This article deals with a set of images which were probably the first in history to be reproduced on four continents: the Jesuit Jerome Nadal's Evangelicae Historiae Imagines (Images of the Gospel Story), first published in Antwerp in 1593. It begins with a brief discussion of what we know about Nadal's life and the production history of his book, as well as its relationship to his Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia quae in sacrosanto missae sacrificio toto anno leguntur (Annotations and Meditations on the Gospel which are to be read throughout the year at the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass), which acts as a commentary to the Imagines. Then follows a description of the structure of the two books, and how they narrate and expound the significance of the Gospels. The remaining sections discuss the adaptations of Nadal's imagery. While his work has received much attention from scholars around the world in recent decades, the aim of the present article is to bring together research on the use and re-use of these images in Europe, the Americas, India, China, Japan, Iran and Ethiopia, and to make clear their global impact in a way that has not been attempted before.
{"title":"Jerome Nadal's Evangelicae Historiae Imagines and the Birth of Global Imagery","authors":"J. Massing","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841048","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with a set of images which were probably the first in history to be reproduced on four continents: the Jesuit Jerome Nadal's Evangelicae Historiae Imagines (Images of the Gospel Story), first published in Antwerp in 1593. It begins with a brief discussion of what we know about Nadal's life and the production history of his book, as well as its relationship to his Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia quae in sacrosanto missae sacrificio toto anno leguntur (Annotations and Meditations on the Gospel which are to be read throughout the year at the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass), which acts as a commentary to the Imagines. Then follows a description of the structure of the two books, and how they narrate and expound the significance of the Gospels. The remaining sections discuss the adaptations of Nadal's imagery. While his work has received much attention from scholars around the world in recent decades, the aim of the present article is to bring together research on the use and re-use of these images in Europe, the Americas, India, China, Japan, Iran and Ethiopia, and to make clear their global impact in a way that has not been attempted before.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"161 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41939748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper concerns the source and content of the earliest known piece of Isaac Newton's writing, a Latin phrase book, as well as of the first letter in his hand which has yet been found, addressed to a 'Loving ffreind'. I reveal that both these early pieces also appear in a work on Latin pedagogy by William Walker, a schoolmaster and rector whose acquaintance with Newton is documented from 1665. Walker's textbook was printed in 1669, but the list of Latin phrases in Newton's notebook must be dated at least a decade earlier, while the letter, in another notebook, probably also pre-dates the published work. Section I of the Note demonstrates that Newton can only have copied the phrase book from a private, unpublished version of Walker's own compilation of the phrases, most likely while the mathematician and natural philosopher was still a schoolboy. I turn to the letter in section II, showing the very different uses to which it was put by the two men and suggesting a date for Newton's rendition of it in his notebook.
{"title":"Isaac Newton's Latin Exercises and Letter to a 'Loving Ffreind': Identifying the Sources","authors":"Michael Joalland","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841052","url":null,"abstract":"This paper concerns the source and content of the earliest known piece of Isaac Newton's writing, a Latin phrase book, as well as of the first letter in his hand which has yet been found, addressed to a 'Loving ffreind'. I reveal that both these early pieces also appear in a work on Latin pedagogy by William Walker, a schoolmaster and rector whose acquaintance with Newton is documented from 1665. Walker's textbook was printed in 1669, but the list of Latin phrases in Newton's notebook must be dated at least a decade earlier, while the letter, in another notebook, probably also pre-dates the published work. Section I of the Note demonstrates that Newton can only have copied the phrase book from a private, unpublished version of Walker's own compilation of the phrases, most likely while the mathematician and natural philosopher was still a schoolboy. I turn to the letter in section II, showing the very different uses to which it was put by the two men and suggesting a date for Newton's rendition of it in his notebook.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"249 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48678425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The early publication history of the very short Breviarium of Guillaume Budé's De asse et partibus eius is analysed and clarified, and the earliest versions are dated to c. 1520. Though short, it was an influential little work, and in particular its links with Cuthbert Tunstall's De arte supputandi are explored. It is argued that Bude himself was the author of the Brevianum, and that it may have a relevance to the Budé/Porzio controversy about the 'sestertius' and 'sestertium'.
Guillaume Budé的De asse et partibus eius的非常短的Breviarium的早期出版历史被分析和澄清，最早的版本可以追溯到1520年左右。尽管篇幅很短，但它是一部有影响力的小作品，尤其是它与卡斯伯特·汤斯顿的《艺术的晚餐》之间的联系。有人认为，布德本人是Brevianum的作者，这可能与巴德/波尔齐奥关于“sestertius”和“sestertinum”的争议有关。
{"title":"Budé's Breviarium: Authorship, Date and Purpose","authors":"A. Burnett","doi":"10.1086/jwci44841046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/jwci44841046","url":null,"abstract":"The early publication history of the very short Breviarium of Guillaume Budé's De asse et partibus eius is analysed and clarified, and the earliest versions are dated to c. 1520. Though short, it was an influential little work, and in particular its links with Cuthbert Tunstall's De arte supputandi are explored. It is argued that Bude himself was the author of the Brevianum, and that it may have a relevance to the Budé/Porzio controversy about the 'sestertius' and 'sestertium'.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"101 - 126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42370762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At some time between 1375 and 1378 the Bologna jurist John of Legnano composed a judgement on the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in October 1365. One of a number of contemporary authors offering a horoscope and interpretation of this celestial event, Legnano was credited by later fourteenth- and fifteenth-century observers with correctly predicting the outbreak of the Great Schism by means of his chart. Until now, scholars have been aware of two manuscript copies of Legnano's conjunction treatise: a Latin version now in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France MS lat. 2599; and an Italian translation in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale MS II, IV.313.The present paper identifies and publishes a third, partial copy, in a manuscript compilation in British Library MS Arundel 88.1 briefly survey the manuscript context of these three redactions in order to demonstrate the various ways in which Legnano's text could be read in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Most likely composed just prior to the outbreak of the Great Schism, his prognostication blends the astrological, eschatological and political interests which obsessed the noted law professor even before the circumstances of the Schism gave them increased urgency. A staunch defender of papal over imperial rights, Legnano avidly followed the vicissitudes of politics in the empire as well as in northern Italy; both his astrological analysis and the prophetic texts he quotes in his judgement focus on the fates of the empire, of various Italian cities and of the papacy. The British Library version of Legnano's text helps to reveal an evolving reception of this work and to demonstrate that, while the treatise certainly could be read for clues as to the church's fate during the Schism years, later readers were much more interested in Legnano's political predictions.
在1375年至1378年之间的某个时候，博洛尼亚法学家约翰·勒格纳诺于1365年10月对土星和木星的结合做出了判决。Legnano是当代众多提供占星术和对这一天体事件的解释的作者之一，他被后来的十四世纪和十五世纪的观察家认为通过他的星盘正确地预测了大分裂的爆发。到目前为止，学者们已经知道勒格纳的联合论文有两份手稿：一份现藏于巴黎的拉丁版本，法国国家图书馆，邮编2599；以及在佛罗伦萨的意大利语翻译，Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale MS II，IV.313。本论文确定并出版了第三份部分副本，在大英图书馆的一份手稿汇编中，阿伦德尔女士88.1简要调查了这三次编辑的手稿背景，以展示勒格纳诺的文本在十四世纪末和十五世纪的各种阅读方式。他的预言很可能是在大分裂爆发之前创作的，融合了占星术、末世论和政治利益，甚至在分裂的情况使其变得更加紧迫之前，这些利益就困扰着这位著名的法学教授。勒格纳诺是教皇对帝国权利的坚定捍卫者，他热切地关注着帝国和意大利北部的政治变化；他的占星术分析和他在判断中引用的预言文本都集中在帝国、意大利各个城市和教皇的命运上。大英图书馆版本的勒格纳的文本有助于揭示人们对这部作品的不断接受，并表明，虽然这篇论文肯定可以被阅读，以寻找关于教会在分裂时期命运的线索，但后来的读者对勒格纳政治预测更感兴趣。
{"title":"A Newly Identified Copy of a Prognostication by John of Legnano","authors":"L. Smoller","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841049","url":null,"abstract":"At some time between 1375 and 1378 the Bologna jurist John of Legnano composed a judgement on the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in October 1365. One of a number of contemporary authors offering a horoscope and interpretation of this celestial event, Legnano was credited by later fourteenth- and fifteenth-century observers with correctly predicting the outbreak of the Great Schism by means of his chart. Until now, scholars have been aware of two manuscript copies of Legnano's conjunction treatise: a Latin version now in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France MS lat. 2599; and an Italian translation in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale MS II, IV.313.The present paper identifies and publishes a third, partial copy, in a manuscript compilation in British Library MS Arundel 88.1 briefly survey the manuscript context of these three redactions in order to demonstrate the various ways in which Legnano's text could be read in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Most likely composed just prior to the outbreak of the Great Schism, his prognostication blends the astrological, eschatological and political interests which obsessed the noted law professor even before the circumstances of the Schism gave them increased urgency. A staunch defender of papal over imperial rights, Legnano avidly followed the vicissitudes of politics in the empire as well as in northern Italy; both his astrological analysis and the prophetic texts he quotes in his judgement focus on the fates of the empire, of various Italian cities and of the papacy. The British Library version of Legnano's text helps to reveal an evolving reception of this work and to demonstrate that, while the treatise certainly could be read for clues as to the church's fate during the Schism years, later readers were much more interested in Legnano's political predictions.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"221 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49247334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper begins with an assessment of the differences between two states of Jacopo Caraglio's engraved Diogenes after Parmigianino, and between each of those states and Parmigianino's preparatory drawing of the composition. What follows is an attempt to trace both the textual sources and the creative development of this unusual iconographie subject, culminating in a hypothesis about the chronological sequence of the earliest prints of Parmigianino's Diogenes. It is argued that, originally, the artist devised the composition in collaboration with a learned advisor. His own interest in geometry then led him, incongruously, to introduce a geometric solid—an error corrected in Ugo da Carpi's chiaroscuro woodcut version.
{"title":"A Solid Mistake: An Early State of Caraglio's Diogenes after Parmigianino","authors":"Jamie Gabbarelli","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841050","url":null,"abstract":"This paper begins with an assessment of the differences between two states of Jacopo Caraglio's engraved Diogenes after Parmigianino, and between each of those states and Parmigianino's preparatory drawing of the composition. What follows is an attempt to trace both the textual sources and the creative development of this unusual iconographie subject, culminating in a hypothesis about the chronological sequence of the earliest prints of Parmigianino's Diogenes. It is argued that, originally, the artist devised the composition in collaboration with a learned advisor. His own interest in geometry then led him, incongruously, to introduce a geometric solid—an error corrected in Ugo da Carpi's chiaroscuro woodcut version.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"231 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44519055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Through the prism of iconography, we may be able to better understand Vecchietta's stylistic choices towards the end of his career. His last known bronze sculpture, a gaunt and pathetic Christ, executed in 1476, is widely agreed to represent the Risen Christ. Today, the sculpture stands atop the high altar of the Santissima Annunziata, the Hospital Church in Siena, but this was neither its original nor intended location. In fact, the figure was meant to be part of a larger ensemble which, together, constituted Vecchietta's funerary chapel. This article demonstrates unequivocally that the present setting of the statue has fostered an iconographical misunderstanding: naturally, the subject of the statue is Christ; but he represents the Man of Sorrows, not the Risen Christ. An exploration of the significance of the iconography of the Man of Sorrows in mid-fifteenth-century Siena, and its possible antecedents, reveals connections especially with Northern European artefacts circulating in central Italy at the time. The result of these findings is to set Vecchietta's sculpture free from previous preconceptions, shedding new light on a famous artwork and triggering new questions about the artist who made it.
{"title":"The Iconography of Vecchietta's Bronze Christ in Siena","authors":"G. Dalvit","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841043","url":null,"abstract":"Through the prism of iconography, we may be able to better understand Vecchietta's stylistic choices towards the end of his career. His last known bronze sculpture, a gaunt and pathetic Christ, executed in 1476, is widely agreed to represent the Risen Christ. Today, the sculpture stands atop the high altar of the Santissima Annunziata, the Hospital Church in Siena, but this was neither its original nor intended location. In fact, the figure was meant to be part of a larger ensemble which, together, constituted Vecchietta's funerary chapel. This article demonstrates unequivocally that the present setting of the statue has fostered an iconographical misunderstanding: naturally, the subject of the statue is Christ; but he represents the Man of Sorrows, not the Risen Christ. An exploration of the significance of the iconography of the Man of Sorrows in mid-fifteenth-century Siena, and its possible antecedents, reveals connections especially with Northern European artefacts circulating in central Italy at the time. The result of these findings is to set Vecchietta's sculpture free from previous preconceptions, shedding new light on a famous artwork and triggering new questions about the artist who made it.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"29 - 59"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46525827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The University of Perugia's Archivio storico preserves a sixteenth-century manuscript of the imprese of the Accademia degli Insensati, an institution which is well-known for its important members and affiliates in the ecclesiastical and poetic circles of Perugia and Rome. Largely unpublished, the manuscript collects forty-three imprese of academicians, drawn by different artists and miniaturists, including that of the painter and theorist Federico Zuccari. In later life Zuccari proudly made use of his Insensato nickname of Il Sonnacchioso, but here his impresa is unexpectedly given as Il Desioso. This article argues that the Il Desioso impresa represents Zuccari's application to join the Accademia. Drawn by the artist himself, featuring his device of the sugarloaf and accompanied by a prose description in his own hand, the impresa can be dated by comparisons with other works made around the time of Zuccari's move from Florence to Rome. It reflects a number of the theoretical ideas from this period of his life, concerning the role of Academies, the education of the artist, and classical culture.
{"title":"The Impresa of Federico Zuccari and the Accademia Degli Insensati of Perugia","authors":"Laura Teza","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841047","url":null,"abstract":"The University of Perugia's Archivio storico preserves a sixteenth-century manuscript of the imprese of the Accademia degli Insensati, an institution which is well-known for its important members and affiliates in the ecclesiastical and poetic circles of Perugia and Rome. Largely unpublished, the manuscript collects forty-three imprese of academicians, drawn by different artists and miniaturists, including that of the painter and theorist Federico Zuccari. In later life Zuccari proudly made use of his Insensato nickname of Il Sonnacchioso, but here his impresa is unexpectedly given as Il Desioso. This article argues that the Il Desioso impresa represents Zuccari's application to join the Accademia. Drawn by the artist himself, featuring his device of the sugarloaf and accompanied by a prose description in his own hand, the impresa can be dated by comparisons with other works made around the time of Zuccari's move from Florence to Rome. It reflects a number of the theoretical ideas from this period of his life, concerning the role of Academies, the education of the artist, and classical culture.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"127 - 159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47766164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thomas Becket's miracles formed the chief subject of the early thirteenth-century stained glass installed in the twelve ambulatory windows surrounding Becket's magnificent shrine in the Trinity Chapel of Canterbury Cathedral. This article argues that three of the five surviving miracle stories portrayed in the glass of nlV, a well-preserved window on the north aisle, have been misread. Rather than picturing miracles of pilgrims from Oxford, Essex and Warwickshire, these panels recount the miracles experienced by people from the environs of Canterbury and Dover, namely William of Dene, a paralysed knight; Goditha, a crippled laywoman of Canterbury; and Saxeva, a laywoman of Dover suffering from an abdominal complaint and pain in her arm. With these new readings in place, it is possible to see that all the surviving narratives in nIV are devoted to local miracles, a remarkable and hitherto unrecognised commemoration of Thomas Becket's Kentish cult in the cathedral's glass. The focus on local pilgrims in Canterbury's nIV is comparable to the 'trade', 'donor' or 'signature' panels in the contemporary stained glass at Chartres Cathedral.
{"title":"Kentish Pilgrims in Canterbury Cathedral's Miracle Windows","authors":"Rachel Koopmans","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841042","url":null,"abstract":"Thomas Becket's miracles formed the chief subject of the early thirteenth-century stained glass installed in the twelve ambulatory windows surrounding Becket's magnificent shrine in the Trinity Chapel of Canterbury Cathedral. This article argues that three of the five surviving miracle stories portrayed in the glass of nlV, a well-preserved window on the north aisle, have been misread. Rather than picturing miracles of pilgrims from Oxford, Essex and Warwickshire, these panels recount the miracles experienced by people from the environs of Canterbury and Dover, namely William of Dene, a paralysed knight; Goditha, a crippled laywoman of Canterbury; and Saxeva, a laywoman of Dover suffering from an abdominal complaint and pain in her arm. With these new readings in place, it is possible to see that all the surviving narratives in nIV are devoted to local miracles, a remarkable and hitherto unrecognised commemoration of Thomas Becket's Kentish cult in the cathedral's glass. The focus on local pilgrims in Canterbury's nIV is comparable to the 'trade', 'donor' or 'signature' panels in the contemporary stained glass at Chartres Cathedral.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"1 - 27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47950174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the Italian translation of Suetonius's Lives of the Twelve Caesars by Dante Popoleschi, a little-known Florentine humanist and member of the Orti Oricellari in the early sixteenth century. Since Popoleschi's translation, which is preserved in a single manuscript copy dedicated to King François Ier of France (London, British Library MS Harley 3390), has never been studied in detail and, moreover, is unknown to present-day students of Suetonius, this contribution aims to examine the work both in its own right and in comparison to Popoleschi's volgarizzamenti of Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War and Donato Acciaiuoli's Life of Scipio. By placing Popoleschi's version of Suetonius in its original cultural-historical context, it also sheds new light on his life, works and translation activity.
{"title":"Suetonius In Volgare: An Overlooked Italian Translation by Dante Popoleschi (London, British Library MS Harley 3390","authors":"Marijke Crab","doi":"10.1086/JWCI44841045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI44841045","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the Italian translation of Suetonius's Lives of the Twelve Caesars by Dante Popoleschi, a little-known Florentine humanist and member of the Orti Oricellari in the early sixteenth century. Since Popoleschi's translation, which is preserved in a single manuscript copy dedicated to King François Ier of France (London, British Library MS Harley 3390), has never been studied in detail and, moreover, is unknown to present-day students of Suetonius, this contribution aims to examine the work both in its own right and in comparison to Popoleschi's volgarizzamenti of Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War and Donato Acciaiuoli's Life of Scipio. By placing Popoleschi's version of Suetonius in its original cultural-historical context, it also sheds new light on his life, works and translation activity.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"80 1","pages":"83 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44605853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When it appeared in Paris in 1697, the Bibliothèque Orientale of Barthélemy d'Herbelot de Molainville (1625–95) became the most complete reference work about Islamic history and letters in the West. Writing in French, d'Herbelot drew on an impressive variety of Arabic, Persian and Turkish manuscripts that he had read in Florence and in Paris. This article examines the Bibliothèque Orientale's idiosyncratic organisation, which has elicited comment over the centuries, and investigates whether it restricted the book's reception, as has sometimes been claimed. The book's peculiar form is explained by comparison with the Bibliothèque Orientale's most important source, the bibliography of the seventeenth-century Ottoman scholar Kātib Çelebi: his work not only provided much of the Bibliothèque Orientale's content but inspired its organisation as well. Antoine Galland's previously unstudied manuscript additions to the Bibliothèque Orientale show how this collaborator of d'Herbelot understood the work as a guide to the literary history of recent Muslim peoples. The Bibliothèque Orientale remained a valuable resource for understanding Islamic topics well into the nineteenth century, as demonstrated by the marginalia of prominent European scholars of Arabic, including Johann Jacob Reiske. More than this, the Bibliothèque Orientale offered a unique view of Timurid, Safavid and Ottoman literary culture—an unusual emphasis among European scholars, who tended to be more interested in the early centuries of Islam. D'Herbelot's achievement compels us to take seriously the ability of the Catholic scholarly culture of late-seventeenth-century France to study a foreign intellectual tradition.
1697年在巴黎出版后，barthlemy d'Herbelot de Molainville(1625-95)的《东方图书馆》(biblioth Orientale)成为西方关于伊斯兰历史和信件的最完整的参考书。赫贝洛在佛罗伦萨和巴黎读过各种各样的阿拉伯语、波斯语和土耳其语手稿，这些手稿给他留下了深刻的印象，他用法语写作。这篇文章考察了东方图书馆独特的组织方式，这种组织方式几个世纪以来一直引起人们的评论，并调查了它是否像有时声称的那样限制了这本书的接受程度。这本书的独特形式可以通过与《东方图书馆》最重要的来源——17世纪奥斯曼学者Kātib Çelebi的参考书目进行比较来解释:他的作品不仅提供了《东方图书馆》的大部分内容，而且还启发了它的组织。Antoine Galland之前未被研究的手稿添加到东方图书馆中，这表明了d'Herbelot的合作者如何将这部作品理解为近代穆斯林民族文学史的指南。直到19世纪，东方图书馆仍然是了解伊斯兰主题的宝贵资源，包括约翰·雅各布·赖斯克在内的著名阿拉伯语欧洲学者的旁注证明了这一点。不仅如此，东方图书馆还提供了一个关于帖木儿、萨法维和奥斯曼文学文化的独特视角——这在欧洲学者中是一个不同寻常的重点，他们往往对早期的伊斯兰教更感兴趣。赫贝洛的成就迫使我们认真看待17世纪晚期法国天主教学术文化研究外国知识传统的能力。
{"title":"How to Organise the Orient: D'Herbelot and the Bibilothèque Orientale","authors":"Alexander Bevilacqua","doi":"10.1086/JWCI26322524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI26322524","url":null,"abstract":"When it appeared in Paris in 1697, the Bibliothèque Orientale of Barthélemy d'Herbelot de Molainville (1625–95) became the most complete reference work about Islamic history and letters in the West. Writing in French, d'Herbelot drew on an impressive variety of Arabic, Persian and Turkish manuscripts that he had read in Florence and in Paris. This article examines the Bibliothèque Orientale's idiosyncratic organisation, which has elicited comment over the centuries, and investigates whether it restricted the book's reception, as has sometimes been claimed. The book's peculiar form is explained by comparison with the Bibliothèque Orientale's most important source, the bibliography of the seventeenth-century Ottoman scholar Kātib Çelebi: his work not only provided much of the Bibliothèque Orientale's content but inspired its organisation as well. Antoine Galland's previously unstudied manuscript additions to the Bibliothèque Orientale show how this collaborator of d'Herbelot understood the work as a guide to the literary history of recent Muslim peoples. The Bibliothèque Orientale remained a valuable resource for understanding Islamic topics well into the nineteenth century, as demonstrated by the marginalia of prominent European scholars of Arabic, including Johann Jacob Reiske. More than this, the Bibliothèque Orientale offered a unique view of Timurid, Safavid and Ottoman literary culture—an unusual emphasis among European scholars, who tended to be more interested in the early centuries of Islam. D'Herbelot's achievement compels us to take seriously the ability of the Catholic scholarly culture of late-seventeenth-century France to study a foreign intellectual tradition.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"79 1","pages":"213 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60150922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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