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‘For help and comfort and to resist the enemy of God’: Greek refugees in the Burgundian Low Countries 寻求帮助和安慰,抵抗上帝的敌人":勃艮第低地国家的希腊难民
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2292648
Hendrik Callewier
It is well known that after the fall of Constantinople, Greek refugees fled to Western Europe. This migration is usually associated with Italy, where it stimulated the further development of the Re...
众所周知,君士坦丁堡陷落后,希腊难民逃往西欧。这种移民通常与意大利有关,它刺激了意大利的进一步发展。
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引用次数: 0
The judgement of God and the fate of a dog: the ninth-century ordeal debate and the anonymous Song of Count Timo 神的审判和狗的命运:九世纪的神判辩论和无名的《提莫伯爵之歌
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2291019
Amos Bronner
This paper argues that the judicial ordeal was the subject of a lively debate in the ninth century. Research on the medieval ordeal has mainly focused on opposition to the practice in the twelfth c...
本文认为,司法神判在九世纪是一场激烈辩论的主题。对中世纪神判法的研究主要集中在十二世纪对这一做法的反对上。
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引用次数: 0
Out of sight, out of mind? The wills of monastic and mendicant bishops in Britain and Ireland, 1350–1535 眼不见,心不烦?1350-1535年英国和爱尔兰修道士和乞丐主教的遗嘱
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2284932
David E. Thornton
This article examines the wills of bishops in late medieval Britain and Ireland who were members of religious orders, and attempts to answer two questions: to what extent can these wills be disting...
本文考察了中世纪晚期英国和爱尔兰主教的遗嘱,他们是宗教团体的成员,并试图回答两个问题:这些遗嘱在多大程度上可以区分……
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引用次数: 0
Noble violence and civic justice: rural lords under trial in the Italian city communes 1276–1322 贵族暴力与公民正义:1276-1322年意大利城市公社审判中的乡村领主
2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2281963
Lorenzo Caravaggi
This article analyses three criminal suits brought against nobles from rural districts of two Italian city-communes who were accused of homicide, robbery, and assault – and focuses on their courtroom defences. By the late 1200s, chivalric values and lifestyle were at odds with the political culture promoted by civic governments, while rural lords had lost most of their ancient privileges and independence to the cities. Nonetheless, in courtrooms, nobles often presented themselves as proud members of the chivalric warrior elite. The defendants may have sought to exploit the publicity of criminal trials to negotiate power and prerogatives with civic governments. Their chivalric ‘self-portraits' were adapted to the expectations of civic audiences, and were combined with legalistic arguments and appeals to municipal laws. More generally, this article investigates the reception of judicial institutions and examines the effects of the encounter between different value-systems and ‘languages’ in pre-modern polities.
本文分析了意大利两个城市公社农村地区的贵族被控杀人、抢劫和袭击的三起刑事诉讼,并着重分析了他们的法庭辩护。到12世纪晚期,骑士的价值观和生活方式与公民政府所倡导的政治文化格格不入,而农村领主已经失去了大部分古老的特权和独立性。尽管如此,在法庭上,贵族们经常以骑士精英的骄傲形象示人。被告可能试图利用刑事审判的公共性与公民政府谈判权力和特权。他们的骑士式“自画像”适应了市民观众的期望,并与法律主义的论点和对市政法律的呼吁相结合。更广泛地说,本文研究了司法机构的接受,并考察了在前现代政治中不同价值体系和“语言”之间相遇的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Law and spiritual sanctions: asserting the stability of pro anima donation charters in late tenth- and eleventh-century central Italy 法律和精神制裁:在10世纪末和11世纪意大利中部主张动物捐赠章程的稳定性
2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2278780
Maya Maskarinec
ABSTRACTThis article examines the citation of legal texts in late tenth- and eleventh-century pro anima donation charters in favour of ecclesiastical institutions in central Italy. It argues that, in general, these texts were cited by notaries to insist on a general principle, derived from Lombard law, of the irrevocability of all donations and testamentary dispositions in favour of ecclesiastical institutions. It then discusses the spiritual sanctions that were likewise used in such charters, arguing that the prevalence of legal citations as well as spiritual sanctions relates to the same general heightened desire to stress the irrevocability of property donations in the face of ongoing tensions regarding ecclesiastical property. Finally, I point to some evidence that notaries, donors (and donees) were increasingly aware of alternatives to an irrevocable pro anima donation charter, namely the Roman law testament.KEYWORDS: Early Middle AgesCentral Italylegal citationspiritual sanctionsmonasteries AcknowledgementsI am grateful to the participants of the workshop, ‘Early Medieval Law in Italian Charters and Manuscripts’ (2021), for their comments and for the feedback of two anonymous reviewers.Notes1 Throughout this article the laws of the Lombard kings are cited with reference to the specific lawgiver in question (Rothari, Grimwald, Liutprand, Ratchis, Aistulf). These laws are edited by Friedrich Bluhme in Friedrich Bluhme and Alfred Boretius, eds., Leges Langobardorum. Monumenta Germania Historica, Leges 4 (Hanover: Hahn, 1868), and an English translation is available in Katherine Fischer Drew, The Lombard Laws (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1973). Central to the article is also Chapter 1 of Charlemagne’s Capitulare Italicum of 801 (Capit. 1, 98.1), ed. Alfred Boretius, in Capitularia regum Francorum, vol. 1. Monumenta Germania Historica, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1883), 205.The following cartularies or later collections of documents are used in this study, referred to in abbreviated form: Casauria: Alessandro Pratesi and Paolo Cherubini, eds., Iohannis Berardi Liber instrumentorum seu Chronicorum monasterii Casauriensis seu Chronicon Casauriense. Fonti per la storia d’Italia medievale, Rerum Italicarum scriptores, 3rd series, 14. 4 vols. (Rome: Nella sede dell’Istituto, Palazzo Borromini, 2017–19); Chieti: Antonio Balducci, ed., Regesto delle pergamene della curia arcivescovile di Chieti (Casalbordino: Nicola de Arcangelis, 1926); Farfa: Ignazio Giorgi and Ugo Balzani, eds., Regesto di Farfa di Gregorio di Catino. Biblioteca della Società romana di storia patria, 5 vols. (Rome: Presso la Società, 1879–92); Fermo: Delio Pacini, ed., Il Codice 1030 dell’archivio diplomatico di Fermo (Milan: Giuffrè, 1963); S. Bartolomeo: Berardo Pio, ed., Alexandri monachi Chronicorum liber monasterii sancti Bartholomei de Carpineto. Fonti per la storia dell’Italia medievale, Rerum Italicarum scriptores, 3rd series, 5 (Rom
700 - 900(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2007),15 - 19;Carlrichard Brühl,‘Überlegungen zur Diplomatik der spoletinischen Herzogsurkunde’,高级国际会议论文集°9日本科及研究生中世纪,1982年9月27日—10月2日第994 (Spoleto:中世纪意大利高级研究中心,1983)、231—49;“为了那个伏尔泰,见费德里科·马拉齐,‘圣文森特在八世纪至九世纪的伏尔泰:伟大的成长之路(与意大利其他伟大的本笃会基金会的比较调查)”,在圣文森特的伏尔泰:文化、制度、经济,ed. Federico Marazzi(蒙特多尼,Isernia: Cep出版社,1996),41 - 90 (42 - 6);克里斯·韦翰,圣文森特修道院土地和修道院守护神,第2期:1980 - 86开采。第二部分,ed. Richard Hodges(伦敦:罗马的英国学校,1995年),138 - 52;对于《卡萨乌里亚》,请参阅保罗·切鲁比尼(Paolo Cherubini)对《关键版》的介绍,特别是31 - 2,1号和洛朗·费勒(Laurent Feller)在《圣克莱门特·卡萨里奥》(Le cartulaire-chronique de San克莱门特·卡萨里奥)中引用的引文。1991年,eds。Olivier Guyotjeannin, Laurent Morelle和Michel Parisse(巴黎:chartes学院,1993年),261 - 77 (269 - 77);for that of S .洛缪,在seventeenth-century and later survives copies, eea especially the引言,由Berardo虔诚的,”版,关键在高于1号,和Swen Holger Brunsch,‘Urkunden und Schriftst上ücke im“原因Chronicorum”des Klosters S。洛缪Carpineto’,Quellen und aus Italienischen Forschungen Archiven und Bibliotheken 82(2002): 1—46;为了安全起见,见迪奥·帕西尼,代码1030,11;《颤抖中的圣玛利亚》见佩特鲁奇的评价,第141卷,《关键版导言》(第1卷),第18页来自S. Bartolomeo, no . 9, 10 - 11和12的earliest examples,日期是962,见研究员,Les Abruzzes medivales, 579,第83号;Laurent Feller,“在abruzzi (X - XII siercles)的monasterres prives et reform: la volution du statut de San Bartolomeo di Carpineto(962 - 1120)”,Sanctorum 7(2010): 65 - 82(73 - 4)。最近的例子来自苏莫纳,没有。38(涂料)19。exception是Adam, iudex和notarius,负责为《濒危野生动植物种国际贸易公约》第二部分的Farfa做出大量捐赠,他的捐赠宪章总是以同样的方式开始见下文,第38.20号,卡萨乌里亚,不。1878年(1041);S.巴塞洛缪,不。10 - 11(日期为962,但见上文第18号);基提,对吧。(10);圣玛丽亚·德·特里特里蒂,不。(1006),不。29(1041),不。30(1042),不。33(1044) 21。Bluhme和Boretius, eds。, Leges Langobardorum, 109:“是的,Langobardus,但是人的情况是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的,在法律上是脆弱的。让我来判断一下,让我来判断一下。22 . S.巴塞洛缪,不。29(1042):“Ideoque ego Sanso, filius quodam Rainaldi,迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗·迪克罗“我是lectulo iacet的qualbet Langobardus egrotaverit quamquam。类似的描述是在修道院的一份捐赠宪章中发现的,一份文本的作者认为,要么是在以后的某个时候,要么是至少是沉重的interpolated(见上面,第20号),S. Bartolomeo, no . 10 - 11。《亚历山大纪事报》(alexanders chronicle)对修道院基金会的描述也出现了。也看到了更接近的相关例子,没有。110(1998),因为他很有洞察力,很容易作为起草这份文件的基础;往下看。其他例子来自圣玛丽亚·德·特里特里特,没有。委员会成员-(1006),因为《濒危野生动植物种国际贸易公约》只有三部分立法,而且来自家庭,不。1969年(April ?《濒危野生动植物种国际贸易公约》第1章第98.1.23条1988年(1050):‘sicut在edicti Langobardorum continet页面,usd, res suas在这里健康animę其在sanctis locis案件pietatis iudicaverit、稳定debeat存在。24蓝与波利提乌斯,艾德。, Leges Langobardorum, 137:
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引用次数: 0
Barns, granaries and security: crop storage, processing and investment in medieval England 谷仓、粮仓和安全:中世纪英格兰的作物储存、加工和投资
2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2253677
David A. Hinton
ABSTRACTIncreased storage capacity was an essential part of demesne farming in England, as many surviving barns indicate. Their size facilitated their use also as winter workplaces for threshing grain and pulses. Another use, although undocumented, was probably wool storage. Church estates in particular invested in them, but the later Middle Ages saw many, mostly smaller, barns built by prospering tenant farmers. They therefore had considerable social as well as commercial significance.KEYWORDS: Barnscapacitieslabourexpenditurecommerce AcknowledgementsThe stimulation of attending meetings of the Diet Group has benefited me in many ways, but for this paper I am especially grateful to the editor of this special issue, Christopher Woolgar, for encouragement and references, and to Christopher Dyer who took great trouble to make many useful comments and suggestions.Notes1 M. Gardiner, ‘Vernacular Buildings and the Development of the Later Medieval House Plan in England’, Medieval Archaeology 44 (2000): 159–80 (163–8).2 P.J. Reynolds, ‘Experimental Iron Age Storage Pits: An Interim Statement’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 40 (1974): 118–31.3 Dryers were widespread in the period: M. Allen and others, The Rural Economy of Roman Britain. New Visions of the Roman Countryside volume 2; Britannia Monograph Series 30 (London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies 30, 2017), 60, 68 and 491; M. Van der Veen, ‘Arable Farming, Horticulture and Food: Expansion, Innovation and Diversity’, in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Archaeology in Britain, eds. M. Millett, L. Revell and A. Moore (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 807–33 (810). They could be used for drying peas and beans as well as grain.4 The process is described by D. Banham and R. Faith, Anglo-Saxon Farms and Farming (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 61–3.5 M. Van er Veen, ‘All Change on the Land? Wheat and the Roman to Early Medieval Transition in England’, Medieval Archaeology 66 (2022): 304–42 (323–5).6 See below for further details of these processes.7 C. Sparey Green, Excavations at Poundbury, vol. 1: The Settlements. Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society Monograph Series 7 (Dorchester: Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society, 1987), 86–9 and 151. Sparey Green speculated that the dryers served a church; an alternative is that they were for the feasts of a chieftain based in the hillfort overlooking the site.8 H. Hamerow, Rural Settlements and Society in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 50.9 H. Hamerow, ‘Anglo-Saxon Timber Buildings and Their Social Context’, in The Oxford Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology, eds. H. Hamerow, D.A. Hinton and S. Crawford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 128–55 (150).10 P.A. Rahtz and R. Meeson, An Anglo-Saxon Watermill at Tamworth. Excavations in the Bolebridge Street Area of Tamworth, Staffordshire. Council for British Archaeology Research Reports series 83 (London: Council for British
19 .《在7种情况下的一种典型的循环模式》:斯旺顿先生,编辑和翻译。,《盎格鲁-撒克逊散文》(伦敦:登特出版社,1975),第26页;J. Hines,“Gerefa§§15和17:名词表的语法分析”,《中世纪考古》50(2006):268-70.20。巴纳姆和费斯,《盎格鲁-撒克逊农业》,64-5页;进一步见下文斯旺顿,编辑和翻译。《盎格鲁-撒克逊散文》,22页;gebur要在自己的谷仓里为自己的土地播种。筛选将在下文进一步讨论一个。威廉姆斯,《末日前的世界》英国贵族,900-1066(伦敦:布卢姆斯伯里学院,2008),67;文本继续讲述监狱里更堕落的人,这句话影响了上文切达的解释平托,树和其他木制的过去。《百科全书与社会史》(伦敦:G. Bell and Son, 1969),第93页;D.希尔,“序曲:农业通过一年”,在日常生活的物质文化在盎格鲁-撒克逊世界,编辑。M. Clegg Hyer和G.R. Owen-Crocker(埃克塞特:埃克塞特大学出版社,2011),9-22。两种古英语历法都显示出又长又直的秋千;后来的插图显示它们略短,呈球茎状,这将使更多的表面接触到堆积的耳朵,例如在13世纪马修·帕里斯的编年史:R.沃恩,马修·帕里斯的插图编年史。《13世纪生活观察》(斯特劳德:艾伦·萨顿出版社,1993),第47页;Luttrell Psalter,伦敦,大英图书馆,Add. MS 42130, f. 74; Queen Mary Psalter, BL, MS Royal 2b VII, f. 165,均为14世纪早期,并在E. Impey, D. Miles和R. Lea, the Great Barn of 1425-27 at Harmondsworth, Middlesex (Swindon: Historic England, 2017), 24;另见兰登,《中世纪英格兰乡村》,"农业设备"。G. Astill和A. Grant(牛津:Basil Blackwell出版社,1988),86-107(95-7)。“flilling around”是因为打谷的动作包括“旋转和击打”:Hill,“Prelude”,18。这项工作并不缺乏技巧,需要情侣或团队保持节奏;斯堪的纳维亚和爱尔兰的谷仓在打谷场下面包括马头,以提供声学效果,但在英国谷仓中没有发现:T. Hack和J. Samways,“地球物理调查报告:Bradford-on-Avon Grange barn”,威尔特郡考古和自然历史杂志114 (2021):265-9 (266-7);R. Merrifield, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic (London: Guild Publishing, 1987), 124-5.25 J. Bond, The Monastic Landscapes (Stroud: Tempus, 2004), 127.26因为R. Richmond,“关于Grove的外星修道院和Leighton Buzzard庄园的三个记录”,Bedfordshire Historical Record Society 8 (1924):15-46(29),将tribula翻译为'脱粒车',在1341×2的莱顿,Baker, La Grava, 348,认为动物被用来在谷物上拖一个工具,但这个词的意思不需要超过'连枷',它在Grove的一个条目中被使用,包括两个铲子(vangis)共计15美元。6¾d。所以很可能只是一个小工具。马可以用来踩倒堆积起来的麦捆,以腾出更多的空间,但我没有发现中世纪有这种做法的参考资料。27 R.H.布里内尔:《英国社会的商业化》,1000-1500年。第二版。(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2009),La Grava E. Baker S10楼109.28封特弗罗皇家庄园和异族修道院的考古和历史。英国考古委员会,研究报告167(约克:英国考古委员会,2013),63,65,81,331和336.29 J.G.赫斯特,“英格兰和威尔士的农村建筑:英格兰”,在英格兰和威尔士的农业历史,卷2:1042-1350,编辑H.E.哈勒姆(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,1988),854-932 (892 - 2);一个可能是15世纪哈蒙兹沃斯谷仓的诺曼前身,尺寸为c.90×24英尺,但它的全部细节是无法恢复的:Impey, Miles和Lea,大谷仓……哈蒙兹沃斯,9.30 P.A. Stamper和R.A. Croft,南庄园地区。《约克郡世界的定居研究》,第8卷(约克:约克大学,2000),201-2和38-47.31页。R.A.霍尔:《市镇与市镇:防御地、贸易与城镇》。计划,防御和公民特征”,在盎格鲁-撒克逊考古学的牛津手册,编辑。哈默罗,辛顿和克劳福德,600-24 (612-14);J. Schofield,“城市住房”,收录于《牛津中世纪考古手册》,编辑。C.M. Gerrard and A. gutimacriz(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2018),297-311(298和302-3);D.奥斯汀,被遗弃的中世纪村庄Thrislington, Durham郡。挖掘1973 - 1974。中世纪考古学会,专论系列12(林肯:中世纪考古学会,1989年),25-7.33包括以下一些塔:M.G.沙普兰,盎格鲁-撒克逊贵族塔(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2019年),134-7.34 J. Claridge和J. Claridge。
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引用次数: 0
Meanings of food in medieval Britain and Ireland: themes 中世纪英国和爱尔兰食物的意义:主题
2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2268346
C. M. Woolgar
Food is central to our understanding of the social, economic and cultural history of the medieval past. Its study sits at the nexus of disciplines, of different classes of sources and data, and of different academic approaches, from studies of historical documentation, to the physical remains of food waste, retrieved from archaeological excavation, to the chemical analysis of human bone in isotope studies or organic residues in cooking vessels, and the contributions of anthropology and contemporary food science. Essays in the special issue focus particularly on cereals and food security; and secondly, on questions of food culture.
食物是我们理解中世纪社会、经济和文化史的核心。它的研究处于学科、不同类型的来源和数据、不同的学术方法的联系之中,从历史文献的研究,到从考古发掘中提取的食物垃圾的物理残留物,再到同位素研究中对人骨的化学分析或烹饪容器中的有机残留物,以及人类学和当代食品科学的贡献。特刊中的文章特别关注谷物和粮食安全;第二,关于饮食文化的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Brewing difference: malting, gender and urbanity in medieval England. An examination of drying and malting kilns, c.1150–1500 酿造差异:中世纪英格兰的麦芽、性别和文雅。约1150 - 1500年对干燥窑和麦芽窑的考察
2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-10 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2253807
Ben Jervis
Kilns used for drying grain and for malting are common features of archaeological excavations in medieval towns and in the countryside. They occur in a variety of situations, including within urban tenement plots, open spaces within the urban landscape, manorial enclosures and field systems. This paper examines what the situation of drying kilns can reveal about the ways in which household and community labour were organised and the role of infrastructure in cultivating and maintaining variegated forms of rural and urban sociality. In doing so, it seeks to contribute to ongoing debates about the legacy of ‘binary’ logics relating to urban and rural life and to the gendered use of space and forms of labour.
用于烘干谷物和酿造麦芽的窑是中世纪城镇和农村考古发掘的共同特征。它们出现在各种情况下,包括在城市廉租房地块,城市景观中的开放空间,庄园围栏和田野系统中。本文考察了干燥窑的情况所揭示的家庭和社区劳动的组织方式,以及基础设施在培育和维持农村和城市社会多样化形式中的作用。在这样做的过程中,它试图为正在进行的关于城市和农村生活以及空间和劳动形式的性别使用的“二元”逻辑遗产的辩论做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Mazers and the drinking culture of late medieval England 迷宫与中世纪晚期英格兰的饮酒文化
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-08 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2250961
C. M. Woolgar
ABSTRACT Mazers, drinking vessels often made of maple, were an important part of the material culture of medieval England from at least the first half of the twelfth century. They were significant for the range of meanings they brought to the consumption of drink. In some elite households, they had prestigious associations; elsewhere across society, they made important connections between families, in terms of inheritance and identity, and helped perpetuate memory and constitute memorial practices; as communal drinking vessels, they brought people together in common causes, in families, in gilds and chantries, even acting as a medium for conveying indulgences. They also marked a social distinction between those parts of society commonly drinking wine, who mainly used silver vessels, and those of lesser status, who more usually drank ale. The largest numbers were found in towns, and in monasteries, where the personal use of silver vessels by monks was discouraged.
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引用次数: 0
Poor commons and kings’ propines: food and status in later medieval Aberdeen 贫穷的平民和国王的贵族:中世纪后期阿伯丁的食物和地位
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-06 DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2023.2253674
Elizabeth Gemmill
ABSTRACT Assuring the supply of food and drink in the medieval Scottish town, and safeguarding the town’s reputation in relation to this, were at the heart of the burgh government’s duties. Some foods were specially associated with the poor; conversely, provision and consumption of high-status comestibles was at the core of guild ceremonial, civic pageantry and celebration, and hospitality offered to important visitors. There was a recognised ranking of crafts engaged in food and drink production, and those who failed to meet expectations were threatened with loss of equipment or status – although burgh officers risked their own reputation when they failed to carry out the prescribed penalties. Employers were expected to give meals to their servants and townspeople had a mutual responsibility to provide sustenance for those engaged in public service. Status and reputation, individual and collective, and social relationships, depended on the successful provision of food and drink.
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引用次数: 0
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JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY
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