Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1953870
Kieran McConaghy
sections is on sabotage, extraordinarily neglected by most historians of violence. Given the ever-growing complexity of modern economies – pointed out acutely by the suffragette leader Emmeline Pankhurst before the Great War – systematic sabotage would appear to offer immense opportunities for those engaging in violent action against the state. Indeed the IRA embarked on such a campaign in the late 1930s (a campaign which generated Britain’s first anti-terrorist law). It proved too ambitious for the organisation’s meagre resources, but also fell victim to simple lack of competence. After that, sabotage went out of fashion amongst terrorists; Wilson notes that the Provisional IRA only began to come up with anything like a systematic sabotage strategy after two decades. This blind spot, shared by other terrorist groups, is hard to explain; Dr Wilson admits that the neglect of energy targets in particular remains puzzling. After all, it is surely a dramatic shift in targeting which marks terrorism as becoming ‘modern’. As we see here, what Wilson calls the ‘frictions of local intimacy’ which produced most premodern violence was superseded by what WB Yeats called ‘abstract hatred’. This shift towards depersonalised killing ‘remains’, as Wilson says, ‘one of the least explained features of the broader transformation of western societies into late modernity’. Alongside the anonymity marking these ‘societies of strangers’ came the capacity to label whole categories of people – from the ‘aristocrats’ of the French Revolution (few of them actual aristocrats) to the ‘bourgeoisie’ of the anarchists as legitimate targets. But modernity itself has turned out to be more complicated than early modernisation theorists assumed; sharp-eyed studies like this book will be needed to understand its nuances.
{"title":"Sounding dissent: rebel songs, resistance and Irish republicanism","authors":"Kieran McConaghy","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1953870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1953870","url":null,"abstract":"sections is on sabotage, extraordinarily neglected by most historians of violence. Given the ever-growing complexity of modern economies – pointed out acutely by the suffragette leader Emmeline Pankhurst before the Great War – systematic sabotage would appear to offer immense opportunities for those engaging in violent action against the state. Indeed the IRA embarked on such a campaign in the late 1930s (a campaign which generated Britain’s first anti-terrorist law). It proved too ambitious for the organisation’s meagre resources, but also fell victim to simple lack of competence. After that, sabotage went out of fashion amongst terrorists; Wilson notes that the Provisional IRA only began to come up with anything like a systematic sabotage strategy after two decades. This blind spot, shared by other terrorist groups, is hard to explain; Dr Wilson admits that the neglect of energy targets in particular remains puzzling. After all, it is surely a dramatic shift in targeting which marks terrorism as becoming ‘modern’. As we see here, what Wilson calls the ‘frictions of local intimacy’ which produced most premodern violence was superseded by what WB Yeats called ‘abstract hatred’. This shift towards depersonalised killing ‘remains’, as Wilson says, ‘one of the least explained features of the broader transformation of western societies into late modernity’. Alongside the anonymity marking these ‘societies of strangers’ came the capacity to label whole categories of people – from the ‘aristocrats’ of the French Revolution (few of them actual aristocrats) to the ‘bourgeoisie’ of the anarchists as legitimate targets. But modernity itself has turned out to be more complicated than early modernisation theorists assumed; sharp-eyed studies like this book will be needed to understand its nuances.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"622 - 624"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1953870","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49344020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-15DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1938360
Alan R. Duggan
{"title":"Republic of Ireland 2020","authors":"Alan R. Duggan","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1938360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1938360","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"327 - 443"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1938360","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43952129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1928083
L. Fitzgerald, Paul Tobin
ABSTRACT Veto players hold the capacity to decline a choice being made, making them powerful actors within legislative systems. During 2016–2020, Ireland was governed by a minority government, reliant on confidence and supply votes from other parliamentarians, thus it did not hold a veto during parliamentary votes. However, if the independent Bills Office and Ceann Comhairle deemed a ‘Money Message’ would be necessary for a Private Members’ Bill (PMB), even if it had achieved majority support in the Dáil, then the government could refuse to grant one, returning veto status to the minority government. To date, research has not provided a comprehensive overview of the PMBs blocked, nor examined in detail the cases that were high-profile. Via a nested analysis, we code 79 PMBs and complement our analysis through interviews with parliamentarians whose bills were blocked. We identify eleven policy themes in the PMBs that were blocked, demonstrating that vetoing via the Money Message was a widespread phenomenon. Next, we conduct a small-n analysis of the application of Money Messages across a variety of bills. Our analysis provides the first comprehensive examination of a procedure that holds lasting implications for the legislative process, perceptions of democracy, and executive dominance over minor parties in Ireland.
{"title":"‘A veto for the government’: the Money Message as a foil to new legislation","authors":"L. Fitzgerald, Paul Tobin","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1928083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1928083","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Veto players hold the capacity to decline a choice being made, making them powerful actors within legislative systems. During 2016–2020, Ireland was governed by a minority government, reliant on confidence and supply votes from other parliamentarians, thus it did not hold a veto during parliamentary votes. However, if the independent Bills Office and Ceann Comhairle deemed a ‘Money Message’ would be necessary for a Private Members’ Bill (PMB), even if it had achieved majority support in the Dáil, then the government could refuse to grant one, returning veto status to the minority government. To date, research has not provided a comprehensive overview of the PMBs blocked, nor examined in detail the cases that were high-profile. Via a nested analysis, we code 79 PMBs and complement our analysis through interviews with parliamentarians whose bills were blocked. We identify eleven policy themes in the PMBs that were blocked, demonstrating that vetoing via the Money Message was a widespread phenomenon. Next, we conduct a small-n analysis of the application of Money Messages across a variety of bills. Our analysis provides the first comprehensive examination of a procedure that holds lasting implications for the legislative process, perceptions of democracy, and executive dominance over minor parties in Ireland.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"103 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1928083","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42526146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-31DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1918366
Stephen Hopkins
{"title":"The intelligence war against the IRA","authors":"Stephen Hopkins","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1918366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1918366","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"145 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1918366","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44021466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-17DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1929186
D. Pszczółkowska, M. Lesińska
ABSTRACT The Republic of Ireland has had a significant Polish minority since the European Union enlargement of 2004. Despite their positive reception and successful economic integration, Poles rarely stand as candidates in local elections (in which all foreigners are entitled to run and vote); in fact, their involvement has even diminished – from nine Polish candidates in 2009 and 2014, to three in 2019. This article, based on interviews with 13 of the 19 Poles who have run thus far, 15 other politically or socially active Polish migrants and a survey (N = 503, CAPI, conducted in 2018) of Poles in the Republic of Ireland (henceforth Ireland) investigates this conundrum of a lack of progress in political integration. The political opportunity structure can be analysed from the perspective of the receiving political system – for example the attitude of political parties – or the perspective of the immigrant community. This article focuses on the latter and demonstrates that changes in the Polish community in Ireland over the last decade have made political integration more difficult. Our findings suggest that the politics and policies of the country of origin should also be considered as an important element influencing the political integration of migrants in the destination country.
{"title":"One step forward, two steps back in political integration: why are Polish candidates not making progress in Irish local elections?","authors":"D. Pszczółkowska, M. Lesińska","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1929186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1929186","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Republic of Ireland has had a significant Polish minority since the European Union enlargement of 2004. Despite their positive reception and successful economic integration, Poles rarely stand as candidates in local elections (in which all foreigners are entitled to run and vote); in fact, their involvement has even diminished – from nine Polish candidates in 2009 and 2014, to three in 2019. This article, based on interviews with 13 of the 19 Poles who have run thus far, 15 other politically or socially active Polish migrants and a survey (N = 503, CAPI, conducted in 2018) of Poles in the Republic of Ireland (henceforth Ireland) investigates this conundrum of a lack of progress in political integration. The political opportunity structure can be analysed from the perspective of the receiving political system – for example the attitude of political parties – or the perspective of the immigrant community. This article focuses on the latter and demonstrates that changes in the Polish community in Ireland over the last decade have made political integration more difficult. Our findings suggest that the politics and policies of the country of origin should also be considered as an important element influencing the political integration of migrants in the destination country.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"125 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1929186","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49388607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-15DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1907888
N. Kirk, L. Teeling
ABSTRACT Ahead of the 2019 European Parliament elections, the lack of regulation addressing online political advertising with the potential to undermine the integrity of the electoral process was a significant concern. Within Ireland, the Standards in Public Office Commission regulates ‘ethics, electoral, state finance and lobbying legislation’, however, there are few requirements made of political parties to disclose their funding of online political advertising. As a wider EU issue, the European Commission sought to address this lack of oversight by engaging with social media platforms to agree a voluntary Code of Practice on Disinformation. Signatories to this, including Facebook, Google and Twitter, committed to ‘ensuring transparent, fair and trustworthy online campaign activities ahead of the European elections in spring 2019’ (Kirk, N., Culloty, E., Casey, E., Teeling, L., Park, K., Kearns, C. Suiter, J. (2019). ElectCheck2019: A report on political advertising online during the 2019 European elections. Institute for Future Media and Journalism. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.18135.01449). The report here summarises the data and key findings from monitoring the levels of transparency in the political advert libraries relating to Ireland over the European Election campaign from April 18th to May 24th, 2019. The report finds that, although platforms proactively engaged with their commitments under the EU Code, inconsistencies in the companies’ approach to this result in a lack of transparency and comprehensive understanding of political and issue-based advertising online in such election campaigns.
在2019年欧洲议会选举之前，缺乏针对可能破坏选举过程完整性的在线政治广告的监管是一个重大问题。在爱尔兰，公共事务委员会的标准管理着“道德、选举、国家财政和游说立法”，然而，几乎没有要求政党披露其在线政治广告的资金来源。作为一个更广泛的欧盟问题，欧盟委员会试图通过与社交媒体平台合作，达成一项自愿的虚假信息行为准则，来解决这种缺乏监督的问题。包括Facebook、谷歌和Twitter在内的签署方承诺“在2019年春季欧洲选举之前确保透明、公平和值得信赖的在线竞选活动”(Kirk, N.， Culloty, E.， Casey, E.， Teeling, L.， Park, K.， Kearns, C. Suiter, J.(2019))。ElectCheck2019:关于2019年欧洲选举期间在线政治广告的报告。未来媒体与新闻研究所。https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.18135.01449)。本报告总结了2019年4月18日至5月24日欧洲选举期间监测与爱尔兰有关的政治广告库透明度水平的数据和主要发现。报告发现，尽管平台积极履行其在欧盟法规下的承诺，但这些公司在这方面的做法不一致，导致对此类竞选活动中的政治和基于问题的在线广告缺乏透明度和全面理解。
{"title":"A review of political advertising online during the 2019 European Elections and establishing future regulatory requirements in Ireland","authors":"N. Kirk, L. Teeling","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1907888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1907888","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ahead of the 2019 European Parliament elections, the lack of regulation addressing online political advertising with the potential to undermine the integrity of the electoral process was a significant concern. Within Ireland, the Standards in Public Office Commission regulates ‘ethics, electoral, state finance and lobbying legislation’, however, there are few requirements made of political parties to disclose their funding of online political advertising. As a wider EU issue, the European Commission sought to address this lack of oversight by engaging with social media platforms to agree a voluntary Code of Practice on Disinformation. Signatories to this, including Facebook, Google and Twitter, committed to ‘ensuring transparent, fair and trustworthy online campaign activities ahead of the European elections in spring 2019’ (Kirk, N., Culloty, E., Casey, E., Teeling, L., Park, K., Kearns, C. Suiter, J. (2019). ElectCheck2019: A report on political advertising online during the 2019 European elections. Institute for Future Media and Journalism. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.18135.01449). The report here summarises the data and key findings from monitoring the levels of transparency in the political advert libraries relating to Ireland over the European Election campaign from April 18th to May 24th, 2019. The report finds that, although platforms proactively engaged with their commitments under the EU Code, inconsistencies in the companies’ approach to this result in a lack of transparency and comprehensive understanding of political and issue-based advertising online in such election campaigns.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"85 - 102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1907888","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48159311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-28DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1908779
Luke Field
{"title":"Democratic decision-making: consensus voting for civic society and parliaments","authors":"Luke Field","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2021.1908779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1908779","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"619 - 620"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07907184.2021.1908779","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47191809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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