Pub Date : 2021-03-18DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1902667
G. Spencer
Since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 numerous proposals have been put forward concerning legacy processes that can help Northern Ireland move on from its violent past to a more stable and positi...
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Pub Date : 2021-02-24DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1891805
Niall Gilmartin
Take down policy The Research Portal is Ulster University's institutional repository that provides access to Ulster's research outputs. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact pure-support@ulster.ac.uk.
{"title":"One man’s terrorist. A political history of the IRA","authors":"Niall Gilmartin","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1891805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1891805","url":null,"abstract":"Take down policy The Research Portal is Ulster University's institutional repository that provides access to Ulster's research outputs. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact pure-support@ulster.ac.uk.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"615 - 616"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1891805","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41521638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-09DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1880392
Angie Gago
ABSTRACT One of the consequences of the Eurozone crisis was the collapse of social concertation. Some authors have explained that the need for fiscal retrenchment deprived governments of resources to offer concessions to trade unions (Regan, 2013). Although these explanations partly explain why social partnership ended, we do not yet know how political actors achieved this institutional change, neither which ideas they used to legitimate it. This article adopts a discursive institutionalist framework (Schmidt, 2008, 2010) to identify the ideas and the causal mechanisms through which political leaders were able to exercise ideational power in a paradigmatic case study: Ireland. The article argues that external constraints during the crisis empowered specific political actors that used the crisis as a ‘moment of political opportunity’ (Béland, 2005, p. 10) to end the social partnership model. They constructed a communicative discourse to legitimise this change based on the ideas that social partnership was dysfunctional and undemocratic.
{"title":"Power and ideas: the legitimisation of the end of the Irish social partnership model during the Eurozone crisis","authors":"Angie Gago","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1880392","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1880392","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One of the consequences of the Eurozone crisis was the collapse of social concertation. Some authors have explained that the need for fiscal retrenchment deprived governments of resources to offer concessions to trade unions (Regan, 2013). Although these explanations partly explain why social partnership ended, we do not yet know how political actors achieved this institutional change, neither which ideas they used to legitimate it. This article adopts a discursive institutionalist framework (Schmidt, 2008, 2010) to identify the ideas and the causal mechanisms through which political leaders were able to exercise ideational power in a paradigmatic case study: Ireland. The article argues that external constraints during the crisis empowered specific political actors that used the crisis as a ‘moment of political opportunity’ (Béland, 2005, p. 10) to end the social partnership model. They constructed a communicative discourse to legitimise this change based on the ideas that social partnership was dysfunctional and undemocratic.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"43 - 63"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1880392","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46249491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-09DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1884946
Michael Kennedy
Elkink, J. A., & Farrell, D. M.2021). The Irish national election study 2020 [special issue]. Irish Political Studies, 36(4). Field, L. (2020). Irish general election 2020: Two-and-a-half party system no more? Irish Political Studies, 35(4), 615–636. Little, C. (2021). Change gradually, then all at once: The general election of February 2020 in the republic of Ireland. West European Politics, 44(3), 714–723. Müller, S., & Regan, A. (2021). Are Irish voters moving to the left? Irish Political Studies, 36(4), 535–555.
{"title":"The Ideal Diplomat? Women and Irish foreign affairs, 1946-90","authors":"Michael Kennedy","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1884946","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1884946","url":null,"abstract":"Elkink, J. A., & Farrell, D. M.2021). The Irish national election study 2020 [special issue]. Irish Political Studies, 36(4). Field, L. (2020). Irish general election 2020: Two-and-a-half party system no more? Irish Political Studies, 35(4), 615–636. Little, C. (2021). Change gradually, then all at once: The general election of February 2020 in the republic of Ireland. West European Politics, 44(3), 714–723. Müller, S., & Regan, A. (2021). Are Irish voters moving to the left? Irish Political Studies, 36(4), 535–555.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"613 - 615"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1884946","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46817198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-17DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1873281
M. O’Brien
ABSTRACT As with the United States and Great Britain there has been a markedincrease in the prevalence of political sex scandal themed stories reported on by Irish media since the 1990s. This article considers the concept of the political sex scandal, and its relationship with media in the Irish case. It argues that political sex scandal was a frequent part of Irish journalism pre-independence but that, post-independence, this approach was replaced with a reticence to report such scandal until the 1990s. It finds that,today, Irish media avoid reporting on the private lives of politicians and instead focus on incidents wherein politicians intervene in sex-related court cases, when politicians are caught acting inappropriately on camera and on when politicians engage in matters sexual on social media. Thus, unlike the US and Britain, the key structural characteristic of contemporary Irish political sex scandals is not media intrusion into the private lives of politicians but rather media oversight of when and how politicians engage in sex-related issues in public fora such as the judicial system and social media.
{"title":"In the public interest? Political sex scandals and the media in Ireland","authors":"M. O’Brien","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1873281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1873281","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As with the United States and Great Britain there has been a markedincrease in the prevalence of political sex scandal themed stories reported on by Irish media since the 1990s. This article considers the concept of the political sex scandal, and its relationship with media in the Irish case. It argues that political sex scandal was a frequent part of Irish journalism pre-independence but that, post-independence, this approach was replaced with a reticence to report such scandal until the 1990s. It finds that,today, Irish media avoid reporting on the private lives of politicians and instead focus on incidents wherein politicians intervene in sex-related court cases, when politicians are caught acting inappropriately on camera and on when politicians engage in matters sexual on social media. Thus, unlike the US and Britain, the key structural characteristic of contemporary Irish political sex scandals is not media intrusion into the private lives of politicians but rather media oversight of when and how politicians engage in sex-related issues in public fora such as the judicial system and social media.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"22 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1873281","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45925916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877899
S. O’Neill
ABSTRACT Although the impact Brexit might have on Ireland has generated a vast array of critical analyses, insufficient attention has been paid to this project as a question of justice or a matter of potential injustice. It is suggested here that the relative academic silence on this moral dimension of Brexit is connected to a widespread failure to connect theory and practice within the dominant approach to conceptualising the demands of justice both within and beyond the state. If we are to grasp the fabric of justice today, including just relations between political communities, then we need to be less reliant on methods of rational abstraction and focus instead on the history and structure of those hierarchical relations between the peoples of the world that have been imposed throughout the colonial and neo-colonial eras. This will lead us to re-conceive justice among the world’s peoples as a project of substantive decolonisation, an alternative paradigm that offers a critical perspective on how best to address the legacy of historical injustice at a global level. This theoretical framework equips us too with the language required to assess the moral dimensions of Brexit, specifically in relation to its impact on Ireland.
{"title":"The demands of substantive decolonisation: Brexit and Ireland as a matter of justice","authors":"S. O’Neill","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1877899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877899","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although the impact Brexit might have on Ireland has generated a vast array of critical analyses, insufficient attention has been paid to this project as a question of justice or a matter of potential injustice. It is suggested here that the relative academic silence on this moral dimension of Brexit is connected to a widespread failure to connect theory and practice within the dominant approach to conceptualising the demands of justice both within and beyond the state. If we are to grasp the fabric of justice today, including just relations between political communities, then we need to be less reliant on methods of rational abstraction and focus instead on the history and structure of those hierarchical relations between the peoples of the world that have been imposed throughout the colonial and neo-colonial eras. This will lead us to re-conceive justice among the world’s peoples as a project of substantive decolonisation, an alternative paradigm that offers a critical perspective on how best to address the legacy of historical injustice at a global level. This theoretical framework equips us too with the language required to assess the moral dimensions of Brexit, specifically in relation to its impact on Ireland.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"149 - 165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877899","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46897861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877900
J. Ruane
ABSTRACT Ireland's Catholic-Protestant conflict rests on multiple, overlapping differences: religious, ethnic, colonial, political. To better understand it, and in particular its religious aspect, I trace Europe's long Catholic-Protestant conflict, how it began, reproduced itself over time, and finally came to an end in the twentieth century. I then use this to generate insights into Ireland's long conflict, how it began, how it developed, why it ended in the Republic, why it has continued in Northern Ireland, and how the latter conflict might end.
{"title":"Long conflict and how it ends: Protestants and Catholics in Europe and Ireland","authors":"J. Ruane","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1877900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ireland's Catholic-Protestant conflict rests on multiple, overlapping differences: religious, ethnic, colonial, political. To better understand it, and in particular its religious aspect, I trace Europe's long Catholic-Protestant conflict, how it began, reproduced itself over time, and finally came to an end in the twentieth century. I then use this to generate insights into Ireland's long conflict, how it began, how it developed, why it ended in the Republic, why it has continued in Northern Ireland, and how the latter conflict might end.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"109 - 131"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877900","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41736165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877898
T. O’Keefe
ABSTRACT While gender has been widely used as an analytical category to understand the dynamics of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland, surprisingly little has been written on the ways in which the conflict has shaped or constrained feminist organising. Singular focus on groups or initiatives like the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition, Peace People or the Women's Support Network has overshadowed the contested history and intricacies of the wider feminist movement. Adopting a more holistic view, this article takes the concept of ‘bridge-builders' as conceptualised by Ruane and Todd in The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland (1996) to examine the fractured development of the feminist movement in the North. It charts how ‘bridge-builder feminism' became a distinguishable feature of the feminist movement during the Troubles and was used as a mechanism to transgress what Todd calls the ‘grammars of nationality’ (Todd, 2015). I argue that although this organising approach pioneered some changes in Northern Irish society, it overlooked key feminist struggles and thrived at the expense of an inclusive, intersectional feminism. Though the movement has undergone significant changes in the last two decades, the legacy of bridge-builder feminism continues to impact the capacities of the movement to address key feminist issues.
虽然性别被广泛用作理解北爱尔兰冲突转变动态的分析类别，但令人惊讶的是，关于冲突塑造或限制女权主义组织的方式的文章很少。对北爱尔兰妇女联盟(Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition)、和平人士(Peace People)或妇女支持网络(Women’s Support Network)等团体或倡议的单一关注，掩盖了更广泛的女权运动的争议历史和复杂性。采用更全面的观点，本文采用Ruane和Todd在《北爱尔兰冲突的动态》(1996)中提出的“桥梁建设者”的概念来考察北爱尔兰女权运动的断裂发展。它描绘了“桥梁建设者女权主义”如何在“麻烦”期间成为女权主义运动的一个显著特征，并被用作违反托德所说的“国籍语法”的机制(托德，2015)。我认为，尽管这种组织方式在北爱尔兰社会中开创了一些变革，但它忽视了关键的女权主义斗争，并以牺牲包容、交叉的女权主义为代价而蓬勃发展。尽管女权运动在过去二十年中经历了重大变化，但桥梁建设者女权主义的遗产继续影响着女权运动解决关键女权主义问题的能力。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877893
Gladys Ganiel
ABSTRACT This article proposes a preliminary theoretical framework for understanding the role of prayer in faith-based peacebuilding. The framework draws on research on the life of a Redemptorist priest, Fr Gerry Reynolds (1935–2015), who was based in Belfast’s Clonard Monastery (1983–2015) during the Troubles; and recent interdisciplinary scholarship on prayer, utilising Woodhead’s [(2015). Conclusion: Prayer as changing the subject. In G. Giordan, & L. Woodhead (Eds.), A sociology of prayer (pp. 213–230). Farnham: Ashgate] re-definition of prayer as ‘changing the subject’. The framework encompasses two individual effects of prayer: (1) prompting religious identity change, and (2) sustaining hope and activism during adversity; with one additional socio-political effect: (3) creating and sustaining real-world initiatives. It argues that scholars have not yet grasped how prayer functions as a resource for faith-based peacebuilders. It advocates including prayer as a variable in future research on faith-based peacebuilding, which may confirm, challenge or alter the preliminary framework.
{"title":"Praying for Paisley – Fr Gerry Reynolds and the role of prayer in faith-based peacebuilding: a preliminary theoretical framework","authors":"Gladys Ganiel","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1877893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877893","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article proposes a preliminary theoretical framework for understanding the role of prayer in faith-based peacebuilding. The framework draws on research on the life of a Redemptorist priest, Fr Gerry Reynolds (1935–2015), who was based in Belfast’s Clonard Monastery (1983–2015) during the Troubles; and recent interdisciplinary scholarship on prayer, utilising Woodhead’s [(2015). Conclusion: Prayer as changing the subject. In G. Giordan, & L. Woodhead (Eds.), A sociology of prayer (pp. 213–230). Farnham: Ashgate] re-definition of prayer as ‘changing the subject’. The framework encompasses two individual effects of prayer: (1) prompting religious identity change, and (2) sustaining hope and activism during adversity; with one additional socio-political effect: (3) creating and sustaining real-world initiatives. It argues that scholars have not yet grasped how prayer functions as a resource for faith-based peacebuilders. It advocates including prayer as a variable in future research on faith-based peacebuilding, which may confirm, challenge or alter the preliminary framework.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"72 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877893","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41946810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1877892
J. Coakley
ABSTRACT Analysis of the flow of demographic trends and the evolution of political forces in Northern Ireland has long had a predominantly binary focus. The many studies of the fall and rise of nationalism, and of the rise and fall of unionism, are based on a sometimes explicit but more often unspoken narrative of competition between two communities. This article considers an issue in relation to which a much smaller literature has appeared: the steady growth of an apparent middle ground. This is made up in part of those who were born outside Northern Ireland. But it also includes people who have exited from affiliation to the two dominant communities defined by religious background, or perhaps never belonged to either; of those who do not see themselves unambiguously as British or as Irish, but rather report a dual or alternative identity; and of those who identify with neither the unionist nor the nationalist community. Using census and survey data, the article tracks the evolution of this expanding section of the population, and assesses its implications for political choice and for the future constitutional path of Northern Ireland.
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