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The export of know-how at the (semi-)peripheries: the case of Yugoslav–Iranian industrial collaboration and labor mobility (1980–1991) (半)边缘国家的技术出口:南斯拉夫-伊朗工业合作和劳动力流动的案例(1980-1991)
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2173728
D. Jovanović, D. Stojmenović
ABSTRACT The paper explores experiences of temporary labor migration that entailed Yugoslav export of know-how (highly skilled knowledge and expertise) between 1980 and 1991, a result of industrial collaboration between Mining and Smelting Combine Bor, a state-owned copper-processing ‘giant’ in former Yugoslavia, and the biggest copper company in Iran, National Iranian Copper Industries Company. Based on interviews with individuals engaged in the Yugoslav project, supplemented by analysis of documents and historic newspapers from that period, the paper analyzes everyday practices of managerial bureaucratic improvisations and improvisations at work. The article shows how such improvisations helped overcome excessive and rigid Yugoslav socialist bureaucracy and made Yugoslav entrepreneurial capitalist ventures possible. Moreover, it argues that the export of know-how was constitutive of silent acceptances of reproduction of capitalist relations, which helped consolidate the process of liberalization of the socialist market in the late 1980s. We argue that such temporary labor migration and the often improvised work carried out by the Yugoslav workers cannot be seen as a resistance or alternative to the Western/Northern hegemonies. Rather, we argue that such practices were facilitators of the capitalist ventures at semi-peripheries.
本文探讨了1980年至1991年期间南斯拉夫临时劳动力迁移的经验,这涉及到前南斯拉夫国有铜加工“巨头”博尔矿业和冶炼联合公司与伊朗最大的铜公司伊朗国家铜工业公司之间的工业合作,这是1980年至1991年间南斯拉夫出口专有技术(高技能知识和专业知识)的结果。基于对参与南斯拉夫项目的个人的采访,辅以对该时期文件和历史报纸的分析,本文分析了管理官僚即兴创作和工作即兴创作的日常实践。这篇文章展示了这种即兴创作如何帮助克服了南斯拉夫过度和僵化的社会主义官僚主义,并使南斯拉夫的企业家资本主义企业成为可能。此外,它还认为,技术诀窍的出口构成了对资本主义关系再生产的沉默接受,这有助于巩固1980年代后期社会主义市场的自由化进程。我们认为,这种临时的劳动力迁移和南斯拉夫工人经常进行的临时工作不能被视为对西方/北方霸权的抵抗或替代。相反,我们认为,这些做法是资本主义在半边缘地区冒险的推动者。
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引用次数: 0
Development phases of U.S. employment anti-discrimination law and reflections on its dilemmas from the perspective of China 美国就业反歧视法的发展阶段及中国视角下的困境思考
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2182436
Haonan Yang
ABSTRACT The United States (U.S.) is an inescapable setting for Chinese scholars to study employment anti-discrimination law. They often analyse the U.S. law from different and even diametrically opposite perspectives. The systematic study of the law has theoretical and practical implications. The evolution of the U.S. law can be divided into three phases: the emergence and rise phase from the 1960s to the 1970s, the contraction and innovation phase during the 1980s, and the overall expansion and partial retraction phase from the 1990s onward. The U.S. employment anti-discrimination law is now constricted by the coexistence of effective regulation of explicit discrimination and insufficient regulation of implicit discrimination, decreasing success rates, increasing caseloads of employment discrimination suits, and an increase in the number of employment discrimination disputes resolved through alternate dispute resolution. The contribution of the U.S. law to expanding the breadth and depth of the right to fair employment opportunities, improving the burden of proof standard for employment discrimination disputes, and establishing a robust labour market competition mechanism can be used as a reference for other countries such as China.
美国是中国学者研究就业反歧视法不可避免的环境。他们经常从不同甚至完全相反的角度分析美国法律。对法律的系统研究具有理论和实践意义。美国法律的演变可以分为三个阶段:20世纪60年代至70年代的出现和兴起阶段,20世纪80年代的收缩和创新阶段,以及20世纪90年代以来的整体扩张和部分收缩阶段。对显性歧视的有效监管与对隐性歧视的监管不足并存,就业歧视诉讼的成功率下降,案件数量增加,通过替代性争议解决的就业歧视纠纷数量增加,美国就业反歧视法目前受到掣肘。美国法律在拓展公平就业机会权的广度和深度、完善就业歧视纠纷举证责任标准、建立健全劳动力市场竞争机制等方面的贡献值得中国等其他国家借鉴。
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引用次数: 1
Wage inequality and economic growth. A reassessment of the effects of Francoist developmentalism on income distribution in Spain 工资不平等和经济增长。重新评估弗朗哥主义发展主义对西班牙收入分配的影响
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2182435
Pablo Gutiérrez González
ABSTRACT The relationship between economic development and inequality has been closely examined by researchers. From the seminal work of Kuznets to the more recent work of Piketty, market forces in boom cycles, on the one hand, and institutional action, on the other, have been featured as the main drivers of change in income distribution towards more egalitarian societies. In the Spanish case, previous research has described varied processes with regard to the period of growth that followed the approval of the Stabilisation Plan during the Franco dictatorship (1959–1973). Thus, Alcaide reportedly detected a limited capacity of the developmentalist growth model to reduce inequality, which he attributed to institutional limitations. In contrast, later studies have highlighted the decline in inequality during the same period. This paper aims to investigate the effects of this growth cycle by examining the behaviour of wages in the most dynamic sector of the Spanish economy, industry. Specifically, by using the wage survey compiled by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística, the paper nuances previous research and shows how despite explosive growth, the developmentalist model and the peculiar institutional framework built within the Franco dictatorship contributed to increasing wage dispersion and income inequality in most industrial sectors.
经济发展与不平等之间的关系已被研究人员仔细研究。从库兹涅茨(Kuznets)的开创性工作到皮凯蒂(Piketty)最近的工作,一方面是繁荣周期中的市场力量,另一方面是制度行动,一直被认为是收入分配朝着更平等的社会变化的主要驱动力。以西班牙为例,先前的研究描述了佛朗哥独裁统治期间(1959-1973)批准稳定计划后的增长时期的各种过程。因此,据报道,阿尔凯德发现了发展主义增长模式在减少不平等方面的有限能力,他将其归因于制度限制。相比之下,后来的研究强调了同一时期不平等程度的下降。本文旨在通过研究西班牙经济中最具活力的部门——工业——的工资行为,来研究这一增长周期的影响。具体来说,通过使用国家研究院Estadística编制的工资调查,论文对之前的研究进行了细微的修改,并展示了尽管经济爆炸式增长,但发展主义模式和佛朗哥独裁时期建立的特殊制度框架如何加剧了大多数工业部门的工资分散和收入不平等。
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引用次数: 1
Book review of Crandell and Jennings on disability rights, politics, and workers 克兰德尔和詹宁斯关于残疾人权利、政治和工人的书评
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2166392
Nate Holdren
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引用次数: 0
Post-colonial structure of the Indian garment industry and its role in maintaining the precarity of women workers 印度服装工业的后殖民结构及其在维持女工不稳定方面的作用
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2163382
Saumya Devraj
ABSTRACT Neoliberal policies and decentralization of production activities in developing countries have been blamed for the ever-increasing precarity of labor in India since the late twentieth century. Precarious labor, however, had long been a characteristic feature of the Indian garment industry before it actively participated in neoliberal global garment trade in the 1970s and 1980s. This study examines policies that shaped the Indian garment industry in the post-colonial period from 1947 and their effects on production, employment patterns, and women’s work. It employs the Indian Government’s official industry censuses and employment survey reports. Accordingly, the policy of small-scale garment production was backed by benevolent aims of reviving traditional Indian crafts and maximizing employment. However, it yielded a fragmented industrial structure and a pool of precarious labor from a poverty-stricken population. Gender-based social stereotypes further enabled a socio-economically disempowered female workforce. The neoliberal policies that gained ground with the industry’s increasing export orientation exacerbated the precarious working conditions rooted in indigenous policy-making and social mindset. Locating labor precarity and women’s vulnerability within this complex mesh of local and global factors offers an improved framework for testing how neoliberal policies maneuver them to influence production and employment patterns in today’s garment industry.
自20世纪后期以来,发展中国家的新自由主义政策和生产活动的分散化一直被指责为印度劳动力日益不稳定的原因。然而,在20世纪70年代和80年代积极参与新自由主义的全球服装贸易之前,不稳定的劳动一直是印度服装业的一个特征。本研究考察了1947年以来后殖民时期塑造印度服装业的政策,以及这些政策对生产、就业模式和妇女工作的影响。它采用印度政府的官方行业普查和就业调查报告。因此,小规模服装生产的政策得到了复兴传统印度工艺和最大化就业的善意目标的支持。然而,它造成了支离破碎的产业结构和大量贫困人口的不稳定劳动力。基于性别的社会陈规定型观念进一步使女性劳动力在社会经济上被剥夺了权力。新自由主义政策随着该行业日益增加的出口导向而获得支持,加剧了植根于当地政策制定和社会心态的不稳定工作条件。将劳动不稳定性和妇女的脆弱性置于本地和全球因素的复杂网络中,为测试新自由主义政策如何操纵它们影响当今服装行业的生产和就业模式提供了一个改进的框架。
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引用次数: 0
Harry Bridges: Labor Radical, Labor Legend 哈里·布里奇斯:激进的劳工,传奇的劳工
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2166383
D. Chambers
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引用次数: 0
‘For peace and defence of the Soviet Union’: the leadership of British Communism in the Popular Front era, 1935–1939 “为了和平与保卫苏联”:1935-1939年人民阵线时代英国共产主义的领导
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2190963
J. McIlroy, A. Campbell
ABSTRACT This prosopographical investigation of the Central Committee (CC) of the British Communist Party during the Popular Front era analyses the origins, occupations, political careers and destinations of the 47 Communists who served on the CC in these years. The transition from Third Period leftism to class collaboration found minimal reflection in the characteristics of the Communist leadership, which remained in line with those of the preceding cohort. The Popular Front group was slightly older, the percentage of women declined and attention to the middle class saw only marginal increase in the numbers that experienced higher education. There were more Scots, fewer English while turnover remained high. ‘Debutantes’ were younger and relatively raw compared with the ‘Continuation Group’ − 40% of newcomers had joined the CPGB during the Third Period. However, a ‘core’ whose CC service stretched back to the early 1920s and a ‘core of the core’ who endured into the 1950s ensured continuity. The integration of CC members into the party bureaucracy observed in earlier years was maintained: 75% of CC representatives occupied full-time posts. Previous articles provided life histories of the ‘Continuation Group’; the biographical focus here is on the ‘Debutantes’. But the majority of committee members were ‘practical’ working-class activists. Executors of policy, in the end they left theory and strategy to the Comintern and the Soviet elite.
摘要本次对民阵时期英国共产党中央委员会的亲社会调查,分析了这些年在中央委员会任职的47名共产党人的出身、职业、政治生涯和目的地。从第三时期的左派到阶级合作的转变,在共产党领导层的特征中发现了最小的反映,这与前一代的特征保持一致。人民阵线的年龄稍大,女性比例下降,受过高等教育的人数对中产阶级的关注只略有增加。苏格兰人更多,英国人更少,而人员流动率仍然很高与“延续小组”相比,初出茅庐的人更年轻,也相对原始——40%的新人在第三时期加入了CPGB。然而,CC服务可以追溯到20世纪20年代初的“核心”和持续到20世纪50年代的“核心中的核心”确保了连续性。保持了前几年观察到的CC成员与党的官僚机构的融合:75%的CC代表担任全职职位。以前的文章提供了“延续小组”的生活史;这里的传记重点是“出道者”。但委员会的大多数成员都是“务实”的工人阶级活动家。作为政策的执行者,他们最终把理论和战略留给了共产国际和苏联精英。
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引用次数: 0
From forced to coerced labour: displaced mothers and teen girls in post-World War II Australia 从强迫劳动到强迫劳动:二战后澳大利亚流离失所的母亲和少女
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2130212
Karen Agutter, C. Kevin
ABSTRACT At the end of World War Two 1.2 million people were officially labelled Displaced Persons (DPs). Stateless, or refusing to return home, the majority were resettled in other countries including Australia which, like most receiving nations, saw these refugees primarily as a labour force for post-war economic recovery and expansion. However, unlike other nations, DPs destined for Australia signed a work contract which committed them to two years of assigned labour after arrival. This paper considers two specific subsets of these DPs, the ‘unsupported mothers’ (single, widowed, and divorced mothers with young children) and female unaccompanied teenagers. It illuminates the intersections of gender and displacement on the labour status of female DPs in post-war Australia and traces the continuities of coerced labour in their experiences of war and migration. We argue that the early life of female DPs in Australia provides an example of a continuum of forced and coerced labour which had begun under the shadow of war in Nazi Germany and continued after migration.
在第二次世界大战结束时,120万人被官方贴上了流离失所者(DPs)的标签。无国籍或拒绝返回家园,大多数人被重新安置在包括澳大利亚在内的其他国家,这些国家像大多数接收国一样,主要将这些难民视为战后经济复苏和扩张的劳动力。然而,与其他国家不同的是,前往澳大利亚的难民签署了一份工作合同,承诺他们在抵达后要做两年的指定劳动。本文考虑了这些流离失所者的两个特定子集,“不受抚养的母亲”(单身、丧偶和离异的带着年幼孩子的母亲)和女性无人陪伴的青少年。它阐明了性别和流离失所对战后澳大利亚女性流离失所者劳动地位的交叉点,并追溯了她们在战争和移民经历中强迫劳动的连续性。我们认为,澳大利亚女性难民的早期生活提供了一个连续的强迫和强迫劳动的例子,这种劳动始于纳粹德国战争的阴影下,并在移民后继续下去。
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引用次数: 0
‘“The most troubled time in our history”: the presidency of Douglas Fraser and the decline of the UAW.’ “我们历史上最困难的时期”:道格拉斯·弗雷泽的总统任期和全美汽车工人联合会的衰落。
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-25 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2156989
Timothy J. Minchin
ABSTRACT This article explores the presidency of Douglas Fraser, who led the United Automobile Workers, America’s largest industrial union, from 1977–83. Unlike long-serving leader Walter Reuther, Fraser has received little scholarly attention, yet he headed the union at a decisive time. Between 1979 and 1983, the industry experienced a severe economic downturn, setting the stage for long-term decline. By 1982, over one-third of U.S. autoworkers were jobless. In these years, the union also approved its first contracts containing concessions, giving up $4 billion overall. In following decades, givebacks were common. This article argues that the Fraser era was a crucial one, for both the UAW and American workers broadly, whose post-1980 experience was framed by declining union density and increased economic insecurity. The first account to use detailed archival records of Fraser's presidency, including personal correspondence, UAW executive board minutes, and inter-union files, it uncovers how the union’s fortunes changed dramatically during six decisive years. In many respects these years represented a turning point, straddling the era of bargaining gains – which occurred under Reuther and initially under Fraser – through to the concessions and layoffs of the early 1980s. This was, Fraser concluded, “the most troubled time in our history.”
摘要本文探讨了美国最大的工业联盟汽车工人联合会(United Automobile Workers)主席道格拉斯·弗雷泽(Douglas Fraser)在1977年至83年间的工作经历。与长期任职的领导人沃尔特·鲁瑟不同,弗雷泽很少受到学术界的关注,但他在一个决定性的时刻领导着工会。1979年至1983年间,该行业经历了严重的经济衰退,为长期衰退奠定了基础。到1982年,超过三分之一的美国汽车工人失业。这些年来,工会还批准了第一份包含特许权的合同,总共放弃了40亿美元。在接下来的几十年里,回馈是普遍的。这篇文章认为,弗雷泽时代对美国汽车工人联合会和美国工人来说都是至关重要的时代,他们1980年后的经历是由工会密度下降和经济不安全加剧所决定的。第一个使用弗雷泽总统任期详细档案记录的账户,包括个人信件、美国汽车工人联合会执行委员会会议记录和工会间档案,揭示了工会在六个决定性的年份里的命运是如何发生巨大变化的。在许多方面,这些年代表了一个转折点,跨越了谈判收益的时代——发生在Reuther和Fraser的领导下——直到20世纪80年代初的让步和裁员。弗雷泽总结道,这是“我们历史上最麻烦的时刻。”
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引用次数: 0
From ‘virtuous’ to ‘subhuman’: representations of Italian peasants between the 1860s and the 1880s 从“善良”到“劣等”:19世纪60年代至80年代意大利农民的代表
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2153113
Giulio Taccetti
ABSTRACT This article reconstructs the representations and narratives of the rural world produced by the Italian dominant elite, especially the agrarian, during the period from Unification to the agrarian crisis of the 1880s, through the analysis of numerous published and unpublished sources. During this crucial period of transition, the idealized version of the peasant as a repository of ancient virtue was replaced by another, which cast the shadow of biological inferiority over the rural class. I argue that this process resulted from the influence of Lombrosian ideas then spreading through the society, in addition to the growth of socialism, and the economic, political, and social changes underway primarily in the north, where rural areas saw the implementation of a capitalist system. The analysis of this transformation sheds new light on the history of the Italian ruling class of the 1800s, highlighting the reactionary views and class-consciousness of the society.
摘要本文通过对大量已发表和未发表的资料的分析,重构了从统一时期到19世纪80年代土地危机期间,意大利统治精英(尤其是农民)对农村世界的表述和叙述。在这个关键的转型时期,农民作为古代美德的宝库的理想化版本被另一个版本所取代,这在农村阶级身上投下了生物自卑的阴影。我认为,除了社会主义的发展,以及主要在北方农村地区实施资本主义制度的经济、政治和社会变革之外,这一过程还源于当时在社会中传播的隆布罗斯思想的影响。对这一转变的分析揭示了19世纪意大利统治阶级的历史,突出了社会的反动观点和阶级意识。
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引用次数: 0
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Labor History
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