South Africa: Inventing the Nation. By Alexander Johnston. London: Bloomsbury, 2014. Pp. 354; map, notes, bibliography. $29.95 paper.It takes a courageous scholar to accept the assignment to try to understand the complex and unending process of building a South African nation out of the disparate parts of that land and its peoples. During most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries South Africa was governed by regimes that sought to emphasize the differences among its peoples. How can we expect that a mere quarter century of effort, even a harmonized effort, to unify such peoples can overcome the entrenched legacies of division and control? In short, there are more questions than answers about the state of nation-building in South Africa. The ongoing dilemma faced by national leaders is that "South Africa could not become a nation unless it was democratic and it could not democratize unless it was (or at least could pretend to be) a nation" (p. 1).What is more, there is hardly agreement on what sort of nation ought to be built and how best to fuse it together. Three forms of nation vie for attention in the current order: "an Afrikaner nation, which had to die in order that a democratic South African nation could be born; a civic nation, hastily improvised to provide a platform of legitimacy for constitutional democracy during the negotiations which brought apartheid to an end; and an African nation which is glimpsed but not fully articulated in the ideology of African nationalism ..." (p. 3). A running debate centers on grand issues-what does it mean to be African? Who qualifies as South African today? Is it possible to go beyond racial reconciliation and toward social cohesion? The optimism of Mandela's "rainbow nation" has long since passed, but a widely acceptable substitute for that vague design has eluded national leaders.To his credit, Alexander Johnston has plunged into the morass that is South African politics and he has left nothing outside his field of vision. His first part is a thorough examination of the demographic, spatial, socioeconomic, linguistic, and ethnic features that combine to make a profile of South Africa's peoples. During the Constitution drafting stages in the 1990s that diversity was recognized and encouraged. But there is a dark side to this diversity. South Africa must find a way of dealing with vertical (ethnic, religious, racial) divisions as well as horizontal (e.g., economic) ones. So what passes for a South African nation is an improvised one. Practically every issue of public policy poses a stress test for these obvious differences and disparities.Emerging from the crucible of the early 1990s were the making of a finessed constitution and a general agreement on the composition of the new state. In a way it was much like the U.S. Constitution in that there were as many unanswered questions and illdefined compromises as there were settled issues. It became the task of the African National Congress, clearly th
《南非:创造国家》亚历山大·约翰斯顿著。伦敦:Bloomsbury出版社，2014。页。354;地图、注释、参考书目。29.95美元。只有勇敢的学者才能接受这样的任务，试图理解在这片土地的不同部分及其人民中建立一个南非国家的复杂而无休止的过程。在19世纪和20世纪的大部分时间里，南非由试图强调其人民之间差异的政权统治。我们怎么能指望仅仅经过四分之一个世纪的努力，甚至是协调一致的努力，就能使这些民族团结起来，克服分裂和控制的根深蒂固的遗留问题呢?简而言之，关于南非的国家建设状况，问题多于答案。国家领导人面临的持续困境是，“除非南非是民主的，否则它不能成为一个国家，除非它是(或至少可以假装是)一个国家，否则它不能民主化”(第1页)。此外，对于应该建立什么样的国家以及如何最好地将其融合在一起，几乎没有达成一致意见。在目前的秩序中，有三种形式的民族争夺着人们的注意力:“一个阿非利卡民族，为了一个民主的南非国家的诞生，它必须死去;一个公民国家，在结束种族隔离的谈判期间仓促建立，为宪政民主提供合法性的平台;一个非洲国家，在非洲民族主义的意识形态中被瞥见，但没有完全表达出来……”一场持续的辩论围绕着一些重大问题展开——作为非洲人意味着什么?今天谁有资格成为南非人?是否有可能超越种族和解，走向社会团结?曼德拉“彩虹之国”的乐观主义早已成为过去，但一个被广泛接受的替代方案却避开了各国领导人。值得赞扬的是，亚历山大·约翰斯顿(Alexander Johnston)已经陷入了南非政治的泥潭，他没有留下任何超出他视野的东西。他的第一部分是对人口、空间、社会经济、语言和种族特征的全面考察，这些特征结合起来构成了南非人民的概况。在20世纪90年代的宪法起草阶段，这种多样性得到了承认和鼓励。但这种多样性也有不好的一面。南非必须找到一种方法来处理纵向的(民族、宗教、种族)分裂以及横向的(例如经济)分裂。因此，所谓的南非国家其实是临时拼凑起来的。实际上，每一个公共政策问题都对这些明显的差异和差距进行了压力测试。在20世纪90年代初的严峻考验下，制定了一部精巧的宪法，并就新国家的组成达成了普遍共识。在某种程度上，它很像美国宪法，因为有许多悬而未决的问题和不明确的妥协，因为有解决的问题。非洲人国民大会(African National Congress)显然是最受欢迎的政党，它的任务是给国家的骨头添肉。…
{"title":"South Africa: Inventing the Nation","authors":"Kenneth W. Grundy","doi":"10.5860/choice.188314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.188314","url":null,"abstract":"South Africa: Inventing the Nation. By Alexander Johnston. London: Bloomsbury, 2014. Pp. 354; map, notes, bibliography. $29.95 paper.It takes a courageous scholar to accept the assignment to try to understand the complex and unending process of building a South African nation out of the disparate parts of that land and its peoples. During most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries South Africa was governed by regimes that sought to emphasize the differences among its peoples. How can we expect that a mere quarter century of effort, even a harmonized effort, to unify such peoples can overcome the entrenched legacies of division and control? In short, there are more questions than answers about the state of nation-building in South Africa. The ongoing dilemma faced by national leaders is that \"South Africa could not become a nation unless it was democratic and it could not democratize unless it was (or at least could pretend to be) a nation\" (p. 1).What is more, there is hardly agreement on what sort of nation ought to be built and how best to fuse it together. Three forms of nation vie for attention in the current order: \"an Afrikaner nation, which had to die in order that a democratic South African nation could be born; a civic nation, hastily improvised to provide a platform of legitimacy for constitutional democracy during the negotiations which brought apartheid to an end; and an African nation which is glimpsed but not fully articulated in the ideology of African nationalism ...\" (p. 3). A running debate centers on grand issues-what does it mean to be African? Who qualifies as South African today? Is it possible to go beyond racial reconciliation and toward social cohesion? The optimism of Mandela's \"rainbow nation\" has long since passed, but a widely acceptable substitute for that vague design has eluded national leaders.To his credit, Alexander Johnston has plunged into the morass that is South African politics and he has left nothing outside his field of vision. His first part is a thorough examination of the demographic, spatial, socioeconomic, linguistic, and ethnic features that combine to make a profile of South Africa's peoples. During the Constitution drafting stages in the 1990s that diversity was recognized and encouraged. But there is a dark side to this diversity. South Africa must find a way of dealing with vertical (ethnic, religious, racial) divisions as well as horizontal (e.g., economic) ones. So what passes for a South African nation is an improvised one. Practically every issue of public policy poses a stress test for these obvious differences and disparities.Emerging from the crucible of the early 1990s were the making of a finessed constitution and a general agreement on the composition of the new state. In a way it was much like the U.S. Constitution in that there were as many unanswered questions and illdefined compromises as there were settled issues. It became the task of the African National Congress, clearly th","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71026599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ghana during the First World War: The Colonial Administration of Sir Hugh Clifford. By Elizabeth Wrangham. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2013. Pp. xxvii, 310; appendices, footnotes, bibliography. $50.00 paper.Through a comprehensive scouring of the Colonial Office records relating to the Gold Coast 1912-1919, Elizabeth Wrangham, Senior Research Fellow of Roehampton University, has produced a meticulously documented and interesting new history of the Hugh Clifford colonial governorship of Ghana. Wrangham's overarching argument is that Clifford had noble intentions for development of the colony when he arrived in late 1912, but that these admirable plans were thwarted by the strictures of the war: no money, shrinking personnel, and lack of essential imports (railroad stock, building materials, fuel). She maintains that Clifford's blueprint for development was sound and he has not received sufficient credit for his vision, which was instead operationalized by his successor, the disappointingly middle-class, albeit blessed with better timing, Governor Guggisberg, who has received much more (Wrangham implies undeserved) recognition from historians. The book is clearly and systematically organized with three chapters on Ghana's prewar situation and Clifford's initial goals as governor, six chapters on the war years, and a post- war conclusion. The war chapters are thematically focused on shipping, the economy, revenue and finance, social welfare, and governance issues.Several themes emerge early and are reiterated throughout the book. The British administration was thin: limited numbers of personnel in political administration, medical service, military and police officers, and government inspection. The numbers of colonial officials, incredibly small for the size of the colony and territories, were reduced by another third during the war. This is not new information about British colonial rule, but Wrangham provides detailed evidence year after year to leave no doubt. A meager administration however was sustainable, according to Wrangham, because Ghanaians were prospering economically. She depicts a colony whose economy was expanding rapidly from global trade, arguing that while Ghanaians had become overly dependent on a single export (cocoa) and simultaneously imported goods (food, soap, fuels, tools), they were reaping an increased standard of living. Such was clearly the view of the colonial government at the time also, but one does wonder if the economic welfare of a whole country is best defined solely by success in external trade, and Wrangham makes only minimal effort to explore internal exchange.The book implicitly engages a wider argument about colonialism. Wrangham argues that export-import profits, despite periodic constriction due to the wartime vagaries of ocean shipping (submarine warfare) facilitated Ghanaian acquiescence and even positive support of the British during the war. …
{"title":"Ghana during the First World War: The Colonial Administration of Sir Hugh Clifford","authors":"D. Maier","doi":"10.5860/choice.51-3995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-3995","url":null,"abstract":"Ghana during the First World War: The Colonial Administration of Sir Hugh Clifford. By Elizabeth Wrangham. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2013. Pp. xxvii, 310; appendices, footnotes, bibliography. $50.00 paper.Through a comprehensive scouring of the Colonial Office records relating to the Gold Coast 1912-1919, Elizabeth Wrangham, Senior Research Fellow of Roehampton University, has produced a meticulously documented and interesting new history of the Hugh Clifford colonial governorship of Ghana. Wrangham's overarching argument is that Clifford had noble intentions for development of the colony when he arrived in late 1912, but that these admirable plans were thwarted by the strictures of the war: no money, shrinking personnel, and lack of essential imports (railroad stock, building materials, fuel). She maintains that Clifford's blueprint for development was sound and he has not received sufficient credit for his vision, which was instead operationalized by his successor, the disappointingly middle-class, albeit blessed with better timing, Governor Guggisberg, who has received much more (Wrangham implies undeserved) recognition from historians. The book is clearly and systematically organized with three chapters on Ghana's prewar situation and Clifford's initial goals as governor, six chapters on the war years, and a post- war conclusion. The war chapters are thematically focused on shipping, the economy, revenue and finance, social welfare, and governance issues.Several themes emerge early and are reiterated throughout the book. The British administration was thin: limited numbers of personnel in political administration, medical service, military and police officers, and government inspection. The numbers of colonial officials, incredibly small for the size of the colony and territories, were reduced by another third during the war. This is not new information about British colonial rule, but Wrangham provides detailed evidence year after year to leave no doubt. A meager administration however was sustainable, according to Wrangham, because Ghanaians were prospering economically. She depicts a colony whose economy was expanding rapidly from global trade, arguing that while Ghanaians had become overly dependent on a single export (cocoa) and simultaneously imported goods (food, soap, fuels, tools), they were reaping an increased standard of living. Such was clearly the view of the colonial government at the time also, but one does wonder if the economic welfare of a whole country is best defined solely by success in external trade, and Wrangham makes only minimal effort to explore internal exchange.The book implicitly engages a wider argument about colonialism. Wrangham argues that export-import profits, despite periodic constriction due to the wartime vagaries of ocean shipping (submarine warfare) facilitated Ghanaian acquiescence and even positive support of the British during the war. …","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71145300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ancestors and Antiretrovirals: The Biopolitics of HIV/AIDS in Post-Apartheid South Africa. By Claire Laurier Decoteau. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013. Pp. xvi, 324; bibliography, index, 25 b/w photographs. $32.50/£23.00 paper.In Ancestors and Antiretrovirals, sociologist Claire Decoteau examines the biopolitics of HIV/AIDS in the two decades since South Africa's first nonracial democratic election. Despite throwing off the onerous strictures of apartheid, the promise of "a better life for all" remains unrealized for many poor South Africans. In the two Johannesburg-area squatter camps that ground this study, residents' expectations and experiences of liberation collide beneath the overlapping afflictions of poverty and AIDS.Decoteau argues that a "postcolonial paradox" confronts the South African state. She describes this challenge as "the need to respect the demands of neoliberal capital" and global competiveness, while simultaneously shouldering "the responsibility to redress entrenched inequality, secure legitimacy from the poor, and forge a national imaginary" (p. 7). AIDS and healing have been primary sites in the battle to resolve this paradox. Decoteau demonstrates how presidents Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma reinvented and deployed the colonial tropes of "tradition" and "modernity" as ideological tools to marshal legitimacy and exert political power.A series of symbolic struggles shape this book. Decoteau examines the "tricky political maneuvering required of leaders who must represent the interests of the people, while subscribing to the economic policies of global capital" (p. 14). She connects her analysis of policy and discourse with the experience of AIDS in Sol Plaatjie and Lawley, two squatter settlements where Decoteau conducted ethnographic, qualitative, and quantitative research between 2004 and 2009.Thabo Mbeki's denialist stance shaped AIDS policy from 1999 to 2007 andaccording to one study-resulted in more than 350,000 preventable deaths (pp. 81-83). Decoteau sees Mbeki's denialism as rooted in his commitment to independence, autonomy, and a vision of "African Renaissance" (p. 84). Mbeki attempted to resolve the postcolonial paradox and win political support by dismissing international public health's "modem" biomedical approach as racist, imperialist, and driven by pharmaceutical profit-seeking, while promoting "traditional" indigenous healing as an African alternative for an African disease. Decoteau characterizes the Mbeki government as "a thanatopolitical regime" unable or unwilling "to attend to the material realities of poverty and disease" (p. 106).The confrontation between the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and the denialist state reinforced what Decoteau terms the "myth of incommensurability"-the idea that "traditional" indigenous healing and "modern" biomedicine are irreconcilably incompatible. The TAC avowed that the scientific promise of "modem" biomedicine would save lives and address entrenched health
{"title":"Ancestors and Antiretrovirals: The Biopolitics of HIV/AIDS in Post-Apartheid South Africa","authors":"P. Rotz","doi":"10.5860/choice.51-3909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-3909","url":null,"abstract":"Ancestors and Antiretrovirals: The Biopolitics of HIV/AIDS in Post-Apartheid South Africa. By Claire Laurier Decoteau. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013. Pp. xvi, 324; bibliography, index, 25 b/w photographs. $32.50/£23.00 paper.In Ancestors and Antiretrovirals, sociologist Claire Decoteau examines the biopolitics of HIV/AIDS in the two decades since South Africa's first nonracial democratic election. Despite throwing off the onerous strictures of apartheid, the promise of \"a better life for all\" remains unrealized for many poor South Africans. In the two Johannesburg-area squatter camps that ground this study, residents' expectations and experiences of liberation collide beneath the overlapping afflictions of poverty and AIDS.Decoteau argues that a \"postcolonial paradox\" confronts the South African state. She describes this challenge as \"the need to respect the demands of neoliberal capital\" and global competiveness, while simultaneously shouldering \"the responsibility to redress entrenched inequality, secure legitimacy from the poor, and forge a national imaginary\" (p. 7). AIDS and healing have been primary sites in the battle to resolve this paradox. Decoteau demonstrates how presidents Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma reinvented and deployed the colonial tropes of \"tradition\" and \"modernity\" as ideological tools to marshal legitimacy and exert political power.A series of symbolic struggles shape this book. Decoteau examines the \"tricky political maneuvering required of leaders who must represent the interests of the people, while subscribing to the economic policies of global capital\" (p. 14). She connects her analysis of policy and discourse with the experience of AIDS in Sol Plaatjie and Lawley, two squatter settlements where Decoteau conducted ethnographic, qualitative, and quantitative research between 2004 and 2009.Thabo Mbeki's denialist stance shaped AIDS policy from 1999 to 2007 andaccording to one study-resulted in more than 350,000 preventable deaths (pp. 81-83). Decoteau sees Mbeki's denialism as rooted in his commitment to independence, autonomy, and a vision of \"African Renaissance\" (p. 84). Mbeki attempted to resolve the postcolonial paradox and win political support by dismissing international public health's \"modem\" biomedical approach as racist, imperialist, and driven by pharmaceutical profit-seeking, while promoting \"traditional\" indigenous healing as an African alternative for an African disease. Decoteau characterizes the Mbeki government as \"a thanatopolitical regime\" unable or unwilling \"to attend to the material realities of poverty and disease\" (p. 106).The confrontation between the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and the denialist state reinforced what Decoteau terms the \"myth of incommensurability\"-the idea that \"traditional\" indigenous healing and \"modern\" biomedicine are irreconcilably incompatible. The TAC avowed that the scientific promise of \"modem\" biomedicine would save lives and address entrenched health ","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71145211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Vodun in Coastal Benin: Unfinished, Open-Ended, Global. By Dana Rush. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2013. Pp. vii, 290; illustrations, notes, references, index. $65.This text explores contemporary Vodun practices through the lenses of sacred arts, regional histories, and cultural connections. Rather than defining and listing the religion's attributes, Rush takes a lived religion approach that is refreshing. In this sense, Vodun is unfinished, unbound, and constantly in a state of becoming, and her text reflects this through multiple cultural vignettes and by approaching the subject from slightly different angles in each chapter. Rush begins with a reflexive examination, admitting that her attempts to ask about Vodun directly met with resistance. It was not until she embraced Vodun's opacity (a term she borrows from Glissant) that she began the gradual process of experiencing layered concepts and moments situated within larger symbolic contexts. She argues that, while Vodun is too fluid and complex to easily define, three main points are relevant: 1) Vodun is an on-going process that does not have a discrete goal but instead constantly absorbs and adapts to new stimuli; 2) Vodun exists and has always existed in a global milieu; 3) Vodun's composite character means that this longstanding relationship with foreigners has fueled the tradition.The first chapter argues that many cities in Africa such as Ouidah were sites of global interactions that continuously provided new concepts and materials for shrines, which are ever-changing and evolving performances of the sacred. In Chapter 2, Rush introduces Glissant's concept of rhizome to discuss how Vodun and its practitioners are connected through an intricate and widespread horizontal system that provides rootedness without boundaries. Chapter 3 looks at how the presence of foreigners has been folded into local conceptions and reproductions of Vodun, including both the expected discussion of interactions with Europeans as well as intra-African cultural exchanges. Chapter 4 explores how India has been consumed, exchanged, and reimagined in Africa and the diaspora. Chapter 5 takes on the multifaceted types of slavery and how those images of the enslaved manifest in Vodun as Tchamba. Finally, the last chapter looks at contemporary Vodun art's intersection between serious religious reflections and tourism and includes short depictions of artists.Vodun in Coastal Benin will appeal to scholars of African art, contemporary West African cultures, and religious studies as a lived religion approach to this complex tradition. …
{"title":"Vodun in Coastal Benin: Unfinished, Open-Ended, Global","authors":"E. Crocker","doi":"10.5860/choice.51-6703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-6703","url":null,"abstract":"Vodun in Coastal Benin: Unfinished, Open-Ended, Global. By Dana Rush. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2013. Pp. vii, 290; illustrations, notes, references, index. $65.This text explores contemporary Vodun practices through the lenses of sacred arts, regional histories, and cultural connections. Rather than defining and listing the religion's attributes, Rush takes a lived religion approach that is refreshing. In this sense, Vodun is unfinished, unbound, and constantly in a state of becoming, and her text reflects this through multiple cultural vignettes and by approaching the subject from slightly different angles in each chapter. Rush begins with a reflexive examination, admitting that her attempts to ask about Vodun directly met with resistance. It was not until she embraced Vodun's opacity (a term she borrows from Glissant) that she began the gradual process of experiencing layered concepts and moments situated within larger symbolic contexts. She argues that, while Vodun is too fluid and complex to easily define, three main points are relevant: 1) Vodun is an on-going process that does not have a discrete goal but instead constantly absorbs and adapts to new stimuli; 2) Vodun exists and has always existed in a global milieu; 3) Vodun's composite character means that this longstanding relationship with foreigners has fueled the tradition.The first chapter argues that many cities in Africa such as Ouidah were sites of global interactions that continuously provided new concepts and materials for shrines, which are ever-changing and evolving performances of the sacred. In Chapter 2, Rush introduces Glissant's concept of rhizome to discuss how Vodun and its practitioners are connected through an intricate and widespread horizontal system that provides rootedness without boundaries. Chapter 3 looks at how the presence of foreigners has been folded into local conceptions and reproductions of Vodun, including both the expected discussion of interactions with Europeans as well as intra-African cultural exchanges. Chapter 4 explores how India has been consumed, exchanged, and reimagined in Africa and the diaspora. Chapter 5 takes on the multifaceted types of slavery and how those images of the enslaved manifest in Vodun as Tchamba. Finally, the last chapter looks at contemporary Vodun art's intersection between serious religious reflections and tourism and includes short depictions of artists.Vodun in Coastal Benin will appeal to scholars of African art, contemporary West African cultures, and religious studies as a lived religion approach to this complex tradition. …","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71146550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Muslim Societies in Africa: A Historical Anthropology","authors":"M. Lambek","doi":"10.5860/choice.51-2166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-2166","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71143813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Commerce with the Universe: Africa, India, and the Afrasian Imagination. By Gaurav Desai. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013. Pp. xiv, 291; selected references, index. $50.00/£34.50 cloth, $49.99/£34.50 e-book.In his second book, literary scholar Gaurav Desai seeks to illuminate the relationship of Africa and Asia through a close reading of a selection of texts by East African Asian authors. While much of what he has to say will be familiar to historians of Indian Ocean Africa, his approach will challenge them to think more deeply about these questions, in particular about the two key texts with which he bookends his study, Amitav Ghosh's In an Antique Land, and M.G. Vassanji's The Gunny Sack3In reaching beyond these two widely used texts by teachers of East African and Indian Ocean history, Desai wishes "to help generate a discussion of significant texts written by Asians about their experiences in East Africa that still remain under the scholarly radar" (p. 13). These are several "life narratives" (p. 11) of prominent Asians whose engagement in trade and business stands at the center of their stories. Buried in a footnote to Chapter 4 is a comment about his use of colloquial terms like "African," "Indian," and "Asian" that will, I think, be of even greater import to readers of this journal: "The larger point of my project is, of course, to rethink all of these terms-to think both of Africa as a multiracial space and to recognize that the Indian or Asian in Africa is best thought of in Afrasian terms" (p. 244, n.18).The book consists of seven chapters and a coda. Chapter 1 begins with the positioning of Asians in works by various African writers whose works provide an opening for questioning racially-based concepts of nationalism and citizenship in Africa. Desai embraces "an expansive understanding of African territories and identities" (p. 6), and asks, "how African places, people, and ideas influence their [Asian writers] social and textual lives" (p. 8). Chapter 2 navigates the waters of Ghosh's always challenging text that interweaves both anthropology and history while juxtaposing medieval Egypt, Aden, and Malabar with modem Egypt. Through his dense reading Desai regards Ghosh's perspective as a kind of "nostalgic optimism" (p. 34) based on a reconstruction of "history in the nostalgic mode" (p. 35). Chapter 3 may test the less theoretically savvy among us, but the author's wide-ranging overview of the literature produced by Afrasians offers a thoughtful perspective on the individual lives that he examines in greater detail from their life narratives in the following three chapters.Chapter 4 draws upon two accounts by Indian travelers in the first decade of the twentieth century.2 One of these was originally published in Gujarati, the other translated from that language long after its author penned it. Both are fascinating and will be of particular interest to economic historians. Their engagement with Africa and their visions of mod
{"title":"Commerce with the Universe: Africa, India, and the Afrasian Imagination","authors":"E. Alpers","doi":"10.5860/choice.51-4869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-4869","url":null,"abstract":"Commerce with the Universe: Africa, India, and the Afrasian Imagination. By Gaurav Desai. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013. Pp. xiv, 291; selected references, index. $50.00/£34.50 cloth, $49.99/£34.50 e-book.In his second book, literary scholar Gaurav Desai seeks to illuminate the relationship of Africa and Asia through a close reading of a selection of texts by East African Asian authors. While much of what he has to say will be familiar to historians of Indian Ocean Africa, his approach will challenge them to think more deeply about these questions, in particular about the two key texts with which he bookends his study, Amitav Ghosh's In an Antique Land, and M.G. Vassanji's The Gunny Sack3In reaching beyond these two widely used texts by teachers of East African and Indian Ocean history, Desai wishes \"to help generate a discussion of significant texts written by Asians about their experiences in East Africa that still remain under the scholarly radar\" (p. 13). These are several \"life narratives\" (p. 11) of prominent Asians whose engagement in trade and business stands at the center of their stories. Buried in a footnote to Chapter 4 is a comment about his use of colloquial terms like \"African,\" \"Indian,\" and \"Asian\" that will, I think, be of even greater import to readers of this journal: \"The larger point of my project is, of course, to rethink all of these terms-to think both of Africa as a multiracial space and to recognize that the Indian or Asian in Africa is best thought of in Afrasian terms\" (p. 244, n.18).The book consists of seven chapters and a coda. Chapter 1 begins with the positioning of Asians in works by various African writers whose works provide an opening for questioning racially-based concepts of nationalism and citizenship in Africa. Desai embraces \"an expansive understanding of African territories and identities\" (p. 6), and asks, \"how African places, people, and ideas influence their [Asian writers] social and textual lives\" (p. 8). Chapter 2 navigates the waters of Ghosh's always challenging text that interweaves both anthropology and history while juxtaposing medieval Egypt, Aden, and Malabar with modem Egypt. Through his dense reading Desai regards Ghosh's perspective as a kind of \"nostalgic optimism\" (p. 34) based on a reconstruction of \"history in the nostalgic mode\" (p. 35). Chapter 3 may test the less theoretically savvy among us, but the author's wide-ranging overview of the literature produced by Afrasians offers a thoughtful perspective on the individual lives that he examines in greater detail from their life narratives in the following three chapters.Chapter 4 draws upon two accounts by Indian travelers in the first decade of the twentieth century.2 One of these was originally published in Gujarati, the other translated from that language long after its author penned it. Both are fascinating and will be of particular interest to economic historians. Their engagement with Africa and their visions of mod","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71145623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Liberation Movements in Power: Party and State in Southern Africa. By Roger Southall. Woodbridge, UK: James Currey, and New York: Boy dell Brewer, 2013. Pp. 384. $80.00.In this imposing opus, Roger Southall offers a comprehensive comparative account of the rise to power and subsequent "slow death" of national liberation movements (NLMs) in South Africa, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. Once "harbingers of hope and freedom," the African National Congress (ANC), the South West African Peoples Organization (SWAPO), and the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) "lost their moral compass" once they acceded to governmental power. Instead of fulfilling the movements' hybrid promises of liberalism, nationalism, and socialism, the incumbent political class in every country instead constructed machine-like party-states that now specialize in elite self-enrichment, while systematically undermining development, democracy, and the rule of law.What explains the NLMs' fall from grace? The author's account begins with settler colonialism, which endowed the Southern Africa region with a relatively advanced, but highly unequal, structure of industrial capitalism. Forced to accept transitional settlements with white property owners as the price of political power, incoming leaders saw that the "transformation" of inherited economies required the party to capture the commanding heights of the state. Thus they "deployed" party cadres throughout the public bureaucracy using criteria of political loyalty rather than technical competence that, fusing race and class, contributed to the rise of a new black bourgeoisie. As the global tide turned from socialism to neo-liberalism in the late twentieth century, former liberation movements became little more than "party machines" for accumulating public and private resources, to be redistributed via patronage to the party faithful and denied to "enemies of the state." Because each country's constitution was often seen as too respectful of minority rights, it was readily circumvented in the process of what was described, in a tired Marxist rationalization, as a "national democratic revolution."While this common narrative illuminates the similarities across the cases, the author emphasizes cross-national differences, especially between South Africa and Namibia on one hand, and Zimbabwe on the other. The latter country underwent the deepest political and economic crisis, culminating in hyperinflation, cholera, and electoral violence in 2008. Moreover, ZANU-PF's hostile relations with the private sector stand in stark contrast to the "unholy alliance" between government and business in the other two countries. By the same token, Robert Mugabe has been far less constrained than Jacob Zuma by a liberal constitution, an independent court system, or a culture of constitutionalism. In addition, South Africa's political settlement was indigenously negotiated whereas transitions in Namibia and Zimbabwe were externally imposed (
{"title":"Liberation Movements in Power: Party and State in Southern Africa","authors":"Michael Bratton","doi":"10.5860/choice.51-3482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-3482","url":null,"abstract":"Liberation Movements in Power: Party and State in Southern Africa. By Roger Southall. Woodbridge, UK: James Currey, and New York: Boy dell Brewer, 2013. Pp. 384. $80.00.In this imposing opus, Roger Southall offers a comprehensive comparative account of the rise to power and subsequent \"slow death\" of national liberation movements (NLMs) in South Africa, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. Once \"harbingers of hope and freedom,\" the African National Congress (ANC), the South West African Peoples Organization (SWAPO), and the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) \"lost their moral compass\" once they acceded to governmental power. Instead of fulfilling the movements' hybrid promises of liberalism, nationalism, and socialism, the incumbent political class in every country instead constructed machine-like party-states that now specialize in elite self-enrichment, while systematically undermining development, democracy, and the rule of law.What explains the NLMs' fall from grace? The author's account begins with settler colonialism, which endowed the Southern Africa region with a relatively advanced, but highly unequal, structure of industrial capitalism. Forced to accept transitional settlements with white property owners as the price of political power, incoming leaders saw that the \"transformation\" of inherited economies required the party to capture the commanding heights of the state. Thus they \"deployed\" party cadres throughout the public bureaucracy using criteria of political loyalty rather than technical competence that, fusing race and class, contributed to the rise of a new black bourgeoisie. As the global tide turned from socialism to neo-liberalism in the late twentieth century, former liberation movements became little more than \"party machines\" for accumulating public and private resources, to be redistributed via patronage to the party faithful and denied to \"enemies of the state.\" Because each country's constitution was often seen as too respectful of minority rights, it was readily circumvented in the process of what was described, in a tired Marxist rationalization, as a \"national democratic revolution.\"While this common narrative illuminates the similarities across the cases, the author emphasizes cross-national differences, especially between South Africa and Namibia on one hand, and Zimbabwe on the other. The latter country underwent the deepest political and economic crisis, culminating in hyperinflation, cholera, and electoral violence in 2008. Moreover, ZANU-PF's hostile relations with the private sector stand in stark contrast to the \"unholy alliance\" between government and business in the other two countries. By the same token, Robert Mugabe has been far less constrained than Jacob Zuma by a liberal constitution, an independent court system, or a culture of constitutionalism. In addition, South Africa's political settlement was indigenously negotiated whereas transitions in Namibia and Zimbabwe were externally imposed (","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71144736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Clan Cleansing in Somalia: The Ruinous Legacy of 1991. By Lidwien Kapteijns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Pp. ix, 308; maps, photographs, bibliography, index, glossary. $69.95/£45.50.The notion of "ethnic cleansing" was coined during the Bosnian civil war to describe the violent expulsions of non-combatants by the militias of another ethno-religious community, often accompanied by rape and murder perpetrated on civilians. The military struggles in Somalia that began as a movement to topple President Siad Barre from power soon evolved into a civil war between militias anchored in different clan communities. Somalia has the distinction of being one of two mono-ethnic States in Africa, with citizens who share a single Eastern Cushitic language, Islam, and shared social values and institutions, in particular a system of quasi-territorial clanship.The Somali civil war has usually been depicted as a protracted post-Barre struggle for State power between "warlords," none strong enough to consolidate power alone, but sufficiently resilient to deny power to others. But the author of Clan Cleansing in Somalia: The Ruinous Legacy of 1991 insists that the civil war between Somali militias in fact involved what she calls "clan cleansing," in a convincing analogy with ethnic cleansing in poly-ethnic states. In Somalia, clan militias and civilian supporters single-mindedly cleared members of Barre's Darood clan group from the national capital of Mogadishu and wide regions of Somalia's southwest. Clan cleansing involved forced displacement, rape and genocidal murder aimed not just at the ejection but also the extermination of communities based only on their clan affiliations. Western powers and members of the press, caught up in the political maneuvering of factions, perhaps compromised themselves to gain access to warlords and combatants and choosing sides during the battle for Mogadishu and its aftermath, by willfully ignoring this grim aspect of the civil war.The book focuses on the three-year period of 1988-1991 that led up to Siad Barre's fall, and was followed by chaotic post-Barre struggles. But this account is preceded by a description of the Barre government's manipulation of clans as a strategy for maintaining power, including the ruthless suppression of Majeerten officers after Somalia's withdrawal following its defeat in the Ogaden war (with Ethiopia), and of its subjugation of the Isaaq insurgency in Somalia's "northwest" (adjacent to Ethiopia in what is now the quasiindependent state of Somaliland). This sequence of events foreshadowed the rapid development of anti-government resistance groups that were followed by Siad Barre's repressive reactions, from the "Mosque Massacre" of 1989 to the Battle for Mogadishu in late 1990 to early 1991. As Barre was weakened, the broad-based United Somali Congress (USC) opposition coalition splintered, with both the USC-Cali Mahdi and the USC- Caydiid (Aydeed) divisions fighting both agai
{"title":"Clan Cleansing in Somalia: The Ruinous Legacy of 1991","authors":"J. Galaty","doi":"10.5860/choice.50-6911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.50-6911","url":null,"abstract":"Clan Cleansing in Somalia: The Ruinous Legacy of 1991. By Lidwien Kapteijns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Pp. ix, 308; maps, photographs, bibliography, index, glossary. $69.95/£45.50.The notion of \"ethnic cleansing\" was coined during the Bosnian civil war to describe the violent expulsions of non-combatants by the militias of another ethno-religious community, often accompanied by rape and murder perpetrated on civilians. The military struggles in Somalia that began as a movement to topple President Siad Barre from power soon evolved into a civil war between militias anchored in different clan communities. Somalia has the distinction of being one of two mono-ethnic States in Africa, with citizens who share a single Eastern Cushitic language, Islam, and shared social values and institutions, in particular a system of quasi-territorial clanship.The Somali civil war has usually been depicted as a protracted post-Barre struggle for State power between \"warlords,\" none strong enough to consolidate power alone, but sufficiently resilient to deny power to others. But the author of Clan Cleansing in Somalia: The Ruinous Legacy of 1991 insists that the civil war between Somali militias in fact involved what she calls \"clan cleansing,\" in a convincing analogy with ethnic cleansing in poly-ethnic states. In Somalia, clan militias and civilian supporters single-mindedly cleared members of Barre's Darood clan group from the national capital of Mogadishu and wide regions of Somalia's southwest. Clan cleansing involved forced displacement, rape and genocidal murder aimed not just at the ejection but also the extermination of communities based only on their clan affiliations. Western powers and members of the press, caught up in the political maneuvering of factions, perhaps compromised themselves to gain access to warlords and combatants and choosing sides during the battle for Mogadishu and its aftermath, by willfully ignoring this grim aspect of the civil war.The book focuses on the three-year period of 1988-1991 that led up to Siad Barre's fall, and was followed by chaotic post-Barre struggles. But this account is preceded by a description of the Barre government's manipulation of clans as a strategy for maintaining power, including the ruthless suppression of Majeerten officers after Somalia's withdrawal following its defeat in the Ogaden war (with Ethiopia), and of its subjugation of the Isaaq insurgency in Somalia's \"northwest\" (adjacent to Ethiopia in what is now the quasiindependent state of Somaliland). This sequence of events foreshadowed the rapid development of anti-government resistance groups that were followed by Siad Barre's repressive reactions, from the \"Mosque Massacre\" of 1989 to the Battle for Mogadishu in late 1990 to early 1991. As Barre was weakened, the broad-based United Somali Congress (USC) opposition coalition splintered, with both the USC-Cali Mahdi and the USC- Caydiid (Aydeed) divisions fighting both agai","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71142088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Define and Rule: Native as Political Identity","authors":"Anne S. Lewinson","doi":"10.5860/choice.50-5840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.50-5840","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71141752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abolition and Empire in Sierra Leone and Liberia. By Bronwen Everill. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Pp. vii, 232; maps, photographs, bibliography, index. $85.00There are just a few comparative studies on Africa's pioneer colonies for erstwhile enslaved Africans in Great Britain and the United States. This dearth makes Everill's book special. It is a rare analysis of British and American anti-slave trade campaigns in Sierra Leone and Liberia respectively. Her central argument is refreshing. Contrary to the historiography that traces anti-slave trade strategies directly to London and Washington, D.C., Everill contends that Sierra Leoneans and Liberians adapted those policies to specific, perceived realities. These policies, she asserts, constitute British and American imperialism, as they involved territorial annexations and the diffusion of British and American ideas and material cultures. This nuanced interpretation-stemming from what is obviously the connection "between imperialism and humanitarianism"-makes Everill's comparative study thought provoking.The book's seven chapters, along with an Introduction and an Epilogue, are well knit. Chapter 1 reviews the transatlantic interconnections that gave rise to Liberia and Sierra Leone. The next two chapters focus on the core of the anti-slavery strategy-"Civilization, Commerce, and Christianity"-and the evolutions of privileged classes in Sierra Leone and Liberia. Unsurprisingly, in both cases the colonists showed strong attachment to the material cultures in their former homes. Everill makes an interesting contrast here. One result of the 3C's was that the Sierra Leonean elite became more incorporated into the British Empire, thereby consolidating that cohort's British identity; however, this was hardly true of Liberians. Institutions that pulled Sierra Leoneans into the British imperial orbit-commercial, religious, educational, etc.-seem to have alienated Liberians from their American "Empire." Everill notes that this was so because "Liberia had fewer ties to American 'strategic interests' (p. 147). For example, while Sierra Leone's imperial connections provided access directly to various British businesses, Liberia's merchants generally carried out their American transactions through special contacts via the American Colonization Society, founder of Liberia. Research into Liberia's nineteenthcentury sugar industry fully supports Everill's findings. Sale of sugar to the United States, along with acquisition of sugarcane mills by prominent Liberian planters, was conducted essentially through "friends of colonization. …
{"title":"Abolition and Empire in Sierra Leone and Liberia","authors":"W. Allen","doi":"10.5860/choice.50-6910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.50-6910","url":null,"abstract":"Abolition and Empire in Sierra Leone and Liberia. By Bronwen Everill. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Pp. vii, 232; maps, photographs, bibliography, index. $85.00There are just a few comparative studies on Africa's pioneer colonies for erstwhile enslaved Africans in Great Britain and the United States. This dearth makes Everill's book special. It is a rare analysis of British and American anti-slave trade campaigns in Sierra Leone and Liberia respectively. Her central argument is refreshing. Contrary to the historiography that traces anti-slave trade strategies directly to London and Washington, D.C., Everill contends that Sierra Leoneans and Liberians adapted those policies to specific, perceived realities. These policies, she asserts, constitute British and American imperialism, as they involved territorial annexations and the diffusion of British and American ideas and material cultures. This nuanced interpretation-stemming from what is obviously the connection \"between imperialism and humanitarianism\"-makes Everill's comparative study thought provoking.The book's seven chapters, along with an Introduction and an Epilogue, are well knit. Chapter 1 reviews the transatlantic interconnections that gave rise to Liberia and Sierra Leone. The next two chapters focus on the core of the anti-slavery strategy-\"Civilization, Commerce, and Christianity\"-and the evolutions of privileged classes in Sierra Leone and Liberia. Unsurprisingly, in both cases the colonists showed strong attachment to the material cultures in their former homes. Everill makes an interesting contrast here. One result of the 3C's was that the Sierra Leonean elite became more incorporated into the British Empire, thereby consolidating that cohort's British identity; however, this was hardly true of Liberians. Institutions that pulled Sierra Leoneans into the British imperial orbit-commercial, religious, educational, etc.-seem to have alienated Liberians from their American \"Empire.\" Everill notes that this was so because \"Liberia had fewer ties to American 'strategic interests' (p. 147). For example, while Sierra Leone's imperial connections provided access directly to various British businesses, Liberia's merchants generally carried out their American transactions through special contacts via the American Colonization Society, founder of Liberia. Research into Liberia's nineteenthcentury sugar industry fully supports Everill's findings. Sale of sugar to the United States, along with acquisition of sugarcane mills by prominent Liberian planters, was conducted essentially through \"friends of colonization. …","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71142079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：