Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.2018022
Michael Barbezat
ABSTRACT This article examines agreements to return from the afterlife made between friends, in the Liber revelationum (Book of Revelations) compiled by the Augustinian canon Peter of Cornwall around 1200. In the fulfilment of these agreements, dead friends remained present in the devotional lives of the living. They helped the living transform themselves, particularly through a type of epektasis, in which what began as a desire to see and speak with the dead out of curiosity and fascination with the spiritual world developed into a greater reverence and affection for God. These agreement stories illustrate how, in the context of twelfth-century religious communities, the affection – and even love – between two people could be seen to participate in and lead toward the love between human and God. This expansive role of human affection continued after death, illustrating some of the ways in which commemoration of the departed was an exercise in self-formation.
{"title":"Converse with the dead as a technology of the self: agreements to return from the other-world in Peter of Cornwall’s Book of Revelations","authors":"Michael Barbezat","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.2018022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.2018022","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines agreements to return from the afterlife made between friends, in the Liber revelationum (Book of Revelations) compiled by the Augustinian canon Peter of Cornwall around 1200. In the fulfilment of these agreements, dead friends remained present in the devotional lives of the living. They helped the living transform themselves, particularly through a type of epektasis, in which what began as a desire to see and speak with the dead out of curiosity and fascination with the spiritual world developed into a greater reverence and affection for God. These agreement stories illustrate how, in the context of twelfth-century religious communities, the affection – and even love – between two people could be seen to participate in and lead toward the love between human and God. This expansive role of human affection continued after death, illustrating some of the ways in which commemoration of the departed was an exercise in self-formation.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"48 1","pages":"32 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45397974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-26DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.2018622
Francesca Petrizzo
ABSTRACT The article examines the relationship between the Normans in southern Italy and in Outremer, offering a new analysis of the early history of the principality of Antioch through the perspective of Hauteville kin relations and models of conquest and rule across the Mediterranean. By analysing the composition of the Hauteville expedition during the First Crusade, and comparing its patterns of behaviour with those of the family in southern Italy, this essay highlights the similarities between the crusader contingent and other Hauteville enterprises. It then investigates enduring similarities and links between Hauteville frontier zones either side of the sea, and the contextual solutions for succession in Antioch found by the Hautevilles, concluding the discussion with the breakdown of ties between southern Italy and Outremer following Roger II’s final claim to Antioch. This offers a new perspective on the long-standing issue of southern Norman participation in the crusader movement.
{"title":"Wars of our fathers: Hauteville kin networks and the making of Norman Antioch","authors":"Francesca Petrizzo","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.2018622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.2018622","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article examines the relationship between the Normans in southern Italy and in Outremer, offering a new analysis of the early history of the principality of Antioch through the perspective of Hauteville kin relations and models of conquest and rule across the Mediterranean. By analysing the composition of the Hauteville expedition during the First Crusade, and comparing its patterns of behaviour with those of the family in southern Italy, this essay highlights the similarities between the crusader contingent and other Hauteville enterprises. It then investigates enduring similarities and links between Hauteville frontier zones either side of the sea, and the contextual solutions for succession in Antioch found by the Hautevilles, concluding the discussion with the breakdown of ties between southern Italy and Outremer following Roger II’s final claim to Antioch. This offers a new perspective on the long-standing issue of southern Norman participation in the crusader movement.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"48 1","pages":"1 - 31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45278809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.2016477
Courtney A. Barter-Colcord
ABSTRACT This article examines the story of a thirteenth-century pseudo-saint named Sibylla of Marsal, as told by contemporary monk and chronicler Richer of Senones in Book 4 of his Gesta Senoniensis Ecclesiae. According to Richer, Sibylla achieved local fame as a holy woman by feigning sanctity using various props, including a demon costume that she wore to frighten villagers. By analysing the organisation of Book 4 of the Gesta, this study explores the context and motivations for Richer’s portrayal of Sibylla and first situates Sibylla within Richer’s apocalyptic worldview. Sibylla’s story also offered Richer an opportunity to denigrate the mendicant orders. Finally, Sibylla’s chapter in the Gesta reveals Richer’s distrust of emerging methods for discerning spirits.
摘要本文探讨了一位13世纪的伪圣人，名叫西比拉（Sibylla of Marsal）的故事，正如当代僧侣和编年史家里彻（Richer of Senones）在其《赛诺尼斯传》（Gesta Senoniensis Ecclesiae）第4卷中所讲述的那样。根据Richer的说法，Sibylla通过使用各种道具假装神圣，包括她用来吓唬村民的恶魔服装，以圣洁的女人的身份在当地声名鹊起。通过分析《盖世塔》第四卷的组织结构，本研究探讨了里彻刻画西比拉的背景和动机，并首次将西比拉置于里彻的启示录世界观中。西比拉的故事也为里彻提供了一个诋毁托钵令的机会。最后，Sibylla在《盖世塔》中的章节揭示了Richer对辨别精神的新兴方法的不信任。
{"title":"Richer of Senones and the peculiar story of Sibylla of Marsal: pseudo-sanctity, mendicants and the end of the world in the Gesta Senoniensis Ecclesiae","authors":"Courtney A. Barter-Colcord","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.2016477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.2016477","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the story of a thirteenth-century pseudo-saint named Sibylla of Marsal, as told by contemporary monk and chronicler Richer of Senones in Book 4 of his Gesta Senoniensis Ecclesiae. According to Richer, Sibylla achieved local fame as a holy woman by feigning sanctity using various props, including a demon costume that she wore to frighten villagers. By analysing the organisation of Book 4 of the Gesta, this study explores the context and motivations for Richer’s portrayal of Sibylla and first situates Sibylla within Richer’s apocalyptic worldview. Sibylla’s story also offered Richer an opportunity to denigrate the mendicant orders. Finally, Sibylla’s chapter in the Gesta reveals Richer’s distrust of emerging methods for discerning spirits.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"48 1","pages":"57 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47414796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-08DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.2012502
Gustavs Strenga
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the process of creating group identity in two transport workers’ guilds in mid fifteenth-century Riga, demonstrating the role of donations, discipline and commemoration in constituting both groups. The Beer Carters’ and Porters’ guilds experienced a ‘new beginning’ at this time: new resources had to be attracted, new traditions created and internal hierarchies established. Donations were an important element that helped these groups to establish their own spaces of piety – to create altars and chapels – and also to acquire resources for the celebration of communal meals. At both liturgical services and communal meals groups commemorated their deceased members, thus strengthening their identities. In the Hanseatic cities there was a bond between transport workers and merchants; in Riga as well, merchants became members of the two guilds, became involved in the processes of creating group identity, made endowments and helped the guilds gain status.
{"title":"Donations, discipline and commemoration. Creating group identity in the transport workers guilds of mid fifteenth-century Riga","authors":"Gustavs Strenga","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.2012502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.2012502","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on the process of creating group identity in two transport workers’ guilds in mid fifteenth-century Riga, demonstrating the role of donations, discipline and commemoration in constituting both groups. The Beer Carters’ and Porters’ guilds experienced a ‘new beginning’ at this time: new resources had to be attracted, new traditions created and internal hierarchies established. Donations were an important element that helped these groups to establish their own spaces of piety – to create altars and chapels – and also to acquire resources for the celebration of communal meals. At both liturgical services and communal meals groups commemorated their deceased members, thus strengthening their identities. In the Hanseatic cities there was a bond between transport workers and merchants; in Riga as well, merchants became members of the two guilds, became involved in the processes of creating group identity, made endowments and helped the guilds gain status.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"48 1","pages":"103 - 128"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42348064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-08DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.2012712
Lucie Laumonier
ABSTRACT As a royal court of justice with jurisdiction over the entire province of Languedoc, southern France, the Parlement de Toulouse left an impressive but largely overlooked legacy of well preserved judicial records. Based on the case study of a 1444 trial pitting a widow, Isabelle de Ferréol, against her stepson, Raymond-Bernard de Montpezat, this article deconstructs the narrative structure of the pleas. Centred on the process of character creation and on the mechanics of defamation, the article analyses how the procurators who represented the plaintiff and the defendant in court shaped the contrasting characters of their clients. Instrumental in framing the true-sounding stories told by the procurators to the court were the politics of the Hundred Years’ War, gender constructs, late medieval family culture, law and literary tropes.
{"title":"Status, gender and emotions: family conflicts at the Parlement de Toulouse","authors":"Lucie Laumonier","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.2012712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.2012712","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As a royal court of justice with jurisdiction over the entire province of Languedoc, southern France, the Parlement de Toulouse left an impressive but largely overlooked legacy of well preserved judicial records. Based on the case study of a 1444 trial pitting a widow, Isabelle de Ferréol, against her stepson, Raymond-Bernard de Montpezat, this article deconstructs the narrative structure of the pleas. Centred on the process of character creation and on the mechanics of defamation, the article analyses how the procurators who represented the plaintiff and the defendant in court shaped the contrasting characters of their clients. Instrumental in framing the true-sounding stories told by the procurators to the court were the politics of the Hundred Years’ War, gender constructs, late medieval family culture, law and literary tropes.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"48 1","pages":"129 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43797129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-05DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.2010588
Leen Bervoets, Jan Dumolyn
ABSTRACT The historiography of urban revolts in north-western Europe is abundant, yet events of thirteenth-century urban protest are mostly neglected. They are usually only mentioned briefly as forerunners of later, better documented events. Sources for thirteenth-century events of urban protest are scarce, but not absent. This article gives an overview from the first industrial action in Brabant, Flanders and northern France between 1220 and 1250, to the factional struggles between urban elites, in which craftsmen took sides, in the towns of England and the Holy Roman Empire in the 1250s and 1260s, and back to Flanders and northern France as the epicentre of violent revolts in 1275–85. These events reveal the way artisans entered the political stage, they underline regional differences and common features, and they uncover the interplay between changes in urban society and overall development in north-western Europe in this crucial period of profound transition.
{"title":"Urban protest in thirteenth-century north-western Europe: a comparative approach","authors":"Leen Bervoets, Jan Dumolyn","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.2010588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.2010588","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The historiography of urban revolts in north-western Europe is abundant, yet events of thirteenth-century urban protest are mostly neglected. They are usually only mentioned briefly as forerunners of later, better documented events. Sources for thirteenth-century events of urban protest are scarce, but not absent. This article gives an overview from the first industrial action in Brabant, Flanders and northern France between 1220 and 1250, to the factional struggles between urban elites, in which craftsmen took sides, in the towns of England and the Holy Roman Empire in the 1250s and 1260s, and back to Flanders and northern France as the epicentre of violent revolts in 1275–85. These events reveal the way artisans entered the political stage, they underline regional differences and common features, and they uncover the interplay between changes in urban society and overall development in north-western Europe in this crucial period of profound transition.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"48 1","pages":"75 - 102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48400036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.1994688
Martin Gravel
ABSTRACT It is generally taken for granted that the Carolingian reforms played an important role in the dissociation of written Latin from the early Romance dialects. The side effects of this process, however, must not be overestimated. For instance, the hypothesis of a vertical break in oral communication during sermons, homilies and preaching in general cannot be substantiated. This paper proposes a new reading of one of the texts considered to be a key witness to this break: Canon 17 of the acts of the Council of Tours (813). It concludes that its well-known reference to the translation of homilies into the vernacular was intended for the education of the clergy – especially priests – not the general Christian population.
{"title":"Reconsidering the shift from Latin to Romance, from the perspective of the Council of Tours (813)","authors":"Martin Gravel","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.1994688","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.1994688","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT It is generally taken for granted that the Carolingian reforms played an important role in the dissociation of written Latin from the early Romance dialects. The side effects of this process, however, must not be overestimated. For instance, the hypothesis of a vertical break in oral communication during sermons, homilies and preaching in general cannot be substantiated. This paper proposes a new reading of one of the texts considered to be a key witness to this break: Canon 17 of the acts of the Council of Tours (813). It concludes that its well-known reference to the translation of homilies into the vernacular was intended for the education of the clergy – especially priests – not the general Christian population.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"47 1","pages":"559 - 573"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48827375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-18DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.1986661
Ingrid Ivarsen
ABSTRACT Anglo-Saxon legislation was for the most part written in the vernacular. However, the seventh and eighth centuries may have been more multilingual than the later period. It appears that some of the earliest texts were based closely on Latin sources and that some may even have been composed in Latin. This early multilingualism has been obscured, partly because our view of the period has been shaped by King Alfred’s later promotion of Old English as the sole language of royal law. The practice of vernacular law-writing was not necessarily a feature of the whole Anglo-Saxon period and may only have been firmly established in the late ninth century.
{"title":"A vernacular genre? Latin and the early English laws","authors":"Ingrid Ivarsen","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.1986661","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.1986661","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Anglo-Saxon legislation was for the most part written in the vernacular. However, the seventh and eighth centuries may have been more multilingual than the later period. It appears that some of the earliest texts were based closely on Latin sources and that some may even have been composed in Latin. This early multilingualism has been obscured, partly because our view of the period has been shaped by King Alfred’s later promotion of Old English as the sole language of royal law. The practice of vernacular law-writing was not necessarily a feature of the whole Anglo-Saxon period and may only have been firmly established in the late ninth century.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"47 1","pages":"497 - 508"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45081823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-08DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.1980970
Thomas Lienhard
ABSTRACT Slavonic is one of the languages that was first written in the ninth century, or perhaps at the beginning of the tenth. The Moravian kingdom of Dukes Ratiz (846–70) and Svatopluk (870–94), within the framework of the missionary activities of Sts Constantine-Cyril and Methodius, is generally proposed as the context for this initiative. However, this proposition is based only on the hagiographic corpus which concerns those two saints and the value of these texts seems particularly weak. As a result, even if Slavic texts were circulating in Moravia, it is unlikely that they were the oldest steps in this linguistic innovation. It is therefore necessary to review the sources in order to contextualise the birth of the written Slavonic language; then new interpretations can be put forward to explain this novelty and its success.
{"title":"The emergence of written Slavonic (c.860–c.880): where and why?","authors":"Thomas Lienhard","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.1980970","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.1980970","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Slavonic is one of the languages that was first written in the ninth century, or perhaps at the beginning of the tenth. The Moravian kingdom of Dukes Ratiz (846–70) and Svatopluk (870–94), within the framework of the missionary activities of Sts Constantine-Cyril and Methodius, is generally proposed as the context for this initiative. However, this proposition is based only on the hagiographic corpus which concerns those two saints and the value of these texts seems particularly weak. As a result, even if Slavic texts were circulating in Moravia, it is unlikely that they were the oldest steps in this linguistic innovation. It is therefore necessary to review the sources in order to contextualise the birth of the written Slavonic language; then new interpretations can be put forward to explain this novelty and its success.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"47 1","pages":"587 - 596"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47635485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1080/03044181.2021.1980961
M. Mostert
ABSTRACT The Frisians did not develop anything like the written works produced by their neighbours in the ninth century. They knew forms of pragmatic literacy, as is clear from surviving coins and runic inscriptions. Narrative sources written by Anglo-Saxons and Franks show that their kings were able to deal with correspondence in a manner appropriate to their position, although for anything resembling poetry and traditions about the past they resorted to orality. The best Frisian poetry survives in legal texts. But the inhabitants of the area called Frisia never developed into a unified ‘people’, neither politically nor indeed linguistically. They lacked a need to develop a written literature of their own.
{"title":"The Frisian exception. Why are there hardly any traces of written Frisian from the eighth and ninth centuries?","authors":"M. Mostert","doi":"10.1080/03044181.2021.1980961","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2021.1980961","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Frisians did not develop anything like the written works produced by their neighbours in the ninth century. They knew forms of pragmatic literacy, as is clear from surviving coins and runic inscriptions. Narrative sources written by Anglo-Saxons and Franks show that their kings were able to deal with correspondence in a manner appropriate to their position, although for anything resembling poetry and traditions about the past they resorted to orality. The best Frisian poetry survives in legal texts. But the inhabitants of the area called Frisia never developed into a unified ‘people’, neither politically nor indeed linguistically. They lacked a need to develop a written literature of their own.","PeriodicalId":45579,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY","volume":"47 1","pages":"597 - 610"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43873628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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