Machiavelli (as most scholars agree) read Aristotle's Politics. But in which edition? The article argues that Machiavelli used the edition published in Rome in 1492, in which the Latin translation of Aristotle by Leonardo Bruni was accompanied by a commentary traditionally ascibed to Thomas Aquinas (in fact, written by Peter of Auvergne). The article explores the impact of this triple filter (Aristotele, 'Aquinas', Bruni) on Machiavelli's approach to politics.
马基雅维利(大多数学者都同意)读过亚里士多德的《政治学》。但是是哪个版本呢?这篇文章认为，马基雅维利使用了1492年在罗马出版的版本，在这个版本中，列奥纳多·布鲁尼(Leonardo Bruni)对亚里士多德的拉丁文翻译附有一篇传统上是对托马斯·阿奎那(Thomas Aquinas)的评论(实际上是由奥弗涅的彼得(Peter of Auvergne)撰写的)。本文探讨了这三重过滤器(亚里士多德，“阿奎那”，布鲁尼)对马基雅维利的政治方法的影响。
{"title":"Intricate Readings: Machiavelli, Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas","authors":"C. Ginzburg","doi":"10.1086/JWCI26321952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI26321952","url":null,"abstract":"Machiavelli (as most scholars agree) read Aristotle's Politics. But in which edition? The article argues that Machiavelli used the edition published in Rome in 1492, in which the Latin translation of Aristotle by Leonardo Bruni was accompanied by a commentary traditionally ascibed to Thomas Aquinas (in fact, written by Peter of Auvergne). The article explores the impact of this triple filter (Aristotele, 'Aquinas', Bruni) on Machiavelli's approach to politics.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"78 1","pages":"157 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60150264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among Renaissance debates about the authorship of classical texts, relatively little attention has been paid to the reception of the entangled corpus produced by the rhetorician Lucius (or Marcus) Annaeus Seneca and his more famous son, the philosopher Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Younger.1 This historiographical lacuna is especially curious given the drawn-out nature of the discussion, which began with Petrarch and Boccaccio and involved prominent literati such as Justus Lipsius and Joseph Scaliger. The roughly analogous case of the two Plinys—the naturalist Pliny the Elder and his nephew Pliny the Younger—was successfully resolved in the early fourteenth century. In the Senecas debate, similarly, knowledge of the existence of a second author with the same name was lost during the Middle Ages but recovered during the early Renaissance. Unlike that case, however, no smoking gun (Pliny the Younger's account of his uncle's death during the eruption of Vesuvius) was available to clinch the argument.2 Instead, the modern consensus emerged only in the late sixteenth century, after two centuries of scholarly discus sion. That one Seneca was the philosopher forced to commit suicide under Nero was never in doubt, but the search for a second author did not settle on his father, instead producing a fictitious Seneca tragicus, whose identity and motives became the subject of fervent speculation. The recovery of contradictory and, for a time, incomplete testimony from antiquity first sparked off and then finally settled the confusion. In particular, two near-contemporaries of Seneca—Martial and Quintilian—played crucial parts in the story of the birth and demise of Seneca tragicus. Although Martial's role in first prompting the debate has been widely recognised, the way his evidence structured later positions has not—nor the ways in which it was sometimes purposefully hidden. The role of Quintilian's statements in deciding the question has thus far been largely ignored. The present article will, necessarily, sift through the witness testimony available to the disputants but will also pay careful attention to their personal motivations and philosophical commitments. The high esteem in which Seneca's philosophical
{"title":"The Rise and Fall of Seneca Tragicus, c. 1365–1593","authors":"Jan Machielsen","doi":"10.1086/JWCI24396003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI24396003","url":null,"abstract":"Among Renaissance debates about the authorship of classical texts, relatively little attention has been paid to the reception of the entangled corpus produced by the rhetorician Lucius (or Marcus) Annaeus Seneca and his more famous son, the philosopher Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Younger.1 This historiographical lacuna is especially curious given the drawn-out nature of the discussion, which began with Petrarch and Boccaccio and involved prominent literati such as Justus Lipsius and Joseph Scaliger. The roughly analogous case of the two Plinys—the naturalist Pliny the Elder and his nephew Pliny the Younger—was successfully resolved in the early fourteenth century. In the Senecas debate, similarly, knowledge of the existence of a second author with the same name was lost during the Middle Ages but recovered during the early Renaissance. Unlike that case, however, no smoking gun (Pliny the Younger's account of his uncle's death during the eruption of Vesuvius) was available to clinch the argument.2 Instead, the modern consensus emerged only in the late sixteenth century, after two centuries of scholarly discus sion. That one Seneca was the philosopher forced to commit suicide under Nero was never in doubt, but the search for a second author did not settle on his father, instead producing a fictitious Seneca tragicus, whose identity and motives became the subject of fervent speculation. The recovery of contradictory and, for a time, incomplete testimony from antiquity first sparked off and then finally settled the confusion. In particular, two near-contemporaries of Seneca—Martial and Quintilian—played crucial parts in the story of the birth and demise of Seneca tragicus. Although Martial's role in first prompting the debate has been widely recognised, the way his evidence structured later positions has not—nor the ways in which it was sometimes purposefully hidden. The role of Quintilian's statements in deciding the question has thus far been largely ignored. The present article will, necessarily, sift through the witness testimony available to the disputants but will also pay careful attention to their personal motivations and philosophical commitments. The high esteem in which Seneca's philosophical","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"77 1","pages":"61 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60148835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I t is well established that Marsilio Ficino's already be found in his autograph notes account of Plato's Parmenides depends on on Proclus's Platonic Theology in Florence, the onto-theological reading of it endorsed Biblioteca Riccardiana MS 70 (folios ir by Proclus and other Neoplatonists. Already 4V), copied by Matthaeus Camariota; this in antiquity, this approach stood opposed manuscript contains Proclus's Platonic to that of Albinus and Alcinous, who both Theology, Elements of Theology and Elements held that the Parmenides should be interof Physics, as well as Ocellus Lucanus's preted as a logical treatise.1 It was Proclus's On the Nature of the Universe, which Ficino commentary on the dialogue which Ficino studied and probably translated before had on his desk, as his main source, while 1463.3 Moreover, in the argumentum to his working on his own full-scale commentary, translation of the dialogue, dedicated to written between 1492 and 1494 and Cosimo de' Medici before August 1464— published in 1496.2 The work was the fruit one of his earliest attempts at an interpre of Ficino's reflections on the Parmenides tation of the Parmenides—Ficino already over thirty years, developing from his early sides with the theological reading, stating reading of Proclus. References to the theothat Plato 'included the entirety of theology logical interpretation of the Parmenides can in the Parmenides' ('universam in Parmenide
如果马尔西利奥·菲西诺在他的亲笔笔记中对柏拉图的巴门尼德的描述是根据普罗克劳斯在佛罗伦萨的柏拉图神学，对它的对神学的解读得到了普罗克劳斯和其他新柏拉图主义者的认可。已经4V)，由马特乌斯·卡马里奥塔复制;在古代，这种方法是对立的，手稿中有普罗克劳斯的柏拉图论，有阿尔比努斯和阿尔奇诺斯的柏拉图论，他们的《神学》、《神学的要素》和《要素》都认为巴门尼德应该是物理学的中间部分，还有奥塞勒斯·卢坎努斯的逻辑论文这是普罗克劳斯的《论宇宙的本质》费西诺对对话的评论费西诺之前研究并可能翻译过的那本评论放在他的桌子上，作为他的主要资料，1463.3此外，在他自己对对话进行全面评论和翻译的论证中，写于1492年至1494年，科西莫·德·美第奇在1464年8月之前出版于1496.2年，这部作品是他最早尝试解释菲西诺对巴门尼德的思考的成果之一，菲西诺已经有30多年了，从他早期的神学阅读发展而来，陈述阅读《Proclus》。柏拉图在巴门尼德的《巴门尼德的宇宙》(universam in Parmenides)中包含了对巴门尼德能的全部神学逻辑解释
{"title":"Some Unpublished Notes by Marsilio Ficino on Plato's Parmenides In MS Laur. 89 SUP. 71","authors":"Valerio Sanzotta","doi":"10.1086/JWCI24396008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI24396008","url":null,"abstract":"I t is well established that Marsilio Ficino's already be found in his autograph notes account of Plato's Parmenides depends on on Proclus's Platonic Theology in Florence, the onto-theological reading of it endorsed Biblioteca Riccardiana MS 70 (folios ir by Proclus and other Neoplatonists. Already 4V), copied by Matthaeus Camariota; this in antiquity, this approach stood opposed manuscript contains Proclus's Platonic to that of Albinus and Alcinous, who both Theology, Elements of Theology and Elements held that the Parmenides should be interof Physics, as well as Ocellus Lucanus's preted as a logical treatise.1 It was Proclus's On the Nature of the Universe, which Ficino commentary on the dialogue which Ficino studied and probably translated before had on his desk, as his main source, while 1463.3 Moreover, in the argumentum to his working on his own full-scale commentary, translation of the dialogue, dedicated to written between 1492 and 1494 and Cosimo de' Medici before August 1464— published in 1496.2 The work was the fruit one of his earliest attempts at an interpre of Ficino's reflections on the Parmenides tation of the Parmenides—Ficino already over thirty years, developing from his early sides with the theological reading, stating reading of Proclus. References to the theothat Plato 'included the entirety of theology logical interpretation of the Parmenides can in the Parmenides' ('universam in Parmenide","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"77 1","pages":"211 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60149525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
If we take 1750 as a vantage point and look back at the achievements of German Protestants in the field of Arabic studies over the previous 150 years, certain features emerge. In contrast to the Catholics, who seem to have attached less importance to the study of Arabic at the time,1 the Protestants of Germany produced some good Arabists in the seventeenth century and one of the very greatest of the eighteenth century. Arabic was studied more widely in the Protes tant areas of Germany than in any other European country. There was a constant flow of Oriental manuscripts into German libraries, and there were numerous Muslim prisoners of war in German territory. Not only did more Germans than citizens of any other nation publish translations of suras from the Qur5an made directly from the Arabic, but more editions of the entire QurJan and more univer sity dissertations on aspects of it were published in Germany than anywhere else in the West.
{"title":"'To Rescue the Honour of the Germans': Qur'an Translations by Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth- Century German Protestants","authors":"A. Hamilton","doi":"10.1086/JWCI24396007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI24396007","url":null,"abstract":"If we take 1750 as a vantage point and look back at the achievements of German Protestants in the field of Arabic studies over the previous 150 years, certain features emerge. In contrast to the Catholics, who seem to have attached less importance to the study of Arabic at the time,1 the Protestants of Germany produced some good Arabists in the seventeenth century and one of the very greatest of the eighteenth century. Arabic was studied more widely in the Protes tant areas of Germany than in any other European country. There was a constant flow of Oriental manuscripts into German libraries, and there were numerous Muslim prisoners of war in German territory. Not only did more Germans than citizens of any other nation publish translations of suras from the Qur5an made directly from the Arabic, but more editions of the entire QurJan and more univer sity dissertations on aspects of it were published in Germany than anywhere else in the West.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"77 1","pages":"173 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60149452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In antiquity, a series of three barrel vaults, each one of a different material, covered the passage into the Pantheon rotunda. The first of these vaults, made of metal, hung from the bronze beams that once supported the portico roof.1 Probably removed by medieval plunderers, this vault is long gone and no drawings or other images record its appearance.2 But the second vault still stands over the main door, and its square-coffered masonry appears virtually unchanged in the various repre sentations of it made since the sixteenth century.3 On the other side of the door, the interior entrance alcove of the Pantheon cuts through the thick cylindrical perimeter wall of the rotunda, creating an area of transition between the lower, darker space of the portico and the high, bright space under the dome. Above it, the third and final barrel vault is also still present today (Fig. i). Although the brickwork of its intrados is mostly exposed, with white marble veneer only at the edges, several sixteenthand seventeenth-century representations of the Pantheon imply that it was once covered by an ornamental pattern of octagonal and square coffers. The octagons are discernible, for example, on the ruin of the Pantheon depicted in Jean Lemaire's painting of Theseus Finding his Father's Sword and Sandals (c. 1630), now in the Statens Museum in Copenhagen (Fig. 2a-b).4There the barrel vault of the exterior entrance alcove looks as it does now, with a square coffer that echoes those set into the dome, but the barrel vault of the interior alcove, on the left, has octagonal coffering that cannot be seen today.
{"title":"The Lost Octagons of the Pantheon: Images and Evidence","authors":"C. Yerkes","doi":"10.1086/JWCI24396005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI24396005","url":null,"abstract":"In antiquity, a series of three barrel vaults, each one of a different material, covered the passage into the Pantheon rotunda. The first of these vaults, made of metal, hung from the bronze beams that once supported the portico roof.1 Probably removed by medieval plunderers, this vault is long gone and no drawings or other images record its appearance.2 But the second vault still stands over the main door, and its square-coffered masonry appears virtually unchanged in the various repre sentations of it made since the sixteenth century.3 On the other side of the door, the interior entrance alcove of the Pantheon cuts through the thick cylindrical perimeter wall of the rotunda, creating an area of transition between the lower, darker space of the portico and the high, bright space under the dome. Above it, the third and final barrel vault is also still present today (Fig. i). Although the brickwork of its intrados is mostly exposed, with white marble veneer only at the edges, several sixteenthand seventeenth-century representations of the Pantheon imply that it was once covered by an ornamental pattern of octagonal and square coffers. The octagons are discernible, for example, on the ruin of the Pantheon depicted in Jean Lemaire's painting of Theseus Finding his Father's Sword and Sandals (c. 1630), now in the Statens Museum in Copenhagen (Fig. 2a-b).4There the barrel vault of the exterior entrance alcove looks as it does now, with a square coffer that echoes those set into the dome, but the barrel vault of the interior alcove, on the left, has octagonal coffering that cannot be seen today.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"77 1","pages":"115 - 143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60149121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
version by André Du Ryer (Paris 1647). Shortly afterwards an article on the same topic was published by Professor Mordechai Feingold. As he explained, he and I had been conducting parallel researches on this topic; we had exchanged opinions and information, but were unable to arrive at the same conclusions. In his article he contested my interpretation on a number of points. The purpose of this Post script is both to reply to those criticisms and, in doing so, to present some further relevant information.
{"title":"The 1649 Koran: A Postscript","authors":"N. Malcolm","doi":"10.1086/JWCI24396006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JWCI24396006","url":null,"abstract":"version by André Du Ryer (Paris 1647). Shortly afterwards an article on the same topic was published by Professor Mordechai Feingold. As he explained, he and I had been conducting parallel researches on this topic; we had exchanged opinions and information, but were unable to arrive at the same conclusions. In his article he contested my interpretation on a number of points. The purpose of this Post script is both to reply to those criticisms and, in doing so, to present some further relevant information.","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"77 1","pages":"145 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60149178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
P. Rubens, His Brother PHILIP'S, Poems ON Samson, Hans Jakob Meier
I n 1611, Peter Paul Rubens's beloved elder Philip in ancient funerary style.5 A special brother Philip died, at the age of only chapter was devoted to a group of Philip's thirty-seven. A pupil of Justus Lipsius in poems 'brought to light and extracted from Leuven, Philip Rubens was among the his notebooks'.6Towards the conclusion of most promising Flemish Latinists of his this chapter there are three epigrams on time.1 Lipsius himself had expressed the two Old Testament figures: the first poem wish that Philip would one day succeed extols the tyrannicide Judith; the other two him in his professorship.2 Four years after concern Samson's betrayal by Delilah. The Philip's death, the Plantin press in Antwerp first of the Samson poems reads: published a volume consisting of an edition T c „ , „ ^ 0 In Sampsonem ajemina superatum. and Latin translation of the sermons of Qui genus humanuni superavit robore Sampson, St Asterius, the manuscript of which Philip Femineis tandem vincitur insidiis. had discovered in Rome, together with Sic et feminea vis Herculis arte doloque selected poems, letters and public speeches Occidit. o magnis sexus inique viris!7
1611年，彼得·保罗·鲁本斯(Peter Paul Rubens)心爱的长者菲利普(Philip)以古代丧葬风格创作一位特别的兄弟菲利普去世时，只有一章被献给了菲利普的三十七个团体。作为尤斯图斯·利普修斯(Justus Lipsius)的学生，菲利普·鲁本斯(Philip Rubens)的诗歌“从鲁汶(Leuven)被揭露并提取出来”，在他的笔记本中。在本章对最有前途的佛兰德拉丁学者的总结中，有三句关于时间的警句利普修斯本人也曾表达过《旧约》中的两个人物:第一首诗《祝腓力终有一日继位》是歌颂弑君的朱蒂丝的;另外两个是他的教授职位四年后参孙被大利拉背叛。菲利普死后，安特卫普的普兰廷出版社第一本参孙诗集上写着:出版了一卷，由一个版本组成，“^ 0 in Sampsonem ajemina superatum”。以及圣阿斯特留斯的桑普森布道书的拉丁文译本，其手稿为菲利普·费米尼斯的tandem vinitur insidiis。他在罗马发现了一些西方的诗歌、信件和公开演讲。哦，伟大的性的独特的病毒!7
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{"title":"Guglielmo Della Porta's Last Will and the Sale of his Passion of Christ to Diomede Leoni","authors":"Lothar Sickel","doi":"10.1086/jwci24396010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/jwci24396010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45703,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES","volume":"182 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60149408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A sizeable portion of the fourth book of Roger Bacon's Opus majus (c. 1267) is dedicated to demonstrating and vindicating the 'usefulness of athematics in the study of divinity' ('mathematicae in divinis utilitas'). Under the lemma 'On times' ('De temporibus'), Bacon closes in on the various ways in which astronom ical knowledge can assist in the reconstruction of biblical chronology, culminating in a lengthy excursus on the true historical date of Jesus's crucifixion.1 In addition to investigating the date of the Passion, he also deals with various problems of chronology in the Old Testament, including the season in which the world was created. In Bacon's day the general consensus was that the world had been created at the time of the spring equinox; but he also knew of scholars who favoured a creation in autumn, for which they could point to a statement in Josephus ( Jewish Antiquities, 1.81) and a number of scriptural passages which presupposed Tishri/ October as the beginning of the year.2 Having introduced the two positions, Bacon goes on to illuminate their astronomical dimension with the following remarks:
罗杰·培根(Roger Bacon)的《主要作品》(Opus majus)(约1267年)的第四本书中有相当大的一部分致力于论证和证明“数学在神性研究中的有用性”(“mathematicae in divinis utilitas”)。在“论时代”(“De temporibus”)的引理下，培根对天文学知识帮助重建圣经年表的各种方式进行了深入探讨，最后对耶稣被钉十字架的真实历史日期进行了冗长的论述除了研究耶稣受难的日期，他还研究了旧约中的各种年表问题，包括世界被创造的季节。在培根的时代，普遍的共识是世界是在春分的时候创造的;但他也知道一些学者赞成在秋天创造，他们可以指出约瑟夫斯的一段话(犹太古物，1.81)和一些圣经段落都把提什里/十月作为一年的开始在介绍了这两种位置之后，培根接着用以下的话阐明了它们的天文维度:
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intended as a particular individual. As such, j. Bartsch XIV.343.461, school of Marcantonio the figure does not encourage iconographie Raimondi (attr. Agostino Veneziano) after Raphael curiosity. The second deterrent is that until the re-emergence of Raphael's drawing and Quirinal Dioscuri, and to look no further.4 Rubinstein's identification of its source as As Rubinstein explained, the sardonyx an antique gem, it would have seemed cameo reproduced in her article (Fig. 4) plausible simply to assume that the pose of was illustrated not as the specific source the Warrior was adapted from one of the for the drawing, but 'to show that a gem i. Bartsch XIV. 343.461, school of Marcantonio Raimondi (attr. Agostino Veneziano) after Raphael
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