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HEQ volume 63 issue 3 Cover and Front matter HEQ第63卷第3期封面和封面
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.25
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引用次数: 0
HEQ volume 63 issue 3 Cover and Back matter HEQ第63卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.26
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引用次数: 0
Reply 答复
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.2307/368041
Patricia Katz, S. Pedro, K. Michaud
DENTON AND GEORGE have attempted to test my findings about school attendance with multiple regression analysis. The comparison of results obtained through different statistical means is an interesting and instructive undertaking. It is a pity, therefore, that their paper does not permit such a comparison.
丹顿和乔治试图用多元回归分析来检验我对出勤率的调查结果。比较通过不同统计手段获得的结果是一项有趣和有指导意义的工作。因此,很遗憾,他们的论文不允许进行这样的比较。
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引用次数: 2
The Textbook Masturbator: A Renegotiated Discourse in Official Swedish Sex-Education Guidelines and Textbooks, circa 1945–2000 教科书《手淫者》:瑞典官方性教育指南和教科书中的重新谈判话语,约1945-2000年
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.24
Sara Backman Prytz
The educational mission of most western schools today includes the nurturing of children’s sexual upbringing, which many scholars see as a way of controlling their sexuality and forming them into “sexual citizens.” This article examines how official Swedish school guidelines and textbooks have mediated sexuality norms through education on masturbation. The professional discourse on masturbation started to change during the first half of the twentieth century, when masturbation shifted from being perceived as something harmful to something accepted as natural and harmless. This article focuses on a period following that shift in opinion: circa 1945-2000. The analysis shows that boys’ sexuality during this time received more attention than girls’, and a strong new norm about sex contributed to masturbation taking on less importance than heterosexual intercourse within a relationship. This article shows how state-controlled curricula have created norms about gender and sexuality, thus contributing to the development of a sexual citizenship.
当今大多数西方学校的教育使命包括培养儿童的性教育,许多学者认为这是控制他们的性行为并将他们塑造成“性公民”的一种方式。本文考察了瑞典官方学校指导方针和教科书是如何通过手淫教育来调节性规范的。在20世纪上半叶,当自慰从被视为有害的东西转变为被认为是自然无害的东西时,关于自慰的专业论述开始发生变化。本文关注的是观念转变之后的一段时期:大约1945-2000年。分析表明,在这段时间里,男孩的性行为比女孩受到了更多的关注,而关于性的一种强烈的新规范导致在一段关系中,手淫的重要性低于异性性交。这篇文章展示了国家控制的课程如何创造了关于性别和性的规范,从而促进了性公民的发展。
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引用次数: 0
The “Airlift” Generation, Economic Aspiration, and Secondary School Education in Kenya, 1940-1960 “空运”一代、经济抱负和肯尼亚的中学教育,1940-1960
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.15
K. Mutongi
Abstract This article argues that the “airlift” language often used to describe the eight hundred Kenyan students who attended US and Canadian universities between 1959 and 1963 is misleading. It assumes that the students were being plucked out of substandard education, yet these youth had received some of the most rigorous education in the world—even though it was colonial education intended to inculcate in them British cultures and mores. The students took this education seriously because they knew it would help improve their economic status as well as that of their families. These elite students were not necessarily concerned with the politics of decolonization or the nation-state, as most studies of colonial elites at the end of empire have tended to claim. They were interested in uplifting their economic status. This uplifting was in and of itself a political act—even though it was not politically motivated.
本文认为,用“空运”这个词来形容1959年至1963年间就读于美国和加拿大大学的800名肯尼亚学生是一种误导。它假设学生们是从不合格的教育中被挑选出来的,然而这些年轻人接受了世界上最严格的教育——尽管这是一种旨在向他们灌输英国文化和习俗的殖民教育。学生们认真对待这种教育,因为他们知道这将有助于提高他们的经济地位,以及他们的家庭。这些精英学生并不一定关心非殖民化或民族国家的政治,而大多数关于帝国末期殖民精英的研究倾向于这样宣称。他们对提高自己的经济地位很感兴趣。这种提升本身就是一种政治行为——尽管它没有政治动机。
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引用次数: 0
“Hell Is Popping Here in South Carolina”: Orangeburg County Black Teachers and Their Community in the Immediate Post-Brown Era – CORRIGENDUM “地狱在南卡罗来纳”:奥兰治堡县黑人教师和他们的社区在布朗后时代-勘误表
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2021.3
Candace A. Cunningham
When the South Carolina legislature created the anti-NAACP oath in 1956, teachers across the state lost their positions. But it was the dismissal of twenty-one teachers at the Elloree Training School that captured the attention of the NAACP and Black media outlets. In the years following Brown v. Board of Education, South Carolina's Black and White communities went head-to-head in the battle over White supremacy versus expanded civil rights. The desegregation movement in 1955 and 1956 placed Black teachers’ activism in the spotlight—activism that mirrored what was happening in their community. This largely unknown episode of civil rights activism demonstrates that Black teachers were willing to serve not only as behind-the-scenes supporters in the equal education struggle but as frontline activists. Furthermore, it shows that South Carolina was an integral site of the long civil rights movement.
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引用次数: 1
The Extent and Duration of Primary Schooling in Eighteenth-Century America 18世纪美国小学教育的范围和持续时间
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.12
C. Shammas
Abstract The educational attainment literature has brought back interest in early American primary schools, and much current research views those schools as superior to their European peers in the education offered to youth. Its emphasis, though, on using school enrollment as the prime indicator of attainment conflicts with the revisionist view of a previous generation of historians who argued that education in the heavily rural and agricultural society of the time should be considered as a process of social reproduction delivered by households, with schools being peripheral for most youth. This article, relying on evidence from statutes, indentures, and a 1798 New York State school survey, finds increased resort to primary schooling over the eighteenth century, attributable not to American exceptionalism but to a transatlantic movement away from scribal-dominated literacy and numeracy toward common use of a standardized written vernacular and “arithmetic by pen.” However, the dependence of households on child labor meant that the Three Rs did not get distributed in either an egalitarian or compact fashion. Small doses spread over a number of years—educational sprawl—best describes the system, and it lasted through much of the nineteenth century.
教育成就文献重新引起了人们对早期美国小学的兴趣,许多当前的研究认为,这些学校在为青少年提供的教育方面优于欧洲同行。然而,它强调将入学人数作为成就的主要指标,这与上一代历史学家的修正主义观点相冲突。他们认为,在当时以农村和农业为主的社会中,教育应被视为由家庭提供的社会再生产过程,而学校对大多数年轻人来说是次要的。本文根据法令、契约和1798年纽约州立学校调查的证据,发现在18世纪,越来越多的人接受小学教育,这不是美国例外论,而是一场跨大西洋的运动,从以潦草书写为主的识字和计算,转向普遍使用标准化的书面白话和“笔算”。然而,家庭对童工的依赖意味着“三个r”没有以平等主义或紧凑的方式分配。小剂量的教育持续数年,最好地描述了这个系统,它持续了19世纪的大部分时间。
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引用次数: 0
Opposing Innovations: Race and Reform in the West Philadelphia Community Free School, 1969–1978 反对创新:1969–1978年西费城社区免费学校的种族与改革
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.11
T. Nichols, Rhiannon M. Maton, Elaine Simon
Abstract This article uses oral history, archival material, and published primary sources to examine the competing conceptions of “innovation” at work in the creation and operation of the West Philadelphia Community Free School (WPCFS) from 1969 to 1978. One of the longest-running initiatives in the School District of Philadelphia's experimental Office of Innovative Programs, the WPCFS stood at the crossroads of conflicting imperatives for “innovation.” These included: (1) institutional interests in advancing “humanizing” pedagogy; (2) Black activists’ interests in operating a community-controlled school for students of color in West Philadelphia; and (3) teachers’ interests in balancing their commitments to “humanizing” instruction and a surrounding community with different educational priorities. We highlight two instances where the frictions between these uses of “innovation” became pronounced in the WPCFS—debates over “free time” and the 1973 teachers’ strike. These incidents clarify how the burden of reconciling opposing innovations fell unevenly on the teachers and community members—often in ways that pitted the groups against one another—and exacerbated raced and classed inequalities in the school and district. While the account focuses on the 1960–1970s, we suggest that the WPCFS is relevant for us today, offering insights for the present into the longer discursive history of “innovation” as a lever for school reform, and into its impacts on educational equity.
摘要本文利用口述历史、档案材料和已发表的主要来源,考察了1969年至1978年西费城社区免费学校(WPCFS)创建和运营过程中“创新”的相互竞争的概念。作为费城学区创新项目实验办公室中持续时间最长的举措之一,WPCFS站在“创新”的相互冲突的必要性的十字路口。这些必要性包括:(1)推进“人性化”教育学的机构利益;(2) 黑人活动家在西费城为有色人种学生开办社区控制学校的兴趣;以及(3)教师在平衡他们对“人性化”教学的承诺和具有不同教育优先事项的周围社区方面的利益。我们强调了两个例子,在WPCFS中,这些“创新”的使用之间的摩擦变得明显——关于“自由时间”的辩论和1973年教师罢工。这些事件澄清了调和对立创新的负担是如何不均衡地落在教师和社区成员身上的——通常是以使群体相互对立的方式——并加剧了学校和地区的种族和阶级不平等。虽然该报道聚焦于1960-1970年代,但我们认为,WPCFS对我们今天来说是相关的,它为我们提供了对“创新”作为学校改革杠杆的长期讨论历史的见解,以及它对教育公平的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Student Anxiety and Its Impact: A Recent American History 学生焦虑及其影响:美国近代史
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.10
P. Stearns
Abstract This article traces the rise of anxiety among American high school and college students since the late 1950s, with particular focus on the decades before 2000. Evidence for rates of change comes from anxiety tests administered during the period, as well as a variety of psychological studies. The article also takes up the issue of causation, highlighting the extension of counseling services and psychological vocabulary that affected evaluations of nervousness; the impact of negative developments like crime rates and growing family instability; and the results both of changes in educational patterns—such as more frequent examinations—and significant shifts in student goals and expectations. Finally, the article touches on efforts to mitigate anxiety, such as expanding student services, and also their limited impact.
本文追溯了自20世纪50年代末以来美国高中生和大学生焦虑的上升趋势,特别关注了2000年之前的几十年。变化速度的证据来自于这一时期进行的焦虑测试,以及各种心理学研究。文章还探讨了因果关系问题,强调了心理咨询服务的延伸和心理词汇对紧张评估的影响;负面发展的影响,如犯罪率和家庭日益不稳定;教育模式的改变——比如更频繁的考试——以及学生的目标和期望的显著变化。最后,文章谈到了减轻焦虑的努力,例如扩大学生服务,以及它们有限的影响。
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引用次数: 1
John Frederick Bell. Degrees of Equality: Abolitionist Colleges and the Politics of Race Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2022. 298 pp. 约翰·弗雷德里克·贝尔。《平等程度:废奴主义学院与巴吞鲁日种族政治》:路易斯安那州立大学出版社,2022年。298页。
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/heq.2023.9
Benjamin P. Leavitt
“We must get more students, and especially more white students” (p. 182). With those words written in 1892, Berea College president William Goodell Frost proposed a supposedly minor change to his institution. Berea had been unique for decades, a distinctly interracial college with a solid majority of Black students, but Frost believed that an influx of White students would increase the school’s prestige. He was right. Frost’s plan to recruit “mountain whites” of the Appalachians attracted wealthy donors and brought a tenfold increase in Berea’s endowment over the next two decades. But within that same span, Berea’s Black students became first disaffected and then disqualified, turned away both by the laws of Jim Crow Kentucky and by a campus no longer amenable to racial integration. Just as many other hopeful results of emancipation failed, so too did this educational experiment. These are just a few of the possibilities and perils outlined by John Frederick Bell in this history of abolitionist colleges in the nineteenth-century United States. Degrees of Equality focuses on three institutions: Oberlin College, New York Central College, and Berea. Among predominantly White colleges of that era, they were some of the most prolific in their education of Black men and women. Because of their radical egalitarianism, they were perhaps the best hope for racial reconciliation through higher education. Yet, as Bell demonstrates, these three colleges offered only “mixed success” and “degrees of equality” (pp. x, 8). Despite founding principles and proclaimed objectives to the contrary, abolitionist colleges were unable to remedy “the gap between equal admission and equal acceptance” (p. 29). As it jumps between institutions and marches from the 1830s to the 1890s, Degrees of Equality finds a common thread. While each college took its own path, all three exhibited the same tensions between equality in theory and in practice. The fundamental question, as Bell puts it, was whether “racial equality” was “a goal to be realized or a fact to be honored” (p. 44). In our own time and in light of racism’s persistence, we might read this and lean toward equality as an ongoing process rather than a fait accompli. But the abolitionist colleges asked something different: Were Black collegians to be treated as equals because they had proved themselves equals (through attainment of learning, character, and the like), or because they were already equals, heirs of the same common humanity endowed by God?
“我们必须招收更多的学生,尤其是更多的白人学生”(第182页)。1892年,伯里亚学院院长威廉·古德尔·弗罗斯特(William Goodell Frost)写下了这句话,他提议对自己的学院进行一次据说很小的改革。几十年来,贝利亚大学一直是独一无二的,这是一所明显的跨种族大学,黑人学生占绝大多数,但弗罗斯特相信白人学生的涌入会提高学校的声望。他是对的。弗罗斯特招募阿巴拉契亚山脉“山地白人”的计划吸引了富有的捐赠者,并在接下来的二十年里使贝利亚的捐赠增加了十倍。但在同一时间段内,贝利亚的黑人学生首先心怀不满,然后被取消资格,被肯塔基州吉姆·克劳的法律和不再适合种族融合的校园拒之门外。正如许多其他充满希望的解放成果都失败了一样,这项教育实验也失败了。这些只是约翰·弗雷德里克·贝尔在19世纪美国废奴主义学院史上概述的一些可能性和危险。平等学位侧重于三个机构:奥伯林学院、纽约中央学院和伯里亚。在那个时代以白人为主的大学中,他们在黑人男女教育方面是最多产的。由于他们激进的平等主义,他们可能是通过高等教育实现种族和解的最大希望。然而,正如贝尔所证明的那样,这三所大学只提供“混合成功”和“平等学位”(第x、8页)。尽管成立原则和宣布的目标相反,废奴主义学院无法弥补“平等录取和平等录取之间的差距”(第29页)。从19世纪30年代到19世纪90年代,当它在机构和游行之间跳跃时,平等程度找到了一条共同的线索。虽然每一所大学都有自己的道路,但这三所大学在理论和实践上的平等之间都表现出了同样的紧张关系。正如贝尔所说,根本问题是“种族平等”是“需要实现的目标还是需要尊重的事实”(第44页)。在我们自己的时代,鉴于种族主义的持续存在,我们可能会读到这一点,并倾向于将平等视为一个持续的过程,而不是既成事实。但废奴主义学院提出了不同的问题:黑人大学生应该被平等对待,是因为他们已经证明了自己是平等的(通过学习、性格等方面的成就),还是因为他们已经是平等的,是上帝赋予的同一个共同人性的继承人?
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HISTORY OF EDUCATION QUARTERLY
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