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Schooling as a White Good 上学是一件好事
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.7
Benjamin Justice
Abstract Schooling in the United States has never been a public good, nor has “the public good” been its primary goal. Since its origins in the early nineteenth century, schooling has been a white good, designed to promote white advantage. Three mechanisms, among many, have been key to this process: the relationship of schooling to place, the knowledge that schools impart, and the hobbling of brown and Black children. Insofar as schooling has approached being a public good, that tendency has emerged as the result of counter-majoritarian, explicitly racial activism led by non-white people. The struggle for racial justice has been the struggle of moving schooling from a white good to a public good.
美国的学校教育从来就不是一种公共产品,“公共产品”也不是其主要目标。自19世纪早期学校教育诞生以来,它一直是白人的福利,旨在促进白人的优势。在众多机制中,有三种机制是这一过程的关键:学校教育与地点的关系,学校传授的知识,以及棕色人种和黑人儿童的蹒跚。在学校教育接近成为一种公共利益的情况下,这种趋势是由非白人领导的反多数主义、明确的种族激进主义的结果。争取种族正义的斗争一直是将学校教育从白人的福利转变为公共福利的斗争。
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引用次数: 2
Soft Power, Modernization, and Security: US Educational Foreign Policy Toward Authoritarian Spain in the Cold War 软实力、现代化与安全:冷战时期美国对专制西班牙的教育外交政策
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.5
Óscar J. Martín García
Abstract Cold War strategic priorities led the United States to establish an enduring military alliance with General Francisco Franco's dictatorship in Spain between 1953 and 1975. This article examines the educational diplomacy carried out by the US government during the 1960s and early 1970s to foster Spain's stable modernization through the training of national development elites and the dissemination of US educational ideas. The work surveys US educational, informational, and cultural programs aimed at shaping an educational framework conducive to the expansion and legitimization of a US-oriented socioeconomic liberalization in Spain. On the one hand, this US soft power strategy sought to attract those groups who could play an important role in the capitalist modernization of the educational and economic structures of the Iberian country. On the other hand, it sought to reduce the identification of the United States with Franco's dictatorship and to link the image of the American superpower to the hopes for progress of the Spanish people. All of this was pursued in order to preserve US defensive interests in Spain. The piece also discusses US assistance to the crucial 1970 Spanish General Education Law, which allows us to explore how the US ideology of development and education was received by Spanish educational audiences. Thus, by delving deeper into the intersection between cultural diplomacy, international development, and the history of education, we aim to contribute to the integration of education into the histories of modernization and to deepen our understanding of US educational foreign policy in the Cold War.
冷战时期的战略重点导致美国在1953年至1975年间与弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥将军在西班牙的独裁统治建立了持久的军事联盟。本文考察了20世纪60年代至70年代初,美国政府通过培养国家发展精英和传播美国教育理念,为促进西班牙稳定的现代化而开展的教育外交。这项工作调查了美国的教育、信息和文化项目,旨在塑造一个有利于美国主导的西班牙社会经济自由化扩张和合法化的教育框架。一方面,美国的软实力战略试图吸引那些能够在这个伊比利亚国家的教育和经济结构的资本主义现代化中发挥重要作用的群体。另一方面,它试图减少美国与佛朗哥独裁统治的认同,并将美国超级大国的形象与西班牙人民对进步的希望联系起来。所有这一切都是为了维护美国在西班牙的防御利益。这篇文章还讨论了美国对1970年西班牙通识教育法的重要援助,这使我们能够探索美国的发展和教育意识形态是如何被西班牙教育受众所接受的。因此,通过深入研究文化外交、国际发展和教育史之间的交集,我们旨在为教育融入现代化历史做出贡献,并加深我们对冷战时期美国教育外交政策的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Between the Global and the Local 在全球和本地之间
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.4
A. Angulo, Jack Schneider
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引用次数: 1
Victoria Cain. Schools and Screens: A Watchful History Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2021. 272 pp. 维多利亚凯恩。学校和屏幕:警惕的历史剑桥,马萨诸塞州:麻省理工学院出版社,2021。272页。
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.6
Andrew L. Grunzke
riage; we see how Black and White students navigated the sharing (or racial segregation) of dining hall tables; we see how White college presidents hired or, more often, did not hire Black faculty amid conflicting demands from constituents. And throughout, Bell highlights the roles of Black students and alumni as “agents of change” who were the strongest advocates for their own equal treatment (p. 8). Bell’s highly focused narrative does come with some drawbacks. While readers get a good sense of how religious and gender ideology permeated the abolitionist colleges, Bell could have given even more context on race and racism. In the absence of regular references to other nineteenth-century colleges, Bell’s critiques can cause readers to forget just how advanced the abolitionist colleges were in comparison. Bell also gives only limited insight into the sources of the colleges’ reinvigorated bigotry. He points toward the rise of two intellectual movements, liberalism and cultural evolutionism, which recast racial equality as the result of an individual’s own merit or a race’s past effort rather than as an intrinsic, preexisting element of human nature. Other causes, however, may have been equally influential. The egalitarian evangelicalism of the abolitionist colleges’ early years is notably absent from Bell’s later chapters, probably because of the institutions’ realignments with a more hierarchy-minded mainstream Christianity. Theology could inspire equality; it could also reinforce difference. Relatedly, it seems likely that this renewed racism did not have academic origins but rather was born, or else never died, in more humble social spaces such as homes and churches. Intellectualism may have only dressed up old prejudices learned outside the ivory tower, prejudices that no civil war could kill. All the same, Degrees of Equality is an excellent book and would make a good addition to the graduate or undergraduate history classroom. Graduate students can learn much from Bell’s precise recounting of human action and motivation. Undergraduates can learn this as well, but also a more basic and “relevant” lesson: that the priorities of their institutions, and even the banalities of the campus dining hall or dating scene, are not without meaning.
riage;我们看到了黑人和白人学生如何在餐厅餐桌的共享(或种族隔离)中游刃有余;我们看到,在选民的要求相互矛盾的情况下,白人大学校长是如何雇佣或不雇佣黑人教师的。自始至终,贝尔强调了黑人学生和校友作为“变革推动者”的角色,他们是自己平等待遇的最有力倡导者(第8页)。贝尔高度集中的叙述确实有一些缺点。虽然读者很清楚宗教和性别意识形态是如何渗透到废奴主义学院的,但贝尔本可以提供更多关于种族和种族主义的背景。由于没有经常提及其他19世纪的大学,贝尔的批评可能会让读者忘记与之相比,废奴主义大学有多先进。贝尔对大学重新激起偏执的根源也只给出了有限的见解。他指出,自由主义和文化进化论这两种知识运动的兴起,它们将种族平等重塑为个人功绩或种族过去努力的结果,而不是人性中固有的、预先存在的元素。然而,其他原因可能也同样具有影响力。废奴主义学院早期的平等福音主义在贝尔后来的章节中明显缺失,可能是因为这些机构与更具等级意识的主流基督教重新结盟。神学可以激发平等;这也可能强化差异。与此相关的是,这种新出现的种族主义似乎没有学术渊源,而是在家庭和教堂等更为简陋的社会空间中出生,或者从未死亡。知识分子主义可能只是掩盖了在象牙塔之外学到的旧偏见,这些偏见是任何内战都无法消除的。尽管如此,《平等学位》是一本优秀的书,将成为研究生或本科生历史课堂上的一本很好的补充。研究生可以从贝尔对人类行为和动机的精确叙述中学到很多东西。本科生也可以学到这一点,但也可以学到一堂更基本、更“相关”的课:他们所在机构的优先事项,甚至校园食堂或约会场景的平庸,都不无意义。
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引用次数: 0
HEQ volume 63 issue 2 Cover and Back matter HEQ第63卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.14
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引用次数: 0
HEQ volume 63 issue 2 Cover and Front matter HEQ第63卷第2期封面和封面
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.13
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引用次数: 0
Paul Reitter and Chad Wellmon. Permanent Crisis: The Humanities in a Disenchanted Age Chicago, ILL: University of Chicago Press, 2021. 320 pp. 保罗·瑞特和查德·威尔蒙。永久危机:人文在一个祛魅时代芝加哥,伊利诺伊州:芝加哥大学出版社,2021。320页。
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.8
Rita Koganzon
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引用次数: 0
“Tuskegee Is Her Monument”: Gender and Leadership in Early Public Black Colleges “塔斯基吉是她的纪念碑”:早期公立黑人大学的性别与领导力
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.3
L. Soares
Abstract This article examines the relationship between gender and leadership in southern public Black colleges from the late nineteenth through the early twentieth century. Public colleges offer a unique view of this relationship because, in an era of disfranchisement, the political stakes of leadership were more obvious than in private schools. I argue that the gap between Black women's dynamic roles on public campuses and their marginalized representations in school reports reveals the processes that have obscured their public educational leadership in the American South. Analysis of images collected from college catalogs supplements my examination of documentary evidence from archives and published reports. State educational administration was one of the few remaining spaces where Black men could wield political influence. As they worked to produce institutional images that proclaimed their capacity for and right to public leadership, however, they minimized the contributions of Black women.
摘要本文考察了19世纪末至20世纪初美国南方公立黑人大学中性别与领导力之间的关系。公立大学为这种关系提供了一个独特的视角,因为在一个剥夺公民权的时代,领导的政治风险比私立学校更明显。我认为,黑人女性在公共校园中的活跃角色与她们在学校报告中被边缘化的表现之间的差距,揭示了使她们在美国南方的公共教育领导地位模糊不清的过程。从大学目录中收集的图像分析补充了我对档案和发表报告的文献证据的研究。州教育行政部门是黑人能够施加政治影响的为数不多的领域之一。然而,当她们努力塑造标榜自己有能力和权利担任公共领导的机构形象时,她们却把黑人妇女的贡献降到最低。
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引用次数: 0
Sandra M. Sufian. Familial Fitness: Disability, Adoption, and the Family in Modern America Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 2022. 360 pp. Sandra M. Sufian。《家庭健康:现代美国的残疾、收养和家庭》伊利诺伊州:芝加哥大学出版社,2022年。360页。
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2022.47
Kate Rousmaniere
final chapter, Markus Arnold retreads the classic debate about the relationship between planning, knowledge, and freedom that took place between Americans, such as C. Wright Mills, and Austrians, such as Friedrich Hayek. Arnold emphasizes social-science practitioners whose ideas were not simply “caused” by military funding structures, but who were actively reckoning with the problems of the role of the social sciences in Cold War culture—a worthwhile aim, even if other contributors successfully demonstrate that seemingly rigid Cold War institutions were also populated by fractured selves, tense debates, and individuals in transit, thinking reflexively while weaving in and out of nations and orthodoxies. The studies in the volume are most revelatory and engaging when focused on the individual lives that composed, questioned, and worked between national ideological projects. At other times, the breadth of the volume threatens its structural stability. The contributions provide no coherent conclusion to central interpretive questions, such as the utility of the “Cold War” as a framework. Are its temporal bounds rigidly deceptive? Does it privilege bipolarity and obfuscate local narratives? Or is it an essential lens, properly wielded, through which to examine the debates about subjectivity, knowledge, and social change that raged across the world in the latter half of the twentieth century? The volume’s keywords—“transnational” and “entanglements”—provide messy guidance for harmonization. But polyphony need not descend into Babel. The category of the Cold War social sciences is capacious enough to incorporate more voices, even as their voluminous questions strain its seams. For researchers interested in the history of the social sciences, Cold War history, intellectual history, or global postwar political history, as well as critical practitioners of social science, this volume and its concerns are an essential entanglement in which to become enmeshed.
最后一章,马库斯·阿诺德重温了美国人(如c·赖特·米尔斯)和奥地利人(如弗里德里希·哈耶克)之间关于计划、知识和自由之间关系的经典辩论。阿诺德强调社会科学的从业者,他们的思想不仅仅是由军事资助结构“引起的”,而是积极地思考社会科学在冷战文化中的角色问题——这是一个值得追求的目标,即使其他贡献者成功地证明了看似僵化的冷战机构也充斥着破碎的自我、紧张的辩论和流动的个人,他们在国家和正统观念之间来回穿梭,进行反射性思考。本书中的研究是最具启发性和引人入胜的,当专注于个人生活组成,质疑,并在国家意识形态项目之间工作。在其他时候,体积的宽度威胁到它的结构稳定性。对于一些核心解释性问题,如“冷战”作为一个框架的效用,这些贡献没有提供连贯的结论。它的时间界限是严格欺骗性的吗?它是否偏袒两极,混淆了地方叙事?或者它是一个重要的镜头,正确运用,通过它来审视在20世纪后半叶席卷全球的关于主体性、知识和社会变革的辩论?这本书的关键词——“跨国”和“纠缠”——为协调提供了混乱的指导。但是复调并不需要下降到巴别塔。冷战时期的社会科学范畴有足够的空间容纳更多的声音,即使它们的大量问题使其接缝紧张。对于对社会科学史、冷战史、思想史或全球战后政治史以及社会科学批判实践者感兴趣的研究人员来说,这本书及其关注的问题是一个必不可少的纠缠。
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引用次数: 0
School and Community in the All-Day Neighborhood Schools of New York City, 1936-1971 1936-1971年纽约市全日制社区学校中的学校和社区
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2022.43
Rachel Klepper
Abstract This article explores the All-Day Neighborhood Schools (ADNS) program, operated as a partnership between the New York City Board of Education and local philanthropists from 1936 to 1971. Designed to expand the resources available to children and parents, the program included after-school activities, additional teachers, professional development, social workers, and parent engagement at fourteen public elementary schools across the city. Through a study of two program sites, I examine how this public-private partnership functioned, and trace changes in the motivations of its leadership, from a focus on recreation and democracy during World War II, to juvenile delinquency prevention, to compensatory education. I argue that ADNS's ability to transform public schooling in New York City was limited by its separation from the rest of the school system, which came about through its dependance on outside philanthropy and its consistent formulation as a supplemental program rather than as a fundamental part of children's education.
摘要本文探讨了纽约市教育委员会和当地慈善家于1936年至1971年合作开展的全日制社区学校(ADNS)计划。该计划旨在扩大儿童和家长的可用资源,包括课后活动、额外的教师、专业发展、社会工作者以及全市14所公立小学的家长参与。通过对两个项目地点的研究,我考察了这种公私合作关系是如何运作的,并追踪了其领导动机的变化,从二战期间对娱乐和民主的关注,到预防青少年犯罪,再到补偿性教育。我认为,ADNS改变纽约市公立学校教育的能力受到了它与学校系统其他部分分离的限制,这是由于它依赖外部慈善事业,并且它一直被视为补充计划,而不是儿童教育的基本组成部分。
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引用次数: 0
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HISTORY OF EDUCATION QUARTERLY
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