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The Portable Bunyan: A Transnational History of the Pilgrim's Progress 便携式班扬:清教徒跨越国界的历程
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-05-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.41-5753
Paul S. Landau
The Portable Bunyan: A Transnational History of the Pilgrim's Progress. By Isabel Hofmeyr. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004. Pp. xii, 314. $65.00/£42.95 cloth, $22.95/£14.95 paper. John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress of 1678 is about the voyage of a character called "Christian" through a landscape filled with labeled, aphoristic traps, the Valley of the Shadow of Death, the Slough of Despond, etc., with compatriots named Faith and Hopeful and so on. It's heavy handed and repetitive, a sort of inferior C. S. Lewis, a dated book, in other words, by the usual standards of the nineteenth century, the era of Trollope and George Elliot and Yeats and Shaw. Isabel Hofmeyr's account of Pilgrim's Progress's international expansion into something else, on the other hand, is elegant and readable. Her task is to chart the vectors in which Bunyan's moralistic fable became enmeshed in different colonial and postcolonial projects. In hundreds of languages the world over Pilgrim's Progress appears to have ranked second only to the Bible in influence. As it moved, it changed. The Portable Bunyan begins with a visual example of such change. In the frontispiece of the original Pilgrim's Progress, Bunyan is napping, as befits a "vagabond." "Christian," his dreamed-of "pilgrim," walks up a path in the background. When the book came out in SiNdebele in 1902, Bunyan's eyes are wide open in the frontispiece, as the pilgrim behind him has become an African schoolboy. As Hofmeyr explains, in South Africa it was inappropriate for a white man to sleep in public places: only a black man could be a tinker! Isabel Hofmeyr has given us not only a translational history of this Bunyan, but even more, an archaeology of Bunyanisms in the aftermath of empire, a history of Bunyanism "waft[ing] out from mission stations like clouds of confetti" (p. 62), being possessed and remade according to local circumstance, and reemerging in incipient nationalist discourses (including "Englishness"). The how of its literary remaking is Hofmeyr's concern, from its innocuous beginnings as a demotic low-culture tract, through its Atlantic dissemination, and on into Ngugi's and others' ironic occupation of the text or parts therein. "Christian" was an intermediary to "Christ," and also a cipher for any penitent, an almost rote mechanism for self-discipline. For mission-educated Africans, Giant Despair's Dungeon might become, metaphorically, the situation of the Coloured classes, or the vehicle for an attack in Umteteli waBantu on black elites who cannot "scale the Hill" because they keep slipping on "carpets of cash." It was "de-allegoricized and re-allegoricized." To me, the most interesting part of The Portable Bunyan is about the meaning of literacy and texts. Pilgrim's Progress itself came from a semiliterate world, and Christian and his allegorical companions struggle with their own reading and writing and verbal explaining. In their world, as in South Africa at the turn of the cent
便携式班扬:清教徒跨越国界的历程。伊莎贝尔·霍夫梅尔著。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2004。第十二页,314页。布65.00美元/ 42.95英镑,纸22.95美元/ 14.95英镑。约翰·班扬(John Bunyan) 1678年的《天路历程》(Pilgrim’s Progress)讲述了一个名叫“克里斯蒂安”(Christian)的人物的航行,他穿越了充满标签的、格言式陷阱、死亡阴影谷、绝望沼泽等地的风景,他的同胞名叫“信仰”(Faith)和“希望”(Hopeful)等等。它手法沉重,重复,有点像劣质的c.s.刘易斯,过时的书,换句话说,以19世纪的通常标准来看,特罗洛普,乔治·艾略特,叶芝和萧伯纳的时代。另一方面,伊莎贝尔·霍夫梅尔(Isabel Hofmeyr)对《天路历程》(Pilgrim Progress)向其他领域的国际扩张的描述,优雅而可读。她的任务是绘制出班扬的道德寓言与不同殖民和后殖民项目交织在一起的向量。在全世界数百种语言中,《天路历程》的影响力仅次于《圣经》。随着它的移动,它也在变化。便携式班扬以这种变化的视觉例子开始。在原版《天路历程》的扉页上,班扬正在打盹,很符合“流浪汉”的形象。“克里斯蒂安”,他梦想中的“朝圣者”,走在背景中的一条小路上。当这本书1902年在辛德贝勒出版时,班扬的眼睛在扉页上睁得大大的,因为他身后的朝圣者已经变成了一个非洲学生。正如霍夫迈尔解释的那样,在南非,白人在公共场所睡觉是不合适的:只有黑人才能成为修补匠!伊莎贝尔·霍夫梅尔(Isabel Hofmeyr)不仅给了我们一本班扬派的翻译史,更给了我们一本帝国解体后班扬派的考古学,一本班扬派“像五彩纸屑的云一样从传教站飘出来”的历史(第62页),根据当地情况被占有和改造,并在早期的民族主义话语(包括“英国性”)中重新出现。如何对其进行文学改造是霍夫梅尔关注的问题,从无害的低俗文化开始,到大西洋的传播,再到恩古吉和其他人对文本或部分内容的讽刺。“基督徒”是“基督”的中介,也是任何忏悔者的密码,几乎是一种机械的自律机制。对于受过使命教育的非洲人来说,Giant Despair’s Dungeon可能会成为有色人种的处境,或者是Umteteli waBantu中攻击黑人精英的工具,因为他们无法“爬上山丘”,因为他们总是在“现金地毯”上滑倒。它被“去寓言化和重新寓言化”。对我来说,《便携班扬》最有趣的部分是关于读写能力和文本的意义。《天路历程》本身来自一个半文盲的世界,克里斯蒂安和他的寓言同伴们在自己的阅读、写作和口头解释中挣扎。在他们的世界里,就像在世纪之交的南非一样,一个人的文件具有不可预测的权力——许可证、税单、契约、纸币——这些“文本”对一个人的支配程度不亚于她对它们的占有程度。第五章和第六章写得特别精彩。Hofmeyr还讨论了其他几位作家,包括Legson Kagire, Amos Tutuola和Tsitsi Dangarembga等人。《便携式班扬》的最后一部分探讨了班扬的英国化;贝德福德郡的语言和风景是如何被认定为贝德福德特有的,以及英国特色是如何成为贝德福德吸引世界的主要原因的。其中一个非常有趣的部分是关于《沙卡》的作者托马斯·莫福罗,特别是他的早期著作《东方旅行者》。…
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引用次数: 11
Slavery and Beyond: The Making of Men and Chikunda Ethnic Identities in the Unstable World of South-Central Africa, 1750-1920 奴隶制及以后:1750-1920年中非南部不稳定世界中男人的形成和奇昆达民族身份
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-05-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.42-2356
Josephine C. Miller
Slavery and Beyond: The Making of Men and Chikunda Ethnic Identities in the Unstable World of South-Central Africa, 1750-1920. By Alien F. and Barbara S. Isaacman. Portsmouth N.H.: Heinemann, 2004. Social History of Africa Series. Pp. xii, 370, maps, figures, photographs. $99.95 cloth, $29.95 paper. Allen Isaacman has been writing about the Zambezi valley for 30 years, often in collaboration with Barbara Isaacman, and this study brings together many themes previously introduced around the history of the "Chikunda," the slave militias formed in the 18th century by Afro-Goan-Portuguese warlords, whose 19th-century descendants became the dominant ivory hunters and slave raiders of the area and then reacted in a variety of ways in the generation who had to come to terms with Portuguese and British colonial rule. Followers of these two formative figures in post-Salazar Mozambican historiography will recognize the prazo "estate" holders who recruited the original chikunda warriors, their status as "slaves," and the opportunities for themselves that these fugitives from the power of others created in the middle Zambezi area as "transfrontiersmen," their services as porters and canoemen along the river, and the enlistments of some in the early colonial military in Mozambique and (present-day) Malawi. All these moments have appeared over the years in articles and chapters, often written in collaboration with Alien Isaacman's able students at the University of Minnesota. The extensive research supporting this integrated narrative goes back to the late 1960s and includes thorough use of archives in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Malawi, and Zambia (as well as Portugal and Britain) and the Isaacmans' characteristic and effective reliance on personal narratives of residents of the region, collected in well over a hundred interview sessions dating over the full span of their investigations and including a great many new ones conducted in 1997-98. What else is new is the sophisticated and careful integration of all this material around two issues of identity, as the title indicates: the term chikunda has had many and often contradictory meanings, as "slave" (thus shameful), as "warrior" (thus powerful), quintessentially "male" (thus proud), and as fully "ethnic" (female and young, as well as adult male) communities of several different "characters" in various parts of the valley and its environs. The Isaacmans offer a sophisticated theoretical basis for understanding ethnicity (and by extension the other kinds of identities conveyed by the label "Chikunda") as social boundary setting in response to rapidly changing circumstances. They then follow the decades of ivory trading, hunting, intervals of drought, and eventual colonial intervention in the distinct parts of the area, and the differing responses of various groups of chikunda to them, leading to the recent array of meanings attached to, and sometimes claimed by their modern descendants. This supple and detailed ha
奴隶制及以后:1750-1920年中非南部不稳定世界中男人的形成和奇昆达民族身份。作者:Alien F.和Barbara S. Isaacman。朴次茅斯:海涅曼出版社,2004年。非洲社会史丛书。第xii页,370页,地图,数字,照片。布99.95美元,纸29.95美元。Allen Isaacman已经写了30年关于赞比西河流域的文章,经常与Barbara Isaacman合作,这项研究汇集了之前围绕“Chikunda”历史介绍的许多主题,18世纪由非洲-果阿-葡萄牙军阀组成的奴隶民兵,他们的后代在19世纪成为该地区主要的象牙猎人和奴隶掠夺者,然后在不得不接受葡萄牙和英国殖民统治的一代人中以各种方式做出反应。在萨拉查之后的莫桑比克史学中,这两位塑造人物的追随者将认识到招募了最初的奇昆达战士的普拉佐“庄园”拥有者,他们的“奴隶”地位,以及这些逃离他人权力的逃亡者在赞比西河中部地区创造的“越界者”为他们自己创造的机会,他们作为搬运工和沿河划独木舟的人,以及在莫桑比克和(今天的)马拉维早期殖民军队中的一些人的入伍。多年来,所有这些时刻都出现在文章和章节中,通常是与Alien Isaacman在明尼苏达大学的优秀学生合作撰写的。支持这一综合叙述的广泛研究可以追溯到20世纪60年代末,包括对莫桑比克、津巴布韦、马拉维和赞比亚(以及葡萄牙和英国)档案的全面利用,以及艾萨曼夫妇对该地区居民个人叙述的特色和有效依赖,这些资料收集于他们整个调查期间的100多次采访中,其中包括1997年至1998年进行的许多新调查。另一个新颖之处在于,所有这些材料都围绕着两个身份问题进行了复杂而细致的整合,正如标题所表明的那样:奇昆达这个词有很多而且经常是相互矛盾的含义,作为“奴隶”(因此可耻),作为“战士”(因此强大),作为典型的“男性”(因此自豪),以及作为在山谷及其周围不同地区由几个不同“角色”组成的完全“种族”(女性和年轻人,以及成年男性)社区。艾萨克森提供了一个复杂的理论基础来理解种族(以及通过扩展“奇昆达”标签所传达的其他类型的身份)作为社会边界的设置,以应对迅速变化的环境。然后,他们跟随几十年的象牙贸易,狩猎,间隔的干旱,以及最终在该地区不同地区的殖民干预,以及不同群体的奇孔达人对他们的不同反应,导致了最近一系列的意义,有时被他们的现代后代所声称。这种对种族作为历史的灵活而细致的处理表明,在非洲和世界上任何其他地方,人们主张和阐述共性的许多基础:有些是根据“起源”和繁殖(因此是通过出生,尽管不是在这种情况下),有些是根据职业(例如,在这里,战士,运输商和象牙猎人),甚至是性别(这里是强壮的男性,不像安哥拉的因班加拉人,尼日尔上游的塞古奴隶骑兵,或刚果河中部的博班吉人),或者是对土地的要求和被精神化的前任要求者(对艾萨克森人来说,这是一个关键因素,主要群体保留了“奇昆达”这个名字,但放弃了它原有的所有内涵,以结婚和修炼为生)。…
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引用次数: 15
A Sacred Trust: The League of Nations and Africa, 1929-1946 神圣的信任:国际联盟和非洲,1929-1946
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-05-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.42-6014
B. Digre
A Sacred Trust: The League of Nations and Africa, 1929-1946. By Michael D. Callahan. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2004. Distributed by International Specialized Books Service, Portland, Oregon. Pp. x, 197, appendices. $69.50. The mandate system of the League of Nations introduced a new level of international oversight to European colonialism in Africa. Focusing on the 1930s, Michael Callahan's new study examines the operation and influence of this innovation on imperialism. It carries forward the analysis he began in his earlier book, Mandates and Empire: The League of Nations and Africa, 1914-1931 (1999). Callahan argues that the mandate system provided a significant force for the reform and internationalization of Anglo-French colonialism. Drawing on Wilsonian principles, the mandates advanced the idea of trusteeship rather than colonial annexation. The author contends that they led to a decline in militarism, an increase in commercial equality (though this generally refers to equal opportunities for expatriates in the mandates), and greater concern for the interests of Africans. Accompanying the "sacred trust" represented by the mandates was a new form of colonial accountability before the Permanent Mandates Commission (PMC) in Geneva. This in turn forced a broader reexamination of European imperialism. Callahan's analysis reveals the dual nature of these relationships as colonial officials, experts, and interest groups influenced the PMC. Its agenda of gradual reforms shaped not only policies in the mandates but also the general culture of colonialism. The author bases his assessments on thorough research in British and French archives, extensive use of published primary sources, including League documents, and wide reading of secondary sources. This is a valuable study, but some of its interpretations are problematic. The research is limited by a European colonial perspective. European colonial officials report to a PMC led by men who were often former European colonial officials. Further, the desire to prevent a return of the mandates to Germany provided an incentive to emphasize the reforms that were being introduced. Petitions from the mandated territories do offer some African views on issues before the Commission. Additional African perspectives, such as those found in West African newspapers, could have provided the work with further insights on such topics as indirect rule and the Ethiopian crisis as well as on self-determination-a Wilsonian principle largely absent from contemporary Western considerations in Africa. In Africa, the study focuses on the British and French mandates in Tanganyika, Togo, and Cameroon. This selection provides a comparative basis for examining the policies of the two major European colonial powers, and the author is able to show examples of reforms introduced under the mandate system. …
神圣的信任:国际联盟和非洲,1929-1946。迈克尔·d·卡拉汉著。布莱顿:苏塞克斯学术出版社,2004年。由俄勒冈州波特兰市国际专业图书服务中心分发。页十,197,附录。69.50美元。国际联盟的授权制度使欧洲在非洲的殖民主义受到新的国际监督。迈克尔·卡拉汉(Michael Callahan)的新研究聚焦于20世纪30年代,考察了这种创新对帝国主义的运作和影响。这本书延续了他在其早期著作《委任与帝国:国际联盟与非洲,1914-1931》(1999)中开始的分析。卡拉汉认为,委任制为英法殖民主义的改革和国际化提供了重要的力量。根据威尔逊的原则,这些法令提出了托管而不是殖民吞并的概念。发件人认为,它们导致了军国主义的衰落,商业平等的增加(虽然这一般是指在任务中外籍人士的平等机会),以及对非洲人利益的更多关注。伴随着这些任务所代表的“神圣信任”,在日内瓦常设任务委员会面前出现了一种新的殖民地问责制。这反过来又迫使人们对欧洲帝国主义进行更广泛的重新审视。卡拉汉的分析揭示了这些关系的双重性质,殖民地官员、专家和利益集团影响了PMC。它的渐进式改革议程不仅塑造了任务中的政策,也塑造了殖民主义的总体文化。作者的评估基于对英国和法国档案的深入研究,广泛使用出版的第一手资料,包括联盟文件,以及广泛阅读二手资料。这是一项有价值的研究,但它的一些解释是有问题的。这项研究受到欧洲殖民视角的限制。欧洲殖民官员向PMC报告,PMC的领导通常是前欧洲殖民官员。此外,为了防止将这些任务交还给德国,鼓励人们强调正在进行的改革。托管领土的请愿书确实就委员会面前的问题提出了一些非洲的看法。更多的非洲视角,比如在西非报纸上发现的,可以为这本书提供关于间接统治、埃塞俄比亚危机以及自决等主题的进一步见解——这是威尔逊主义的原则,在当代西方对非洲的考虑中基本缺失。在非洲,这项研究的重点是英国和法国在坦噶尼喀、多哥和喀麦隆的授权。这一选择为审查两个主要欧洲殖民国家的政策提供了比较基础,作者能够展示在授权制度下进行的改革的例子。…
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引用次数: 17
Journey of Hope: The Back-to-Africa Movement in Arkansas in the Late 1800s 《希望之旅:19世纪末阿肯色州的回归非洲运动》
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.42-5454
A. Beyan
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引用次数: 17
The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia 《自由的代价:非裔美国人与利比里亚的形成
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.42-2355
W. Allen
The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia. By Claude A. Clegg III. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Pp. xi, 330; 39 illustrations, 4 maps, 7 figures, 4 tables, notes, index, bibliography. $55.00 cloth, $19.95 paper. At last scholars are beginning to focus on a much larger segment of AfricanAmericans who emigrated to Liberia in the nineteenth century. Claude Clegg's The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia, is part of an emergent literature that gives voice to the obscure immigrants historians are wont to characterize simply as "free Negroes." This history-from-below approach is a refreshing departure from the current historiography with its fixation on the American Colonization Society (ACS) and the elite "merchant princes" and politicians who dominated Liberia. The subject of Clegg's study is 2,030 black North Carolinians repatriated to Liberia by the ACS and some independent colonization societies. While the North Carolinians represented a small percentage of the estimated 18,000 black emigrants from the United States, they nonetheless constituted the third largest number from the twenty-eight or so states that contributed colonists. The book is organized into eight chapters, along with an introduction that briefly traces the origins of the American colonization movement. A short epilogue summarizes the political turmoil that has bedeviled Liberians since 1980. In the first two chapters, the author illustrates how Quakers in North Carolina, who were actively involved in holding and selling slaves, had a change of heart in the late 170Os. The turnaround by this Christian denomination provided the initial organized impulse for manumission in that state. This apparent humanitarianism of the Quakers later melded with northern antislavery sentiments and a growing national interest to relocate free blacks outside the United States, to form the ACS in 1816; Liberia was established six years later as a refuge for free blacks. Chapters 3-4 discuss immigration and the ACS's attempt to promote Liberian colonization to an apprehensive black population. Chapter 5 is the heart of the book. Here, the author broadens his thesis-i.e., "The Price of Liberty." Quite often, North Carolinian slave masters made freedom for their bondspeople contingent on repatriation to Liberia. Naturally, slaves preferred freedom in unknown Liberia to continual enslavement in the United States. As it turned out, however, freedom meant an inescapable encounter with West Africa's virulent malarial epidemic, which resulted in the death of a large percentage of the newcomers. Chapter 6 explores the reasons behind the resurgence in emigration in the 185Os, following a precipitous decline throughout the 184Os. …
《自由的代价:非裔美国人与利比里亚的形成》克劳德·克莱格三世著。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2004年。第11页,330页;39幅插图,4幅地图,7幅图,4张表格,注释,索引,参考书目。布55美元,纸19.95美元。最后,学者们开始关注十九世纪移民到利比里亚的非裔美国人。克劳德·克莱格(Claude Clegg)的《自由的代价:非裔美国人与利比里亚的形成》(The Price of Liberty: African Americans and The Making of Liberia)是一种新兴文学的一部分,它为历史学家习惯于简单地描述为“自由黑人”的默默无闻的移民发出了声音。这种从下而上的历史方法是一种令人耳目一新的方式,它与当前的史学不同,它专注于美国殖民协会(ACS)和统治利比里亚的精英“商人王子”和政治家。克莱格的研究对象是2030名北卡罗莱纳黑人,他们被美国黑人协会和一些独立的殖民协会遣返回利比里亚。虽然北卡罗莱纳人只占美国大约18,000名黑人移民的一小部分,但他们在大约28个提供殖民者的州中仍然是第三多的。这本书分为八章,并附有简要追溯美国殖民运动起源的引言。一个简短的结语总结了自1980年以来困扰利比里亚人的政治动荡。在前两章中,作者阐述了积极参与持有和贩卖奴隶的北卡罗来纳州贵格会教徒在17世纪后期如何改变了主意。这个基督教教派的转变为该州的传教提供了最初的有组织的推动力。贵格会的这种明显的人道主义后来与北方的反奴隶制情绪以及将自由黑人迁出美国的日益增长的国家利益融合在一起,于1816年成立了ACS;六年后,利比里亚作为自由黑人的避难所成立。第3-4章讨论了移民和ACS试图向忧虑的黑人人口推广利比里亚殖民化。第五章是本书的核心。在这里,作者拓宽了他的论题。《自由的代价》。北卡罗莱纳的奴隶主经常以遣返利比里亚为条件来释放奴隶。当然,奴隶们宁愿在不知名的利比里亚享受自由,也不愿在美国继续受奴役。然而,事实证明,自由意味着不可避免地遭遇了西非致命的疟疾流行病,这导致了大部分新来者的死亡。第六章探讨了在19世纪40年代急剧下降之后,19世纪50年代移民潮复苏背后的原因。…
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引用次数: 38
The Urban Experience in Eastern Africa C. 1750-2000 东非的城市经验(1750-2000)
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3556935
Andrew Ivaska
The Urban Experience in Eastern Africa c. 1750-2000. Edited by Andrew Burton. Azania, special volume xxxvi-xxxvii. Nairobi: British Institute in Eastern Africa, 2002. Pp. ix, 264; 48 illustrations. $24.00/ £15.00 / Kenyan Shs.1,600 paper. In recent years Africanist literature has seen a surge in work on urban history. Arising out of broader trends in social and cultural history, this work has returned to and reinvigorated a terrain explored primarily by economic historians, geographers, and sociologists in the decades prior to the 1980s. The Urban Experience in Eastern Africa c. 1750-2000, edited by Andrew Burton and emerging out of an international conference held in Nairobi in 2000, not only exemplifies this new wave of urban history but also extends it in a number of topically unique and analytically productive directions. In addition to strong essays exploring colonial cities, the volume devotes considerable attention to precolonial urban forms and the social landscapes of small towns. Its geographical coverage is impressive (Eastern Africa being broadly interpreted here to encompass countries stretching from Ethiopia to Zimbabwe). Not least of its virtues, it brings together scholars based in Africa with colleagues working in North America, the United Kingdom, and Japan to showcase a breadth of methodologies and theoretical concerns. The collection is organized both thematically and broadly chronologically. Following Burton's well-written and comprehensive introduction tracing urban history in the region from the late eighteenth century onwards, the book is divided into four sections: precolonial urban centers, colonial order in urban East Africa, rural-urban interactions, and town life in colonial Nairobi and beyond. In extensively exploring topics that are too often given short shrift in African urban studies, the first and third sections -on precolonial urban formations and the importance to the urban experience of a rural and small-town scene-exhibit what are thematically the volume's most unique contributions. Giacomo Macola's examination of the royal capitals of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Eastern Lunda polities southwest of Lake Tanganyika is notable for his focus on the centrality of these capitals for the construction of a "Lunda imperial mystique" that was critical to maintaining royal power. Macola's paper nicely complements Richard Reid's comparative investigation of the relationship between warfare and towns in the Ethiopian highlands and Buganda in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with both contributions making interesting arguments about the place of the urban, both physically and ideologically, in precolonial power. And underlining the importance of the precolonial urban past to the histories of colonial town planning that followed, Abdul Sheriff traces a history of Zanzibar town's precolonial development, one that compellingly situates the notion of a strictly segregated town as a colonial fantasy at odds
约1750-2000年东非的城市经验。安德鲁·伯顿编辑。阿扎尼亚,特别卷三十六至三十七。内罗毕:英国东非研究所,2002年。Pp. ix, 264;48插图。$24.00/£15.00 /肯尼亚先令。1600张纸。近年来,非洲文学在城市历史方面的作品激增。由于社会和文化史的广泛趋势,这项工作已经回到并重振了一个主要由经济历史学家、地理学家和社会学家在20世纪80年代之前的几十年里探索过的领域。安德鲁·伯顿编辑的《1750-2000年东非城市经验》是2000年在内罗毕举行的一次国际会议的成果,它不仅体现了城市历史的新浪潮,而且在许多主题独特和分析富有成效的方向上对其进行了扩展。除了强大的散文探索殖民城市,该卷致力于相当重视前殖民城市形式和小城镇的社会景观。它的地理覆盖范围令人印象深刻(东非在这里被广泛地解释为包括从埃塞俄比亚到津巴布韦的国家)。最重要的是,它将非洲的学者与在北美、英国和日本工作的同事聚集在一起,展示了广泛的方法和理论问题。这些藏品是按主题和大致时间顺序组织的。继伯顿从18世纪后期开始对该地区的城市历史进行了详尽而全面的介绍之后,本书分为四个部分:前殖民时期的城市中心、东非城市的殖民秩序、城乡互动、内罗毕殖民地及其他地区的城镇生活。在广泛探索非洲城市研究中经常被忽视的主题时,第一和第三部分-前殖民时期的城市形成以及农村和小城镇场景的城市经验的重要性-展示了本卷在主题上最独特的贡献。贾科莫·马科拉(Giacomo Macola)对位于坦噶尼喀湖西南的18世纪和19世纪东伦达(Lunda)政治的皇家首都的研究,因其对这些首都的中心地位的关注而闻名,这些中心地位是建立“伦达帝国神秘”的关键,对维持王权至关重要。Macola的论文很好地补充了Richard Reid在18世纪和19世纪对埃塞俄比亚高地和布干达的战争与城镇关系的比较研究,两篇论文都对城市在前殖民时期的地位进行了有趣的争论,无论是在物质上还是在意识形态上。阿卜杜勒·谢里夫(Abdul Sheriff)强调了前殖民时期的城市历史对随后的殖民城镇规划历史的重要性,他追溯了桑给巴尔镇的前殖民发展历史,令人信服地将严格隔离城镇的概念定位为殖民幻想,与前殖民时期的空间政治格格不入。关于小城镇城市化的部分进一步增强了该卷主题关注的独特性。通过对殖民时期的索尔兹伯里和布拉瓦约的比较,Yoshikuni令人信服地分析了前殖民时期和农业时期的历史如何塑造了这两个城市中心的发展——这一动态在20世纪非洲城市的研究中得到了更广泛的认可,而实际上却没有付诸实践。…
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引用次数: 7
Algeria's Bloody Years 阿尔及利亚的血腥岁月
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.1037/e664312010-001
S. Davis
Algeria's Bloody Years. A film directed by Malek Bensmafl, produced by Patrice Barrat with the BBC. New York: First Run/Icarus Films, 2003. Color, 59 minutes. $390; $75 rental. The documentary "Algeria's Bloody Years" chronicles the history of that nation since 1988, focusing primarily on the violent civil conflict between government forces and armed Islamic fundamentalist groups that has killed more than 100,000 Algerians since 1992. The documentary's real strength lies in its mix of shockingly honest interviews with army generals and the leaders of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), brutally graphic scenes of the aftermath of massacres in tiny villages,1 and archival footage of such crucial turning points in the nation's history as the assassination of President Boudiaf, which was televised live throughout the country in June 1992. This triple-pronged approach allows director Malek Bensma'il to recount Algeria's complex recent history quickly and powerfully. In the span of a few minutes he traces the beginnings of the violence triggered by the army's suppression of massive labor strikes in 1988, the rise in popularity of the fundamentalist FIS party during the brief period of relative freedom from 1988 to 1991, and the military's cancellation of national elections and assumption of power in 1992, once FIS victory at the polls seemed inevitable. The bulk of the film details the rise of competing armed guerilla fundamentalist groups, who quickly turned from the targeted assassination of policemen and soldiers to the killing of pro-democracy journalists, intellectuals, and white-collar professionals and then to the wide-scale massacre of common villagers throughout rural Algeria in attempts to ensure local loyalties. In addition Bensma'il depicts the military's equally brutal record of indiscriminate arrests, torture, and vengeful reprisals. Finally, "Algeria's Bloody Years" recounts the death of the vestiges of democracy during the 1990s-a decade when military generals working through the puppet civilian government ruled by decree, without regard for the constitution and only the slightest pretense of legality. Throughout the film, interviews highlight the intransigence of key figures on both sides of the fight, as well as the tragic impotence of the millions of average Algerians caught in the middle. Interview clips include Minister of Defense General Khalid Nezzar's unrepentant contention that there was "no alternative" to the army's shooting of several hundred labor protesters in 1988, and exiled FIS leader Mourad Dina's explanation that "intellectuals of the left should have the courage of their convictions: they should say 'we are at war and some of us will pay with our lives'" when asked about the fundamentalist group's assassinations of Algerian journalists, doctors, and university professors. …
阿尔及利亚的血腥岁月。这部电影由马利克·本斯玛尔执导,帕特里斯·巴拉特与BBC合作制作。纽约:首次演出/伊卡洛斯电影公司,2003年。颜色,59分钟。390美元;75美元的租金。纪录片《阿尔及利亚的血腥岁月》(Algeria’s Bloody Years)记录了该国1988年以来的历史,主要聚焦于政府军与伊斯兰原教旨主义武装组织之间的暴力内战。自1992年以来,这场冲突已导致10万多阿尔及利亚人丧生。这部纪录片的真正优势在于,它结合了对军方将领、伊斯兰拯救阵线(FIS)和伊斯兰武装组织(GIA)领导人令人震惊的诚实采访,对小村庄大屠杀后的残酷画面,1以及国家历史上重要转折点的档案镜头,如1992年6月全国直播的布迪亚夫总统遇刺事件。这种三管齐下的方法让导演马雷克·本斯马伊尔快速而有力地讲述了阿尔及利亚复杂的近代历史。在几分钟的时间里,他追溯了1988年军队镇压大规模劳工罢工引发的暴力事件的起源,1988年至1991年相对自由的短暂时期内原教旨主义的FIS党人气的上升,以及1992年FIS在民意调查中获胜似乎不可避免时军方取消全国选举并上台执政。影片的大部分内容详细描述了相互竞争的原教旨主义武装游击队的崛起,他们迅速从有针对性地暗杀警察和士兵,转变为杀害亲民主的记者、知识分子和白领专业人士,然后在阿尔及利亚农村大规模屠杀普通村民,以确保对当地的忠诚。此外,Bensma'il还描述了军方同样残酷的记录,不分青红皂白的逮捕、酷刑和报复性的报复。最后,《阿尔及利亚的血腥岁月》讲述了20世纪90年代民主残余的消亡——在那十年里,军事将领们通过傀儡文官政府通过法令统治,不顾宪法,只有最轻微的合法性伪装。在整部影片中,采访强调了战斗双方关键人物的不妥协,以及数百万普通阿尔及利亚人被夹在中间的悲剧性无能。采访片段包括国防部长哈立德·尼撒(Khalid Nezzar)坚持认为,除了1988年军队射杀数百名劳工抗议者之外,“别无选择”,以及流亡的FIS领导人穆拉德·迪纳(Mourad Dina)解释说,“左翼知识分子应该有勇气坚持自己的信念。”当被问及该原教旨主义组织暗杀阿尔及利亚记者、医生和大学教授时,他们应该说‘我们处于战争状态,我们中的一些人将付出生命的代价’。…
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引用次数: 1
The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Côte d'Ivoire, 1880-1995 西非农民棉花革命:Côte科特迪瓦,1880-1995
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.39-4736
J. Bingen
The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Cote d'Ivoire, 1880-1995. By Thomas J. Bassett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xix, 243; 29 plates (photos), 30 figures. $64.95. Thomas Bassett brings solid historical analysis, data from longitudinal farming systems surveys, insightful interpretations from current documents, and extensive interviews over time to weave an important story of African agrarian development and policy. This book convincingly achieves the author's goal of contradicting "the dominant development narrative which portrays peasants as the simple recipients of technological innovations conceived and diffused by Western development experts" (p. xiv). Current enthusiasts for introducing genetically modified cotton as a technological breakthrough for African development would do well to heed Bassett's sound advice "to consider the temporal and social dimensions to innovation as much as the technological and institutional forms that an innovation assumes" (p. 7). Unfortunately, most of these enthusiasts have little time for Bassett's indispensable historical lessons, institutional insights, and farmer-level understanding that could lead them to reconsider their current project. Others-from historians to practitioners-should readily welcome the rich harvest from the author's historical and development analyses. Those familiar with African agrarian history will welcome Bassett's careful use of colonial archives in the Cote d'Ivoire, Mali, Senegal, and France to substantiate a decidedly non-romanticized view of the complex and sometimes contradictory ways in which "African farmers' actions are constitutive of the institutional environment which in turn influences their activities.... " (p. 3). The author's analysis nicely complements other historical studies of "the interplay of local forces with the larger world economy."1 It also fills an important gap in understanding the role of cotton, not just coffee and cocoa, as cultures revolutionnaires in the history of the Cote d'Ivoire.2 In addition to the invaluable socioagronomice history of cotton varieties, Bassett's concepts of the "rational peasant," "compulsory development," and "paternalistic development" discourses successfully capture his richly documented story of the colonial debates and conflicts among and between administrators and businesses. Students of contemporary West African agrarian development should find such concepts useful tools to cut through current development rhetoric. By focusing on the broad sweep of social and political changes surrounding one crop from the late 1880s into the mid-1990s, Bassett persuasively demonstrates the significance and contribution of historical analysis to a richer understanding of current development efforts. A shorter period of study would have confirmed the generally accepted "failure" of colonial project and the inability of the "repeated attempts" by colonial administrators to intensify cotton cultivation over th
西非的农民棉花革命:科特迪瓦,1880-1995。托马斯·j·巴塞特著。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2001。第19页,243页;29个板块(照片),30个人物。64.95美元。托马斯·巴塞特将扎实的历史分析、来自纵向农业系统调查的数据、对当前文件的深刻解读,以及随着时间的推移进行的广泛采访,编织了一个关于非洲农业发展和政策的重要故事。这本书令人信服地实现了作者的目标,即反驳“把农民描绘成西方发展专家构想和传播的技术创新的简单接受者的主流发展叙事”(第xiv页)。目前那些将转基因棉花作为非洲发展的技术突破引进的狂热者,最好听取巴塞特的合理建议,“考虑创新的时间和社会层面”(第7页)。不幸的是,这些狂热者中的大多数几乎没有时间学习巴塞特必不可少的历史教训、制度见解和农民层面的理解,这些都可能导致他们重新考虑他们当前的项目。其他人——从历史学家到实践者——应该乐于接受作者对历史和发展分析的丰富收获。熟悉非洲农业历史的人会欢迎巴塞特对科特迪瓦、马里、塞内加尔和法国的殖民档案的仔细使用,以证实一种绝对非浪漫化的观点,即“非洲农民的行动构成了制度环境,而制度环境又反过来影响了他们的活动....”(第3页)。作者的分析很好地补充了其他关于“地方力量与更大的世界经济的相互作用”的历史研究。它还填补了理解棉花的重要空白,而不仅仅是咖啡和可可,作为科特迪瓦历史上的文化革命除了棉花品种的宝贵的社会农学历史外,巴塞特的“理性农民”、“强制性发展”和“家长式发展”的概念话语成功地捕捉到了他丰富的殖民辩论和行政人员与企业之间冲突的故事。研究当代西非农业发展的学生应该发现,这些概念是有效的工具,可以穿透当前的发展修辞。通过关注从19世纪80年代末到20世纪90年代中期围绕一种作物的广泛的社会和政治变化,巴塞特令人信服地证明了历史分析对更丰富地理解当前发展努力的重要性和贡献。如果研究时间较短,就会证实普遍接受的殖民项目“失败”,以及殖民管理者在1912年至1946年期间“反复尝试”加强棉花种植的无能。…
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引用次数: 38
Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora since 1787 泛非史:自1787年以来非洲和散居海外的政治人物
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.41-1919
Linda Heywood
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引用次数: 35
Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa 约束民主:非洲的发展话语和善治
IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2004-09-01 DOI: 10.2307/4129062
J. Igoe, R. Abrahamsen
Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa. By Rita Abrahamsen. London: Zed Books, 2000. Pp. xv, 168. $65.00 cloth, $22.50 paper. The nature of global politics has changed tremendously since the Soviet collapse. Optimistic pronouncements that world had reached the "end of history" in 1989 ring hollow in a post-9/11 world.1 While communism has all but disappeared as a geopolitical force, terrorism has replaced it as the global antithesis of Western liberal democracy. Western politicians describe terrorists in terms not unlike those used to describe communists at the height of the Cold War. Like communists, terrorists are said to harbor an abiding hatred for freedom and democracy. They also hate free enterprise, as suggested by their alleged plans to attack the New York Stock Exchange and the World Bank. In the days following the 9/11 attacks George W. Bush told Americans that the most patriotic thing they could do would be to go shopping. America's current occupation of Iraq is also justified in terms of replacing terrorism with free elections and free enterprise. This conflation of democracy and free market capitalism lies at the center of Rita Abrahamsen's Disciplining Democracy. While written prior to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, the book continues to hold relevance for politics in Africa and on a global scale. Following in the footsteps of Escobar, Ferguson, and Sachs, Abrahamsen argues that the language of democracy and capitalism is used to construct a discursive other-a "Third World" that is defined more by what it is not than by what it is. The absence of traits like "democratic culture" and "entrepreneurial spirit" in this constructed Other in turn suggests certain types of interventions. Significantly, these interventions serve to extend the control of states and international financial institutions over their ostensible beneficiaries, while concealing their own essentially political character. They also mask inequalities, while defining complex political problems as simple technical ones.2 This oft-repeated Foucauldian argument detracts somewhat from the central strengths of Abrahamsen's book. Those familiar with Foucauldian critiques of development will know most of its details by heart, while those not familiar with it are unlikely to be convinced-or even to read a book titled Disciplining Democracy, for that matter. Of course Abrahamsen's title is meant to invoke Foucault's widely known (but less often read) Discipline and Punish. In this respect it is a bit misleading, since she leans heavily on the idea that discourses shape reality. In fact, Discipline and Punish represents a radical break with this position, since it is the first work in which Foucault suggests that that the role of discourse in shaping reality is only "intelligible as part of a larger set of organized and organizing practices," to which he referred as biopower or disciplining techniques.3 While these techniques are c
约束民主:非洲的发展话语和善治。丽塔·亚伯拉罕森著。伦敦:Zed Books, 2000。第15页,第168页。布65.00美元,纸22.50美元。自苏联解体以来,全球政治的性质发生了巨大变化。1989年世界已经到达“历史的终结”的乐观论调,在9/11后的世界里听起来有些空洞当共产主义作为一股地缘政治力量几乎消失时,恐怖主义取代了它,成为西方自由民主的全球对立面。西方政客描述恐怖分子的措辞与冷战最激烈时期描述共产主义者的措辞没有什么不同。据说,和共产主义者一样,恐怖分子对自由和民主怀有持久的仇恨。他们也憎恨自由企业,这从他们据称计划袭击纽约证券交易所和世界银行就可以看出。在9/11恐怖袭击后的几天里,乔治·w·布什告诉美国人,他们能做的最爱国的事情就是去购物。从用自由选举和自由企业取代恐怖主义来看,美国目前对伊拉克的占领也是合理的。这种民主和自由市场资本主义的结合是丽塔·亚伯拉罕森《纪律民主》一书的核心。虽然写于2001年9月11日的悲惨事件之前,这本书仍然对非洲和全球范围内的政治具有重要意义。跟随埃斯科瓦尔、弗格森和萨克斯的脚步,亚伯拉罕森认为,民主和资本主义的语言被用来构建一个话语性的他者——一个“第三世界”,更多的是由它不是什么而不是它是什么来定义的。在这个建构的他者中缺乏“民主文化”和“企业家精神”等特征,反过来又暗示了某些类型的干预。值得注意的是,这些干预措施扩大了国家和国际金融机构对其表面受益者的控制,同时掩盖了其本质上的政治特征。它们还掩盖了不平等,同时把复杂的政治问题定义为简单的技术问题这个经常被重复的福柯式论点,多少削弱了亚伯拉罕森这本书的核心力量。那些熟悉福柯对发展的批判的人会对其大部分细节熟记于心,而那些不熟悉它的人不太可能被说服,甚至不可能读一本名为《纪律民主》的书。当然,亚伯拉罕森的标题是为了引用福柯广为人知(但很少有人读到)的《纪律与惩罚》。在这方面,这有点误导,因为她严重依赖于话语塑造现实的观点。事实上,《纪律与惩罚》代表了与这一立场的彻底决裂,因为这是福柯第一次提出,话语在塑造现实中的作用只能“作为更大的有组织和有组织的实践的一部分而可理解”,他将其称为生物权力或纪律技术虽然这些技巧显然在非洲政客运作的官僚机构中发挥了作用,但它们在非洲的普及程度远不如在全球北方。此外,如果没有详细的人种学调查,就不可能确切地确定他们是如何运作的。如果没有这样的调查,就不可能说,例如,非洲政治家是否真的把自由市场资本主义的话语内化了,或者他们只是嘴上说说,让西方捐助者高兴。要理解非洲民主的动态,首先要对权力在不同规模和不同背景下的运作方式进行细致的分析——在这些背景下,纪律手段在发挥作用,而在这些背景下,武力和胁迫更为普遍。…
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引用次数: 8
期刊
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES
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