-term process that also involves the preventive aspect of the concept, since conflict was seen by the Igbo society as a naturally occurring and ever-present phenomenon in human existence. It also reveals that the pre-colonial Igbo people imbued their socio-political arrangement and structures with peace-building consciousness in such a manner that ensured lasting peace.
摘要:几项研究在不同的背景下研究并应用了建设和平的概念。对这些研究的仔细审查表明,在非洲伊博殖民前社会,没有充分注意对照建设和平的概念来审查建设和平的现代概念。借助二次数据和历史描述方法,本文试图通过引入伊博人的视角,为建设和平的文献做出贡献。该文件表明,伊博人殖民前社会将建设和平视为一个长期过程,也涉及这一概念的预防方面,因为伊博人社会将冲突视为人类生存中自然发生和永远存在的现象。它还表明,殖民前的伊博人以确保持久和平的方式,使他们的社会政治安排和结构具有建设和平的意识。
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引用次数: 0
Same but different: the role of local leaders in the peace processes in liberia and sierra leone 相同但不同的是:利比里亚和塞拉利昂和平进程中地方领导人的作用
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2027152
Samantha Ruppel, Julia Leib
ABSTRACT The peace processes in Liberia and Sierra Leone share similar contexts and have an interrelated history. They are also often portrayed as successful cases of peacebuilding. This conclusion seems valid, as war has not returned, and political power was handed over peacefully; however, both cases differ with regard to the inclusiveness of the peace processes and the role of local leaders. This article aims to add to the critical peacebuilding debate by focusing on local perceptions about the position of local leaders in these two peace processes. We conducted a public opinion survey in five regions in Sierra Leone and Liberia and expert interviews with peacebuilding actors to examine changing perceptions about the roles of local leaders in both countries. This article speaks to the broader peacebuilding debate by highlighting the importance of including local voices in the peace process and by discussing challenges of inclusive peacebuilding.
摘要利比里亚和塞拉利昂的和平进程有着相似的背景和相互关联的历史。它们也经常被描绘成建设和平的成功案例。这一结论似乎是有效的,因为战争没有卷土重来,政治权力是和平移交的;然而,在和平进程的包容性和地方领导人的作用方面,这两种情况都有所不同。本文旨在通过关注当地对地方领导人在这两个和平进程中的地位的看法,为建设和平的关键辩论锦上添花。我们在塞拉利昂和利比里亚的五个地区进行了一次民意调查,并对建设和平行为体进行了专家访谈,以研究人们对两国地方领导人作用的看法的变化。这篇文章通过强调在和平进程中纳入地方声音的重要性以及讨论包容性建设和平的挑战,阐述了更广泛的建设和平辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Controlling victims: forced exhumations in the Peruvian Andes 控制受害者:秘鲁安第斯山脉的强迫挖掘
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2098453
Dorothée Delacroix
ABSTRACT Exhumations were considered part of the Peruvian State’s reparation policies to victims of the internal armed conflict. On the basis of an in-depth ethnography conducted in Andean peasant communities, this article analyses the forced nature of certain exhumations done in post-TRC Peru and the doubts cast on the testimonies of the surviving victims. This essay posits that the exhumed body has become a site for the production of “truth” in a context in which the recipients of economic reparations have the veracity of their testimonies questioned, and at times are deemed fraudulent. Through the analyse of the bureaucratic implementation of exhumations and of their effects on an intimate level, its demonstrates how State-controlled exhumation policies continue its historic requirement of Andean peasantry submission when any socio-economic aid is provided. This article highlights the paradoxes of reparation policies that produce a institutional violence forms of discrimination against the Andean peasantry.
挖掘被认为是秘鲁国家对国内武装冲突受害者赔偿政策的一部分。本文在对安第斯农民社区进行深入的民族志研究的基础上,分析了在真相与和解委员会成立后的秘鲁进行的某些挖掘的强迫性质,以及对幸存受害者证词的怀疑。这篇文章认为,在经济赔偿的接受者对其证词的真实性提出质疑,有时被认为是欺诈的情况下,挖掘出来的尸体已经成为产生“真相”的场所。通过分析挖掘工作的官僚实施及其在亲密层面上的影响,它表明了国家控制的挖掘政策如何在提供任何社会经济援助时继续其安第斯农民服从的历史要求。这篇文章强调了赔偿政策的悖论,这些政策产生了对安第斯农民的制度性暴力形式的歧视。
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引用次数: 0
Local peace governance in post-war Timor-Leste: reconceiving governance ambiguity as a formalised political unsettlement 战后东帝汶的地方和平治理:将治理模糊重新视为正式的政治动荡
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2021.1955516
Claire Q. Smith
ABSTRACT The article makes a new contribution to understanding peace governance, using the concept of formalised political unsettlements to explain enduring local governance ambiguities as a constructive, rather than detrimental, feature of a hybrid post-war political order. Drawing on original fieldwork, the article examines the contested interactions between an international governance reform programme and competing national and sub-national political actors in post-war Timor-Leste. International donors to and scholars of Timor-Leste have argued that an institutional ‘gap’ between national and local governance blocked post-war development and democratisation. I take a new approach, using the concept of ‘formalised political unsettlement’ to reconceive this ‘gap’ as a political space allowing competing visions of post-war governance to co-exist. I demonstrate that the ‘gap’ was not a failure of governance, but a form of transitional political order, sustaining peace while avoiding a formal resolution. In attempting to fix the ‘gap’, the international intervention had unexpected consequences in this complex post-war environment.
本文对理解和平治理做出了新的贡献,使用正式的政治动荡的概念来解释持久的地方治理的模糊性,作为一种建设性的,而不是有害的,战后混合政治秩序的特征。根据最初的实地调查,本文考察了战后东帝汶的国际治理改革方案与相互竞争的国家和次国家政治行动者之间有争议的相互作用。东帝汶的国际捐助者和学者认为,国家和地方治理之间的制度“差距”阻碍了战后的发展和民主化。我采用了一种新的方法,使用“正式的政治动荡”的概念来重新认识这种“差距”,作为一种政治空间,允许战后治理的竞争愿景共存。我证明,“鸿沟”不是治理的失败,而是一种过渡政治秩序的形式,在避免正式解决的同时维持和平。在试图弥补“差距”的过程中,国际干预在这种复杂的战后环境中产生了意想不到的后果。
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引用次数: 0
‘The ‘local-visual turn’: understanding peacebuilding in post-conflict societies using photo-elicitation “地方-视觉转向”:利用图片启发理解冲突后社会的和平建设
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2085941
Serena Clark
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引用次数: 2
Cross-case patterns of security production in hybrid political orders: their shapes, ordering practices, and paradoxical outcomes 混合政治秩序下安全生产的跨案例模式:它们的形状、排序实践和矛盾的结果
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-20 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2079246
Tim Glawion
ABSTRACT Examinations of substate security and everyday peace in hybrid political orders are mostly limited to single-case studies or statistical analyses. Seldom are qualitative methods applied with a comparative aim that can unveil patterns of security production. I attempt such an approach by studying 12 cases across the Central African Republic, Haiti, Somaliland, and South Sudan. I investigate (1) where hybrid interactions take place, (2) how they happen and (3) what this means for people’s security. I argue, first, that hybrid ordering shapes socio-geography by separating a rigorously controlled inner from a securitised outer circle. Second, I find that actors clash over the use of contrasting ordering principles on a spectrum from stable to fluid. Third, measured security indices, paradoxically, often diverge from how safe people feel depending on public support for the socio-geographical shape and ordering principles applied. These cross-case patterns of hybrid political orders underscore the importance of comparing political ordering processes.
对混合政治秩序下的国家安全和日常和平的研究大多局限于个案研究或统计分析。定性的方法很少应用于能够揭示安全生产模式的比较目的。我通过研究中非共和国、海地、索马里兰和南苏丹的12个案例来尝试这种方法。我调查了(1)混合交互发生的地方,(2)它们是如何发生的,(3)这对人们的安全意味着什么。我认为,首先,混合秩序通过将严格控制的内部圈子与证券化的外部圈子分离开来,塑造了社会地理。其次,我发现参与者在使用从稳定到流动的对比排序原则方面存在冲突。第三,矛盾的是,衡量的安全指数往往偏离人们的安全感,这取决于公众对社会地理形态和所应用的排序原则的支持。这些混合政治秩序的跨案例模式强调了比较政治秩序过程的重要性。
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引用次数: 2
Why did Turkey’s peace process (2013-2015) fail? Four explanations 为什么土耳其的和平进程(2013-2015)失败了?四种解释
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2068866
O. Bakiner
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引用次数: 0
Religion, peace and justice: the effects of transitional justice on religious armed conflict resolution 宗教、和平与正义:过渡司法对宗教武装冲突解决的影响
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-22 DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2022.2065791
Yoav Kapshuk, Mora Deitch
ABSTRACT The rising of religious intrastate armed conflicts in recent years has a significant impact on the world order. Despite a growing literature on the relationship between religion and conflict, we know little about the conditions under which peace processes of religious conflicts may succeed. Studies show that addressing issues of transitional justice during conflicts may promote peace. This study examines the role of transitional justice in peace processes of religious conflicts. Our study uses quantitative analysis utilizing the Transitional Justice in Peace Processes (TJPP) Dataset, which contains innovative information on worldwide peace negotiations between 1989 and 2014. The TJPP dataset identifies six elements of transitional justice: truth commissions, reconciliation processes, reparations programs, restitution and rehabilitation of refugees, amnesties and prisoners' release. Findings demonstrate that peace processes of religious conflicts are more likely to use transitional justice elements, yet these peace efforts are less likely to reach a full peace agreement.
近年来,国家内部宗教武装冲突的兴起对世界秩序产生了重大影响。尽管关于宗教与冲突之间关系的文献越来越多,但我们对宗教冲突的和平进程可能取得成功的条件知之甚少。研究表明,在冲突期间处理过渡司法问题可能促进和平。本研究探讨了宗教冲突和平进程中过渡时期司法的作用。我们的研究利用和平进程中的过渡时期司法(TJPP)数据集进行定量分析,该数据集包含1989年至2014年全球和平谈判的创新信息。TJPP数据集确定了过渡时期司法的六个要素:真相委员会、和解进程、赔偿计划、难民的恢复和康复、大赦和囚犯释放。研究结果表明,宗教冲突的和平进程更有可能使用过渡司法要素,但这些和平努力不太可能达成全面的和平协议。
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Peacebuilding
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