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Cody Dodge Ewert. Making Schools American: Nationalism and the Origin of Modern Educational Politics Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022. 196 pp. 科迪·道奇·埃沃特。使学校美国化:民族主义和现代教育政治的起源巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社,2022。196页。
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.18
C. Dorn
For decades, educational historians have written extensively on the role of public education in assimilating immigrant students into American society during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While some scholars have extolled this history, most analyses critique public schools for stripping students of their cultural heritage. By requiring students to speak English only, celebrate Christian holidays, study whitewashed American history, enact nationalistic pageants, and salute the flag while reciting the Pledge of Allegiance, public education compelled young immigrants to turn away from, if not plainly reject, their ethnic traditions and cultural values. Why did public schools enthusiastically adopt an assimilationist function? The answer most historians give is typically located in the profound social, economic, and political changes occurring in the United States at the time. Industrialization, urbanization, and a massive expansion of commercialization destabilized the United States toward the end of the nineteenth century. Add to this the largest wave of immigration into the nation since its founding, with many newcomers arriving from southern and eastern rather than northern and western Europe, and the result was a widespread feeling of insecurity—if not outright fear—on the part of resident white citizens. Schools, especially in urban areas, reacted to these dramatic changes by becoming assimilationist. This well-established history is exactly what makes Cody Dodge Ewert’s book, Making Schools American: Nationalism and the Origin of Modern Educational Politics, so interesting. Ewert does not seek to rewrite this history; indeed, he relies on previous studies to ground his research. Instead, he offers a significantly different interpretation for why schools responded as they did to the social, economic, and political upheaval that characterized the Progressive Era. Taking a long view, Ewert notes that common school crusaders had effectively used the rhetoric of national unity to bolster support for early reforms. Yet as much as Horace Mann and others had accomplished, the state of public schooling following Reconstruction—and public support for it— remained minimal. As Ewert notes of the period, “Countless Americans still viewed
几十年来,教育历史学家撰写了大量关于公共教育在19世纪末和20世纪初使移民学生融入美国社会中的作用的文章。虽然一些学者赞扬了这段历史,但大多数分析都批评公立学校剥夺了学生的文化遗产。公共教育要求学生只说英语,庆祝基督教节日,研究被粉饰过的美国历史,举办民族主义游行,在背诵效忠誓词时向国旗敬礼,这些都迫使年轻的移民远离(如果不是直接拒绝的话)他们的民族传统和文化价值观。为什么公立学校热情地采取同化主义的功能?大多数历史学家给出的答案通常是当时美国发生的深刻的社会、经济和政治变革。工业化、城市化和商业化的大规模扩张使美国在19世纪末变得不稳定。再加上自建国以来最大的移民潮,许多新移民来自南欧和东欧,而不是北欧和西欧,结果是居住在美国的白人公民普遍感到不安全感——如果不是彻头彻尾的恐惧的话。学校,尤其是城市地区的学校,对这些戏剧性变化的反应是成为同化主义者。这段公认的历史正是科迪·道奇·埃沃特的书《使学校美国化:民族主义和现代教育政治的起源》如此有趣的原因。埃沃特并不打算改写这段历史;事实上,他依靠以前的研究来支撑他的研究。相反,他对为什么学校对进步时代特征的社会、经济和政治动荡做出了这样的反应,提出了一个截然不同的解释。从长远来看,Ewert指出,普通学校的改革者有效地利用了民族团结的修辞来支持早期的改革。然而,尽管霍勒斯·曼和其他人取得了很大的成就,重建后的公立学校状况——以及公众对它的支持——仍然微乎其微。正如埃沃特所指出的那样,“无数美国人仍然认为
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引用次数: 0
Marisela Martinez-Cola. The Bricks before Brown: The Chinese American, Native American, and Mexican Americans’ Struggle for Educational Equality Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2022. 216 pp. Marisela Martinez可乐。《布朗之前的砖块:华裔、美洲原住民和墨西哥裔美国人争取教育平等的斗争》雅典:佐治亚大学出版社,2022年。216页。
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.23
Samantha Weiman
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引用次数: 0
Ethan Ris. Other People’s Colleges: The Origins of Higher Education Reform Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2022. 368 pp. 伊桑Ris。其他人的学院:高等教育改革的起源芝加哥,伊利诺伊州:芝加哥大学出版社,2022。368页。
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.19
Emily J. Levine
The achievements of Ethan Ris’s first book, Other People’s Colleges: The Origins of Higher Education Reform , are numerous. Rare among histories of higher education, he brings together two distinct fields, sociology and history, to contribute to three different conversations regarding (1) the history of American higher education; (2) the study of philanthropy and civil society; and (3) the history of what has been called “American Political Development.” 1 As a result, he does something even rarer—he not only offers snapshots of interesting moments in higher education that have transcended their time and place, but also presents an original theory of institutional change.
伊桑·里斯的第一本书《其他人的学院:高等教育改革的起源》取得了许多成就。在高等教育史中罕见的是,他将社会学和历史学这两个不同的领域结合在一起,促成了三场关于(1)美国高等教育史的不同对话;(2) 慈善事业与公民社会研究;以及(3)所谓的“美国政治发展”的历史。1因此,他做了一些更罕见的事情——他不仅提供了高等教育中超越时代和地点的有趣时刻的快照,还提出了一个关于制度变革的独创理论。
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引用次数: 0
John Stuart Mill on the Political Significance of Higher Education 论高等教育的政治意义
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.22
L. Ward
Abstract While a number of recent studies highlight John Stuart Mill’s role as a “teacher of the people,” his reflections upon the political significance of higher education have received relatively little attention. I argue that Mill’s 1867 St. Andrews Address was both a defense of liberal education against influential arguments for religion- and science-based models of higher education, and a call for elites educated in reformed universities to shape a public vision for the construction of a polity committed to liberal principles. I conclude that Mill’s St. Andrews Address can contribute to debates about the role of the university in contemporary liberal societies.
虽然最近的一些研究强调了约翰·斯图尔特·穆勒作为“人民教师”的角色,但他对高等教育政治意义的反思却相对较少受到关注。我认为,密尔1867年在圣安德鲁斯发表的演讲,既是对自由教育的辩护,反对以宗教和科学为基础的高等教育模式的有影响力的论点,也是对在改革后的大学中接受教育的精英们的呼吁,呼吁他们为建设一个致力于自由原则的政体塑造一种公共愿景。我的结论是,密尔的圣安德鲁斯演讲可以促进关于大学在当代自由社会中的作用的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
The Public and Its Education 公众及其教育
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.16
A. Angulo, J. Schneider
The articles in this issue travel across time—from the late eighteenth century to the 1960s—as well as across three continents and a variety of subfields.They range in focus from primary schooling to postsecondary levels of education. And, collectively, they formwhat theHEQ editorial team affectionately calls a “potpourri” issue—onewithout a uniting theme beyond the high quality of the work it contains. While diverse thematically, however, the articles in this issue do offer some new ways of looking at an enduring question that has been on our minds lately: Why do we have public education? The question is salient right now for several reasons. Perhaps most immediately, it’s because the first article in this issue, “The Extent andDuration of Primary Schooling in Eighteenth-Century America,” takes up the question fairly directly. Carole Shammas argues that participation in a transatlantic commercial society was a driving concern behind taxpayer-supported education in the early republic. In making such an argument, she builds on a long tradition of scholars who see the influence of capitalism in the emergence of public schools. And in this case, she offers some compelling new evidence in support of that position. We’ve also been thinking about this question because we have been remembering Carl Kaestle, who passed away in January of this year. Kaestle was a leading figure among a generation that transformed the field in the 1970s and 1980s, giving Americans a newway of looking at the history of education. InPillars of the Republic—a book that mostHEQ readers will have on their shelves—Kaestle advanced the idea that America’s common schools were shaped in form and practice not just by the nascent demands of capitalism, but also by the dominant values of Protestant Christianity and the secular religion of republicanism.1 Of course, the question of the public and its education extends to the postsecondary level, as well. In this issue, Lee Ward’s “John Stuart Mill on the Political Significance of Higher Education” probes the university and its public function in mid-nineteenthcentury Great Britain. Specifically, Ward looks at Mill’s 1867 address as a way of identifying British concerns over which course of studies—classical, liberal, scientific,
本期的文章跨越了时间——从18世纪末到20世纪60年代——也跨越了三大洲和各种子领域。它们的重点从小学教育到中学后教育。而且,他们共同形成了HEQ编辑团队亲切地称之为“花香”的问题——除了高质量的作品之外,没有一个团结的主题。然而,尽管主题各异,本期文章确实提供了一些新的方式来看待我们最近一直在思考的一个持久问题:为什么我们要进行公共教育?这个问题现在很突出,原因有几个。也许最直接的是,这是因为本期的第一篇文章《18世纪美国小学教育的程度和持续时间》相当直接地回答了这个问题。Carole Shammas认为,在共和国早期,参与跨大西洋商业社会是纳税人支持的教育背后的一个驱动因素。在提出这样的论点时,她建立在学者们的悠久传统之上,他们认为资本主义对公立学校的影响。在本案中,她提供了一些令人信服的新证据来支持这一立场。我们也一直在思考这个问题,因为我们一直在缅怀今年1月去世的卡尔·卡斯特尔。凯斯特尔是20世纪70年代和80年代改变这一领域的一代人中的领军人物,为美国人看待教育史提供了一种新的方式。在《共和国的支柱》一书中,大多数HEQ读者都会在书架上看到这本书。凯斯特尔提出了这样一种观点,即美国的普通学校在形式和实践上不仅是由资本主义的新生需求塑造的,而且是由新教基督教的主导价值观和共和主义的世俗宗教塑造的。1当然,公众及其教育问题也延伸到了中学后阶段。本期,李·沃德的《约翰·斯图尔特·密尔谈高等教育的政治意义》探讨了19世纪中期英国的大学及其公共职能。具体来说,沃德将密尔1867年的演讲视为一种识别英国人对哪门课程的担忧的方式——古典、自由、科学,
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引用次数: 0
HEQ volume 63 issue 3 Cover and Front matter HEQ第63卷第3期封面和封面
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.25
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引用次数: 0
HEQ volume 63 issue 3 Cover and Back matter HEQ第63卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.26
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引用次数: 0
Reply 答复
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.2307/368041
Patricia Katz, S. Pedro, K. Michaud
DENTON AND GEORGE have attempted to test my findings about school attendance with multiple regression analysis. The comparison of results obtained through different statistical means is an interesting and instructive undertaking. It is a pity, therefore, that their paper does not permit such a comparison.
丹顿和乔治试图用多元回归分析来检验我对出勤率的调查结果。比较通过不同统计手段获得的结果是一项有趣和有指导意义的工作。因此,很遗憾,他们的论文不允许进行这样的比较。
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引用次数: 2
The Textbook Masturbator: A Renegotiated Discourse in Official Swedish Sex-Education Guidelines and Textbooks, circa 1945–2000 教科书《手淫者》:瑞典官方性教育指南和教科书中的重新谈判话语,约1945-2000年
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.24
Sara Backman Prytz
The educational mission of most western schools today includes the nurturing of children’s sexual upbringing, which many scholars see as a way of controlling their sexuality and forming them into “sexual citizens.” This article examines how official Swedish school guidelines and textbooks have mediated sexuality norms through education on masturbation. The professional discourse on masturbation started to change during the first half of the twentieth century, when masturbation shifted from being perceived as something harmful to something accepted as natural and harmless. This article focuses on a period following that shift in opinion: circa 1945-2000. The analysis shows that boys’ sexuality during this time received more attention than girls’, and a strong new norm about sex contributed to masturbation taking on less importance than heterosexual intercourse within a relationship. This article shows how state-controlled curricula have created norms about gender and sexuality, thus contributing to the development of a sexual citizenship.
当今大多数西方学校的教育使命包括培养儿童的性教育,许多学者认为这是控制他们的性行为并将他们塑造成“性公民”的一种方式。本文考察了瑞典官方学校指导方针和教科书是如何通过手淫教育来调节性规范的。在20世纪上半叶,当自慰从被视为有害的东西转变为被认为是自然无害的东西时,关于自慰的专业论述开始发生变化。本文关注的是观念转变之后的一段时期:大约1945-2000年。分析表明,在这段时间里,男孩的性行为比女孩受到了更多的关注,而关于性的一种强烈的新规范导致在一段关系中,手淫的重要性低于异性性交。这篇文章展示了国家控制的课程如何创造了关于性别和性的规范,从而促进了性公民的发展。
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引用次数: 0
The “Airlift” Generation, Economic Aspiration, and Secondary School Education in Kenya, 1940-1960 “空运”一代、经济抱负和肯尼亚的中学教育,1940-1960
IF 0.8 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.15
K. Mutongi
Abstract This article argues that the “airlift” language often used to describe the eight hundred Kenyan students who attended US and Canadian universities between 1959 and 1963 is misleading. It assumes that the students were being plucked out of substandard education, yet these youth had received some of the most rigorous education in the world—even though it was colonial education intended to inculcate in them British cultures and mores. The students took this education seriously because they knew it would help improve their economic status as well as that of their families. These elite students were not necessarily concerned with the politics of decolonization or the nation-state, as most studies of colonial elites at the end of empire have tended to claim. They were interested in uplifting their economic status. This uplifting was in and of itself a political act—even though it was not politically motivated.
本文认为,用“空运”这个词来形容1959年至1963年间就读于美国和加拿大大学的800名肯尼亚学生是一种误导。它假设学生们是从不合格的教育中被挑选出来的,然而这些年轻人接受了世界上最严格的教育——尽管这是一种旨在向他们灌输英国文化和习俗的殖民教育。学生们认真对待这种教育,因为他们知道这将有助于提高他们的经济地位,以及他们的家庭。这些精英学生并不一定关心非殖民化或民族国家的政治,而大多数关于帝国末期殖民精英的研究倾向于这样宣称。他们对提高自己的经济地位很感兴趣。这种提升本身就是一种政治行为——尽管它没有政治动机。
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引用次数: 0
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HISTORY OF EDUCATION QUARTERLY
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