Pub Date : 2023-03-07DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2187765
Alexis Henshaw
ABSTRACT Labor history and international relations (IR) each offer insights regarding the extent to which women contribute to non-state armed groups and the value of their labor. Yet questions remain about how agency in joining armed movements – and, conversely, the forced participation of women – are operationalized and even fetishized by observers. Positivist empirical work in IR has operationalized agency and coercion as a dichotomy in gendered wartime labor, implying that where women’s labor is coerced it may have a lesser impact on the conduct of conflict or conflict outcomes. This paper challenges the existence of an agency-coercion binary, drawing on the case of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Analyzing archival sources in a manner informed by both feminist international relations and labor history scholarship, I show the complex interplay of agency and coercion in women’s lived experience within a non-state armed group. I further reflect on how a temporal understanding of labor relations, examining coercion and choice at the moments of entry, work, and exit, contributes to a more complete understanding of the gender dynamics of wartime labor.
{"title":"De-centering dichotomies in wartime labor: trajectories of gender, coercion, and agency in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (1964-2016)","authors":"Alexis Henshaw","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2187765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2187765","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Labor history and international relations (IR) each offer insights regarding the extent to which women contribute to non-state armed groups and the value of their labor. Yet questions remain about how agency in joining armed movements – and, conversely, the forced participation of women – are operationalized and even fetishized by observers. Positivist empirical work in IR has operationalized agency and coercion as a dichotomy in gendered wartime labor, implying that where women’s labor is coerced it may have a lesser impact on the conduct of conflict or conflict outcomes. This paper challenges the existence of an agency-coercion binary, drawing on the case of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Analyzing archival sources in a manner informed by both feminist international relations and labor history scholarship, I show the complex interplay of agency and coercion in women’s lived experience within a non-state armed group. I further reflect on how a temporal understanding of labor relations, examining coercion and choice at the moments of entry, work, and exit, contributes to a more complete understanding of the gender dynamics of wartime labor.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48566754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2180626
Gülay Yılmaz
ABSTRACT Until the late sixteenth century, the devşirme system was the main method of manning the janissary army. This was no simple conscription. It required an intense process of identity formation that transformed adolescent Christian boys into Muslim warriors fighting for Islam and the sultan. The training that the boys and young men received was composed of several aspects, including coerced labor, disciplined and harsh physical training, the learning of Turkish and Islamic practices, and a mental formation that would give them a certain perception of their manhood. This article examines these prominent components of janissary training. First, it investigates the function of coerced labor in the boys’ transformation, followed by a discussion of the centrality of structured and intensive training with weapons to become professional warriors. Second, it examines the masculine identity formed by the communal way of life in the barracks as soldiers and by notions of military prowess, brotherhood, and comrade solidarity that were strengthened through Bektashism. These dynamics are investigated through an examination of archival sources, chronicles, travelers’ writings, and poems by janissary poets.
{"title":"Janissaries in the making: coerced labor and chivalric masculinity in the early modern Ottoman Empire","authors":"Gülay Yılmaz","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2180626","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2180626","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Until the late sixteenth century, the devşirme system was the main method of manning the janissary army. This was no simple conscription. It required an intense process of identity formation that transformed adolescent Christian boys into Muslim warriors fighting for Islam and the sultan. The training that the boys and young men received was composed of several aspects, including coerced labor, disciplined and harsh physical training, the learning of Turkish and Islamic practices, and a mental formation that would give them a certain perception of their manhood. This article examines these prominent components of janissary training. First, it investigates the function of coerced labor in the boys’ transformation, followed by a discussion of the centrality of structured and intensive training with weapons to become professional warriors. Second, it examines the masculine identity formed by the communal way of life in the barracks as soldiers and by notions of military prowess, brotherhood, and comrade solidarity that were strengthened through Bektashism. These dynamics are investigated through an examination of archival sources, chronicles, travelers’ writings, and poems by janissary poets.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42389154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208047
Yajuan Liu, Yifan Shi
ABSTRACT Following the takeover of Shanghai, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used ‘generation’ as a key regulatory technique to mold the working class into a reliable leading class. From 1949 to late 1952, through a series of political movements, junior workers (qinggong), who had been professionally incompetent, were granted the identity of ‘activists’ and elevated to a politically superior position over senior workers (lao gongren). From late 1952, however, the CCP became reliant on skilled senior workers after the consolidation of the new order and the launch of industrialization. During the handling of the 1956–1957 Shanghai Strike, the CCP protected senior workers and blamed junior workers, thus finalizing the logic of ‘junior workers learning from senior workers,’ which persisted until the eve of the Cultural Revolution. This article argues that the CCP strategically divided the working class into junior and senior workers and employed generational politics as a tool for regulating the working class.
{"title":"Generational politics: revolution versus production in Shanghai factories in the early years of the people’s republic of China","authors":"Yajuan Liu, Yifan Shi","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208047","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the takeover of Shanghai, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used ‘generation’ as a key regulatory technique to mold the working class into a reliable leading class. From 1949 to late 1952, through a series of political movements, junior workers (qinggong), who had been professionally incompetent, were granted the identity of ‘activists’ and elevated to a politically superior position over senior workers (lao gongren). From late 1952, however, the CCP became reliant on skilled senior workers after the consolidation of the new order and the launch of industrialization. During the handling of the 1956–1957 Shanghai Strike, the CCP protected senior workers and blamed junior workers, thus finalizing the logic of ‘junior workers learning from senior workers,’ which persisted until the eve of the Cultural Revolution. This article argues that the CCP strategically divided the working class into junior and senior workers and employed generational politics as a tool for regulating the working class.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49137190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208077
Andrekos Varnava
ABSTRACT Why did the Australian far-left, namely the Communist Party of Australia (CPA), and the left-wing of the Australian Labor Party (ALP-left), support Cypriot enosis (union with Greece), when it was led by a violent far-right nationalist group, EOKA, and Greece was a repressive right-wing state? There are two aspects to answering this question: the ideological-intellectual and the political-electoral. Intellectually, the CPA and the ALP-left favoured their anti-imperialism and support for left-wing national liberation over any qualms in supporting far-right nationalist causes. Politically, they saw an electoral opportunity in courting left-wing and potential left-wing Greek-speaking migrants from Greece and Cyprus and championing both their labour and perceived ‘national’ causes. In doing so, they engaged with the Greek-speaking migrant labouring classes and gave prominence to their perceived ‘national’ struggles. This article considers why and how the Australian far-left in the form of the CPA and ALP-left became involved in the enosis politics of Greek Cypriots and the violent struggle of a small far-right minority in the island, while attempting to court the votes of left-wing Greek-speaking migrants, by supporting them in what they accepted was their ‘national’ cause – the ‘liberation’ of Cyprus and its enosis with Greece.
{"title":"Understanding the support from the Australian far-left and ALP-Left for Greek Cypriot enosis during the EOKA period (1955-59): migrant workers, anti-imperialism and national liberation in Australia","authors":"Andrekos Varnava","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208077","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why did the Australian far-left, namely the Communist Party of Australia (CPA), and the left-wing of the Australian Labor Party (ALP-left), support Cypriot enosis (union with Greece), when it was led by a violent far-right nationalist group, EOKA, and Greece was a repressive right-wing state? There are two aspects to answering this question: the ideological-intellectual and the political-electoral. Intellectually, the CPA and the ALP-left favoured their anti-imperialism and support for left-wing national liberation over any qualms in supporting far-right nationalist causes. Politically, they saw an electoral opportunity in courting left-wing and potential left-wing Greek-speaking migrants from Greece and Cyprus and championing both their labour and perceived ‘national’ causes. In doing so, they engaged with the Greek-speaking migrant labouring classes and gave prominence to their perceived ‘national’ struggles. This article considers why and how the Australian far-left in the form of the CPA and ALP-left became involved in the enosis politics of Greek Cypriots and the violent struggle of a small far-right minority in the island, while attempting to court the votes of left-wing Greek-speaking migrants, by supporting them in what they accepted was their ‘national’ cause – the ‘liberation’ of Cyprus and its enosis with Greece.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43094620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2210858
J. Holland
{"title":"Labour Rights and the Catholic Church: The International Labour Organization, the Holy See, and Catholic Social Teaching","authors":"J. Holland","doi":"10.1080/0023656x.2023.2210858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2023.2210858","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43706402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2210856
D. Chambers
{"title":"Under the Iron Heel: the Wobblies and the capitalist war on radical workers","authors":"D. Chambers","doi":"10.1080/0023656x.2023.2210856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2023.2210856","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46614207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2201697
J. McGuire
ABSTRACT While T.H. Marshall’s famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists’ goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state’s protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933.
{"title":"Before T.H. Marshall: the conceptualization of industrial citizenship in the United States, 1900–1920","authors":"J. McGuire","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2201697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2201697","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While T.H. Marshall’s famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists’ goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state’s protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47813953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2185598
Y. Papadopoulos, Giota Tourgeli
ABSTRACT In 1954 the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) launched a program for the recruitment of domestic workers from Greece for Canada, Australia and New Zealand. ICEM gave single women of rural background and with scarce resources the opportunity to migrate and later sponsor the migration of their relatives. Furthermore, ICEM assisted them with orientation and language courses, training programs and loans, and oversaw their transportation and recruitment, as well as of their adjustment to work and life in economically and “culturally” developed countries. In doing so, the Committee tried to imbue women from the periphery of the “Free World” with “superior” western technical skills, cultural values and modern behavioral patterns that reproduced the dominant gender, ethnic, race and class prejudices of the destination countries. The article highlights the way receiving states expanded their capacity to control their borders and select the “qualities” of their foreign female workforce, by standardizing their skills, behaviors and rights. By comparing the implementation of the scheme in three British Commonwealth countries, it problematizes the role of the international organizations in the construction of labor patterns and the dissemination of hegemonic Western gendered economic, social and cultural scripts in a peripheral European country. It also explores the changes brought about by the ICEM in domestic work and women’s response to intergovernmental migration planning.
{"title":"Gendering migration in a patriarchal society: assisted female migration from Greece during the early post-war period","authors":"Y. Papadopoulos, Giota Tourgeli","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2185598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2185598","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1954 the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) launched a program for the recruitment of domestic workers from Greece for Canada, Australia and New Zealand. ICEM gave single women of rural background and with scarce resources the opportunity to migrate and later sponsor the migration of their relatives. Furthermore, ICEM assisted them with orientation and language courses, training programs and loans, and oversaw their transportation and recruitment, as well as of their adjustment to work and life in economically and “culturally” developed countries. In doing so, the Committee tried to imbue women from the periphery of the “Free World” with “superior” western technical skills, cultural values and modern behavioral patterns that reproduced the dominant gender, ethnic, race and class prejudices of the destination countries. The article highlights the way receiving states expanded their capacity to control their borders and select the “qualities” of their foreign female workforce, by standardizing their skills, behaviors and rights. By comparing the implementation of the scheme in three British Commonwealth countries, it problematizes the role of the international organizations in the construction of labor patterns and the dissemination of hegemonic Western gendered economic, social and cultural scripts in a peripheral European country. It also explores the changes brought about by the ICEM in domestic work and women’s response to intergovernmental migration planning.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49482518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2183186
J. E. Rodríguez Hernández
ABSTRACT This paper provides empirical evidence on the effect that occupational segregation by gender (excessive or insufficient representation of women/men in certain occupations) has on the probability of employment and underemployment of women in Spain in 2008 and 2018. The results seem to contradict the findings of previous studies and show that in female-dominated occupations, there is a greater risk of underemployment only for wage earners in the private sector, but not for wage earners in the public sector. In this type of occupation, seniority, working in the private sector and living with an employed partner with higher education are the factors that have the greatest influence on the probability of underemployment.
{"title":"How occupational segregation by gender affects female underemployment in Spain","authors":"J. E. Rodríguez Hernández","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2183186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2183186","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper provides empirical evidence on the effect that occupational segregation by gender (excessive or insufficient representation of women/men in certain occupations) has on the probability of employment and underemployment of women in Spain in 2008 and 2018. The results seem to contradict the findings of previous studies and show that in female-dominated occupations, there is a greater risk of underemployment only for wage earners in the private sector, but not for wage earners in the public sector. In this type of occupation, seniority, working in the private sector and living with an employed partner with higher education are the factors that have the greatest influence on the probability of underemployment.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49364590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-23DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2180625
Rory Archer
ABSTRACT This contribution explores the case of Yugoslav Albanians working in the private sector in late socialist Croatia and the ways in which their involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast was shaped by Yugoslavia’s position in the Cold War context as well as domestic political dynamics. Such dynamics include the securitization of Albanians across the country following the violently quelled 1981 student demonstrations in Kosovo and the perennial suspicion held by the authorities towards private business in general, and Albanian owned private businesses in particular. The key argument advanced is that Albanian involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast, as well connections to diaspora communities in Western Europe, facilitated (micro)economic activity and mobility between nonaligned Yugoslavia, capitalist liberal democracies of Western Europe and, increasingly, by the 1980s, neighboring Warsaw Pact states. Methodologically, the research is based on the triangulation of archival documents, regional printed press and oral history interviews to demonstrate how Yugoslavia’s liminal non-aligned position and market socialist economy offered opportunity (as well as notable constraints) to Albanian private business owners and their workforces in the Cold War era and its immediate aftermath.
{"title":"Albanian labor migration, the Yugoslav private sector and its Cold War context","authors":"Rory Archer","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2180625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2180625","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This contribution explores the case of Yugoslav Albanians working in the private sector in late socialist Croatia and the ways in which their involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast was shaped by Yugoslavia’s position in the Cold War context as well as domestic political dynamics. Such dynamics include the securitization of Albanians across the country following the violently quelled 1981 student demonstrations in Kosovo and the perennial suspicion held by the authorities towards private business in general, and Albanian owned private businesses in particular. The key argument advanced is that Albanian involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast, as well connections to diaspora communities in Western Europe, facilitated (micro)economic activity and mobility between nonaligned Yugoslavia, capitalist liberal democracies of Western Europe and, increasingly, by the 1980s, neighboring Warsaw Pact states. Methodologically, the research is based on the triangulation of archival documents, regional printed press and oral history interviews to demonstrate how Yugoslavia’s liminal non-aligned position and market socialist economy offered opportunity (as well as notable constraints) to Albanian private business owners and their workforces in the Cold War era and its immediate aftermath.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49258039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：