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Considering grace 考虑恩典
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-18 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1902667
G. Spencer
Since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 numerous proposals have been put forward concerning legacy processes that can help Northern Ireland move on from its violent past to a more stable and positi...
自1998年《耶稣受难日协议》(Good Friday Agreement)以来,人们提出了许多关于遗产进程的建议,这些建议可以帮助北爱尔兰从暴力的过去走向更稳定、更积极的未来。
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引用次数: 0
One man’s terrorist. A political history of the IRA 一个人的恐怖分子。爱尔兰共和军的政治史
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1891805
Niall Gilmartin
Take down policy The Research Portal is Ulster University's institutional repository that provides access to Ulster's research outputs. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact pure-support@ulster.ac.uk.
撤销政策研究门户网站是阿尔斯特大学的机构存储库,提供对阿尔斯特研究成果的访问。我们已尽一切努力确保研究门户网站中的内容不会侵犯任何人的权利或适用的英国法律。如果您在研究门户中发现您认为侵犯版权或违反任何法律的内容,请联系pure-support@ulster.ac.uk.
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引用次数: 6
Power and ideas: the legitimisation of the end of the Irish social partnership model during the Eurozone crisis 权力与理念:欧元区危机期间爱尔兰社会伙伴关系模式终结的合法化
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-02-09 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1880392
Angie Gago
ABSTRACT One of the consequences of the Eurozone crisis was the collapse of social concertation. Some authors have explained that the need for fiscal retrenchment deprived governments of resources to offer concessions to trade unions (Regan, 2013). Although these explanations partly explain why social partnership ended, we do not yet know how political actors achieved this institutional change, neither which ideas they used to legitimate it. This article adopts a discursive institutionalist framework (Schmidt, 2008, 2010) to identify the ideas and the causal mechanisms through which political leaders were able to exercise ideational power in a paradigmatic case study: Ireland. The article argues that external constraints during the crisis empowered specific political actors that used the crisis as a ‘moment of political opportunity’ (Béland, 2005, p. 10) to end the social partnership model. They constructed a communicative discourse to legitimise this change based on the ideas that social partnership was dysfunctional and undemocratic.
摘要欧元区危机的后果之一是社会凝聚力的崩溃。一些作者解释说,财政紧缩的必要性剥夺了政府向工会提供优惠的资源(Regan,2013)。尽管这些解释在一定程度上解释了社会伙伴关系结束的原因,但我们还不知道政治行动者是如何实现这一制度变革的,也不知道他们使用了哪些思想来使其合法化。本文采用了一个话语制度主义框架(Schmidt,20082010)来确定政治领导人能够在一个典型的案例研究中行使概念权力的思想和因果机制:爱尔兰。文章认为,危机期间的外部制约因素赋予了特定的政治行为者权力,他们将危机作为“政治机会时刻”(Béland,2005,第10页)来结束社会伙伴关系模式。他们基于社会伙伴关系失调和不民主的观点,构建了一种沟通话语,以使这种变化合法化。
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引用次数: 1
The Ideal Diplomat? Women and Irish foreign affairs, 1946-90 理想的外交官?妇女与爱尔兰外交,1946-90年
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-02-09 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1884946
Michael Kennedy
Elkink, J. A., & Farrell, D. M.2021). The Irish national election study 2020 [special issue]. Irish Political Studies, 36(4). Field, L. (2020). Irish general election 2020: Two-and-a-half party system no more? Irish Political Studies, 35(4), 615–636. Little, C. (2021). Change gradually, then all at once: The general election of February 2020 in the republic of Ireland. West European Politics, 44(3), 714–723. Müller, S., & Regan, A. (2021). Are Irish voters moving to the left? Irish Political Studies, 36(4), 535–555.
Elkink,J.A.和Farrell,D.M.2021)。《2020年爱尔兰全国选举研究》[特刊]。《爱尔兰政治研究》,36(4)。菲尔德,L.(2020)。2020年爱尔兰大选:两个半党派制不再存在?《爱尔兰政治研究》,35(4),615–636。Little,C.(2021)。逐渐改变,然后立刻改变:2020年2月爱尔兰共和国大选。《西欧政治》,44(3),714–723。Müller,S.和Regan,A.(2021)。爱尔兰选民正在向左翼靠拢吗?《爱尔兰政治研究》,36(4),535–555。
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引用次数: 1
In the public interest? Political sex scandals and the media in Ireland 为了公众利益?爱尔兰的政治性丑闻和媒体
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-17 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1873281
M. O’Brien
ABSTRACT As with the United States and Great Britain there has been a markedincrease in the prevalence of political sex scandal themed stories reported on by Irish media since the 1990s. This article considers the concept of the political sex scandal, and its relationship with media in the Irish case. It argues that political sex scandal was a frequent part of Irish journalism pre-independence but that, post-independence, this approach was replaced with a reticence to report such scandal until the 1990s. It finds that,today, Irish media avoid reporting on the private lives of politicians and instead focus on incidents wherein politicians intervene in sex-related court cases, when politicians are caught acting inappropriately on camera and on when politicians engage in matters sexual on social media. Thus, unlike the US and Britain, the key structural characteristic of contemporary Irish political sex scandals is not media intrusion into the private lives of politicians but rather media oversight of when and how politicians engage in sex-related issues in public fora such as the judicial system and social media.
与美国和英国一样,自20世纪90年代以来,爱尔兰媒体报道的以政治性丑闻为主题的故事明显增多。本文在爱尔兰事件中考察了政治性丑闻的概念及其与媒体的关系。它认为,政治性丑闻在独立前是爱尔兰新闻业的一个常见部分,但在独立后,这种方式被沉默所取代,直到20世纪90年代才报道此类丑闻。研究发现,如今,爱尔兰媒体避免报道政客的私生活,而是关注政客干预与性有关的法庭案件、政客在镜头前行为不当、政客在社交媒体上参与性事务等事件。因此,与美国和英国不同,当代爱尔兰政治性丑闻的关键结构特征不是媒体对政治家私生活的侵入,而是媒体对政治家何时以及如何在司法系统和社交媒体等公共论坛上参与与性有关的问题的监督。
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引用次数: 0
The demands of substantive decolonisation: Brexit and Ireland as a matter of justice 实质性非殖民化的要求:英国脱欧与爱尔兰的正义
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877899
S. O’Neill
ABSTRACT Although the impact Brexit might have on Ireland has generated a vast array of critical analyses, insufficient attention has been paid to this project as a question of justice or a matter of potential injustice. It is suggested here that the relative academic silence on this moral dimension of Brexit is connected to a widespread failure to connect theory and practice within the dominant approach to conceptualising the demands of justice both within and beyond the state. If we are to grasp the fabric of justice today, including just relations between political communities, then we need to be less reliant on methods of rational abstraction and focus instead on the history and structure of those hierarchical relations between the peoples of the world that have been imposed throughout the colonial and neo-colonial eras. This will lead us to re-conceive justice among the world’s peoples as a project of substantive decolonisation, an alternative paradigm that offers a critical perspective on how best to address the legacy of historical injustice at a global level. This theoretical framework equips us too with the language required to assess the moral dimensions of Brexit, specifically in relation to its impact on Ireland.
摘要尽管英国脱欧可能对爱尔兰产生的影响已经引发了大量的批判性分析,但作为一个正义问题或潜在的不公正问题,人们对该项目关注不足。这里有人认为,学术界对英国脱欧这一道德层面的相对沉默,与普遍未能将理论和实践联系起来,将国家内外的正义要求概念化的主导方法有关。如果我们今天要掌握正义的结构,包括政治共同体之间的正义关系,那么我们就需要减少对理性抽象方法的依赖,而应该关注在整个殖民时代和新殖民时代强加给世界各国人民的等级关系的历史和结构。这将使我们重新构想世界各国人民之间的正义,将其视为一个实质性非殖民化项目,这是一种替代范式,为如何在全球范围内最好地解决历史不公正的遗留问题提供了一个批判性的视角。这一理论框架也为我们提供了评估英国脱欧的道德层面所需的语言,特别是与脱欧对爱尔兰的影响有关的语言。
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引用次数: 1
Long conflict and how it ends: Protestants and Catholics in Europe and Ireland 长期冲突及其结局:欧洲和爱尔兰的新教徒和天主教徒
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877900
J. Ruane
ABSTRACT Ireland's Catholic-Protestant conflict rests on multiple, overlapping differences: religious, ethnic, colonial, political. To better understand it, and in particular its religious aspect, I trace Europe's long Catholic-Protestant conflict, how it began, reproduced itself over time, and finally came to an end in the twentieth century. I then use this to generate insights into Ireland's long conflict, how it began, how it developed, why it ended in the Republic, why it has continued in Northern Ireland, and how the latter conflict might end.
爱尔兰天主教与新教之间的冲突源于多重重叠的差异:宗教、种族、殖民和政治。为了更好地理解它,特别是它的宗教方面,我追溯了欧洲长期的天主教和新教冲突,它是如何开始的,如何随着时间的推移而重演,并最终在20世纪结束。然后,我利用这一点来洞察爱尔兰的长期冲突,它是如何开始的,它是如何发展的,为什么它在共和国结束,为什么它在北爱尔兰继续,以及后者的冲突可能如何结束。
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引用次数: 2
Bridge-builder feminism: the feminist movement and conflict in Northern Ireland 搭建桥梁的女权主义:北爱尔兰的女权运动与冲突
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877898
T. O’Keefe
ABSTRACT While gender has been widely used as an analytical category to understand the dynamics of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland, surprisingly little has been written on the ways in which the conflict has shaped or constrained feminist organising. Singular focus on groups or initiatives like the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition, Peace People or the Women's Support Network has overshadowed the contested history and intricacies of the wider feminist movement. Adopting a more holistic view, this article takes the concept of ‘bridge-builders' as conceptualised by Ruane and Todd in The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland (1996) to examine the fractured development of the feminist movement in the North. It charts how ‘bridge-builder feminism' became a distinguishable feature of the feminist movement during the Troubles and was used as a mechanism to transgress what Todd calls the ‘grammars of nationality’ (Todd, 2015). I argue that although this organising approach pioneered some changes in Northern Irish society, it overlooked key feminist struggles and thrived at the expense of an inclusive, intersectional feminism. Though the movement has undergone significant changes in the last two decades, the legacy of bridge-builder feminism continues to impact the capacities of the movement to address key feminist issues.
虽然性别被广泛用作理解北爱尔兰冲突转变动态的分析类别,但令人惊讶的是,关于冲突塑造或限制女权主义组织的方式的文章很少。对北爱尔兰妇女联盟(Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition)、和平人士(Peace People)或妇女支持网络(Women’s Support Network)等团体或倡议的单一关注,掩盖了更广泛的女权运动的争议历史和复杂性。采用更全面的观点,本文采用Ruane和Todd在《北爱尔兰冲突的动态》(1996)中提出的“桥梁建设者”的概念来考察北爱尔兰女权运动的断裂发展。它描绘了“桥梁建设者女权主义”如何在“麻烦”期间成为女权主义运动的一个显著特征,并被用作违反托德所说的“国籍语法”的机制(托德,2015)。我认为,尽管这种组织方式在北爱尔兰社会中开创了一些变革,但它忽视了关键的女权主义斗争,并以牺牲包容、交叉的女权主义为代价而蓬勃发展。尽管女权运动在过去二十年中经历了重大变化,但桥梁建设者女权主义的遗产继续影响着女权运动解决关键女权主义问题的能力。
{"title":"Bridge-builder feminism: the feminist movement and conflict in Northern Ireland","authors":"T. O’Keefe","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1877898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877898","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While gender has been widely used as an analytical category to understand the dynamics of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland, surprisingly little has been written on the ways in which the conflict has shaped or constrained feminist organising. Singular focus on groups or initiatives like the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition, Peace People or the Women's Support Network has overshadowed the contested history and intricacies of the wider feminist movement. Adopting a more holistic view, this article takes the concept of ‘bridge-builders' as conceptualised by Ruane and Todd in The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland (1996) to examine the fractured development of the feminist movement in the North. It charts how ‘bridge-builder feminism' became a distinguishable feature of the feminist movement during the Troubles and was used as a mechanism to transgress what Todd calls the ‘grammars of nationality’ (Todd, 2015). I argue that although this organising approach pioneered some changes in Northern Irish society, it overlooked key feminist struggles and thrived at the expense of an inclusive, intersectional feminism. Though the movement has undergone significant changes in the last two decades, the legacy of bridge-builder feminism continues to impact the capacities of the movement to address key feminist issues.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"52 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877898","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43054915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Praying for Paisley – Fr Gerry Reynolds and the role of prayer in faith-based peacebuilding: a preliminary theoretical framework 为佩斯利祈祷-格里·雷诺兹神父和祈祷在基于信仰的和平建设中的作用:一个初步的理论框架
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877893
Gladys Ganiel
ABSTRACT This article proposes a preliminary theoretical framework for understanding the role of prayer in faith-based peacebuilding. The framework draws on research on the life of a Redemptorist priest, Fr Gerry Reynolds (1935–2015), who was based in Belfast’s Clonard Monastery (1983–2015) during the Troubles; and recent interdisciplinary scholarship on prayer, utilising Woodhead’s [(2015). Conclusion: Prayer as changing the subject. In G. Giordan, & L. Woodhead (Eds.), A sociology of prayer (pp. 213–230). Farnham: Ashgate] re-definition of prayer as ‘changing the subject’. The framework encompasses two individual effects of prayer: (1) prompting religious identity change, and (2) sustaining hope and activism during adversity; with one additional socio-political effect: (3) creating and sustaining real-world initiatives. It argues that scholars have not yet grasped how prayer functions as a resource for faith-based peacebuilders. It advocates including prayer as a variable in future research on faith-based peacebuilding, which may confirm, challenge or alter the preliminary framework.
本文提出了一个初步的理论框架来理解祈祷在基于信仰的和平建设中的作用。该框架借鉴了对救赎会牧师格里·雷诺兹神父(1935-2015)生活的研究,他在贝尔法斯特的克罗纳德修道院(1983-2015)在麻烦期间;以及最近关于祈祷的跨学科奖学金,利用Woodhead的[(2015)]。结论:祷告改变了话题。在G.乔尔丹和L.伍德黑德(编辑),祈祷的社会学(第213-230页)。法纳姆:阿什盖特]将祈祷重新定义为“改变主题”。该框架包括祈祷的两种个人影响:(1)促进宗教认同的改变;(2)在逆境中维持希望和行动;还有一个额外的社会政治效应:(3)创造和维持现实世界的倡议。它认为,学者们还没有掌握祈祷如何成为基于信仰的和平建设者的一种资源。它主张将祈祷作为一个变量纳入基于信仰的建设和平的未来研究,这可能会证实、挑战或改变初步框架。
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引用次数: 2
The politics of conflict and transformation: the island of Ireland in comparative perspective 冲突与转型的政治:比较视角下的爱尔兰岛
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877894
Gladys Ganiel, David Mitchell
This volume arises out of a conference celebrating the work of Jennifer Todd, Professor in the School of Politics and International Relations at University College Dublin. Todd has been one of the leading scholars of her generation, producing ground-breaking theoretical, empirical, and comparative work on conflict, identity, ethnicity, borders, and conflict transformation. This volume is timely not only because it provides a focal point to mark the ongoing contributions of one of the island’s pioneering scholars, but also because it provides critical analysis at a key juncture in the history of conflict and transformation on the island. The 20th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement in 2018 has prompted a period of reflection on the achievements and the shortcomings of the peace process. This issue provides new insights on how the politics of the peace process have unfolded over time. At the same time, the June 2016 referendum in the UK, which resulted in a decision to leave the EU, comes to fruition when the UK leaves in January 2021, a process dubbed as ‘Brexit’. Brexit threatens to destabilise the peace process, raising new questions about the Irish border, and challenging relationships within Northern Ireland, between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, and between the Republic and the UK. The diverse disciplinary backgrounds and research topics of the contributors to this volume testify to the continuing relevance of Todd’s scholarship across the broad sweep of the social sciences, including history, politics and political theory, social psychology, social anthropology, and sociology. One of the hallmarks of Todd’s work has been a refusal to accept narrow understandings of politics: she conceives of the discipline broadly, and in the process has enriched our knowledge of how politics is conducted at the highest levels of the state, as well as our understanding of how political, ethnic, social and religious identities are constructed at the grassroots. Todd also has resisted an exclusive focus on the island of Ireland, consistently using international comparisons in her work and, over the years, editing numerous publications in
这本书是在纪念都柏林大学政治与国际关系学院教授詹妮弗·托德(Jennifer Todd)工作的一次会议上出版的。托德是她那一代的主要学者之一,在冲突、身份、种族、边界和冲突转型方面发表了开创性的理论、实证和比较研究。这本书是及时的,不仅因为它提供了一个焦点,标志着该岛的先驱学者之一的持续贡献,但也因为它提供了关键的分析在冲突和岛上的转型历史的关键节点。2018年是《耶稣受难日协定》签署20周年,这促使人们反思和平进程的成就和缺点。这个问题提供了关于和平进程的政治如何随着时间的推移而展开的新见解。与此同时,2016年6月的英国公投导致了英国退出欧盟的决定,英国将于2021年1月退出欧盟,这一过程被称为“脱欧”。英国脱欧威胁到和平进程的稳定,引发了有关爱尔兰边界的新问题,并挑战了北爱尔兰内部、爱尔兰共和国与北爱尔兰之间以及共和国与英国之间的关系。本卷贡献者的不同学科背景和研究主题证明了托德的学术在广泛的社会科学领域的持续相关性,包括历史、政治和政治理论、社会心理学、社会人类学和社会学。托德作品的一个特点是拒绝接受对政治的狭隘理解:她从广义上构想这门学科,并在此过程中丰富了我们对国家最高层如何进行政治的认识,以及我们对基层如何构建政治、种族、社会和宗教身份的理解。托德也拒绝只关注爱尔兰岛,在她的作品中一直使用国际比较,多年来,她在爱尔兰编辑了许多出版物
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引用次数: 0
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Irish Political Studies
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