Pub Date : 2022-12-05DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2148640
Christian Jacobs
ABSTRACT The paper analyzes how (post)-migrant media outlets discussed the position of (post)-migrant people in France. (Post)-migrant media are periodicals, radio stations, and other forms of media produced by (post)-migrant actors and addressed to them. I argue that changes in the Global Cold War order, French national politics, and social changes in French (post)-migrant communities fostered a transition from anti-imperialist to multicultural understandings of migration in the examined media. The paper shows how these changes affected the experiences and identities of (post)-migrant people and adds a global history perspective to existing explanations about generational change and national political developments. It tracks how (post)-migrant media offered a space to negotiate the position in France against the backdrop of global developments such as the Cold War, decolonization, the disillusion with postcolonial governments, and the rising human rights movement.
{"title":"From anti-imperialism to multiculturalism. (Post)-migrant media in postcolonial France","authors":"Christian Jacobs","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2022.2148640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2022.2148640","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper analyzes how (post)-migrant media outlets discussed the position of (post)-migrant people in France. (Post)-migrant media are periodicals, radio stations, and other forms of media produced by (post)-migrant actors and addressed to them. I argue that changes in the Global Cold War order, French national politics, and social changes in French (post)-migrant communities fostered a transition from anti-imperialist to multicultural understandings of migration in the examined media. The paper shows how these changes affected the experiences and identities of (post)-migrant people and adds a global history perspective to existing explanations about generational change and national political developments. It tracks how (post)-migrant media offered a space to negotiate the position in France against the backdrop of global developments such as the Cold War, decolonization, the disillusion with postcolonial governments, and the rising human rights movement.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"64 1","pages":"373 - 386"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44643007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-23DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2022.2147912
E. Brooks
ABSTRACT This article explores the formation and operation of an auxiliary police agency, the City Patrol Corps, created by Mayor Fiorello La Guardia in New York City during World War II. It mines the organization’s internal documents to argue that during the war New York City leaders coerced civilian men to serve in the auxiliary police force, which, in turn, exerted a coercive power over residents of the city. Both of these dynamics comprised part of a process of militarization and expanded criminalization in the city during the war, which was common in cities across the United States during these years, and which this article contends was justified through coercive patriotism. The article further explores the role of gender and race in informing New Yorkers’ motivations to join the City Patrol Corps, their experiences in the organization, and their perceptions of criminality and disorder. In the context of the war mobilization, city leaders argued that surveilling its streets and preventing crime and disorder was an essential component of the war effort. As La Guardia declared in 1940, ‘the maintenance of law and order in our large cities is one of the most important functions of our National Defense Program.’
摘要本文探讨了第二次世界大战期间，纽约市市长Fiorello La Guardia创建的一个辅助警察机构——城市巡逻队的组建和运作。它挖掘了该组织的内部文件，辩称在战争期间，纽约市领导人强迫平民加入辅警部队，辅警部队反过来对该市居民施加了强制力。这两种动态都是战争期间该市军事化和扩大刑事定罪过程的一部分，这在这些年美国各地的城市都很常见，本文认为这是通过强制性爱国主义来证明的。这篇文章进一步探讨了性别和种族在告知纽约人加入城市巡逻队的动机、他们在该组织的经历以及他们对犯罪和混乱的看法方面的作用。在战争动员的背景下，城市领导人认为，监视街道、防止犯罪和混乱是战争努力的重要组成部分。正如拉瓜迪亚在1940年宣布的那样，“维护我们大城市的法律和秩序是我们国防计划最重要的职能之一。”
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Pub Date : 2022-11-23DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2022.2147911
Nina Kathleen Roberts
{"title":"Port Arthur’s post-probation labour gangs, 1856-1877: the aged and ailing remnants of the convict system or skilled and productive workers?","authors":"Nina Kathleen Roberts","doi":"10.1080/0023656x.2022.2147911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2022.2147911","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47490392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-11DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2146077
Deborah Barton
ABSTRACT This article examines the role of local, female propagandists utilized by the German army on the Eastern Front during WWII. Although the work they undertook aligned with postwar notions of collaboration, the propagandists’ experiences at the hands of the Wehrmacht, in a context of a violent war and repressive occupation, constitutes coerced labour in multiple forms. Regardless of the women’s motivations for working for the Wehrmacht, they entered a relationship of domination and dependence with the occupation force. While female propagandists numbered far fewer than their male counterparts, they held a particular importance for German high command who believed that their “feminine” traits, such as empathy and charm, helped the Wehrmacht influence and control the largely female civilian population. At the same time, their work on the frontlines encouraging Red Army soldiers to defect crossed traditional gender boundaries. In this task too, the women were valued for their gender with German authorities believing that Soviet soldiers, largely deprived of female contact, would be particularly receptive to the charm of a woman’s voice. Such coerced labor on behalf of the Wehrmacht rendered these women vulnerable not only to German violence, but also to Soviet accusations of collaboration and its associated reprisals.
{"title":"‘A female voice is instrumental’: gender, propaganda, and coerced labor on the Eastern Front, 1943-1945","authors":"Deborah Barton","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2022.2146077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2022.2146077","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the role of local, female propagandists utilized by the German army on the Eastern Front during WWII. Although the work they undertook aligned with postwar notions of collaboration, the propagandists’ experiences at the hands of the Wehrmacht, in a context of a violent war and repressive occupation, constitutes coerced labour in multiple forms. Regardless of the women’s motivations for working for the Wehrmacht, they entered a relationship of domination and dependence with the occupation force. While female propagandists numbered far fewer than their male counterparts, they held a particular importance for German high command who believed that their “feminine” traits, such as empathy and charm, helped the Wehrmacht influence and control the largely female civilian population. At the same time, their work on the frontlines encouraging Red Army soldiers to defect crossed traditional gender boundaries. In this task too, the women were valued for their gender with German authorities believing that Soviet soldiers, largely deprived of female contact, would be particularly receptive to the charm of a woman’s voice. Such coerced labor on behalf of the Wehrmacht rendered these women vulnerable not only to German violence, but also to Soviet accusations of collaboration and its associated reprisals.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"64 1","pages":"304 - 320"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43721008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2152785
Ernesto M. Díaz Macías, Eduardo Abad García, Jon Las Heras
ABSTRACT This text introduces the readers of Labor History to the set of articles that make up the special issue entitled ‘Radical projects in the Comisiones Obreras (1958–1991)’. Through this collective work we aspire to outline the global dynamics that the revolutionary left developed in relation to Comisiones Obreras (CCOO) first as a socio-political movement, and later as a trade union confederation. In this way, we offer a general context to better understand the actions carried out by the militants of these organizations. In view of their decisions, we have classified this phenomenon into three major phases that allow us to understand the forgotten history of alternative projects within the trade union. The main lesson of this special issue is that the various strategies did not follow the same historical transformations and yielded different outcomes.
{"title":"The revolutionary left in Comisiones Obreras: an introduction","authors":"Ernesto M. Díaz Macías, Eduardo Abad García, Jon Las Heras","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2022.2152785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2022.2152785","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This text introduces the readers of Labor History to the set of articles that make up the special issue entitled ‘Radical projects in the Comisiones Obreras (1958–1991)’. Through this collective work we aspire to outline the global dynamics that the revolutionary left developed in relation to Comisiones Obreras (CCOO) first as a socio-political movement, and later as a trade union confederation. In this way, we offer a general context to better understand the actions carried out by the militants of these organizations. In view of their decisions, we have classified this phenomenon into three major phases that allow us to understand the forgotten history of alternative projects within the trade union. The main lesson of this special issue is that the various strategies did not follow the same historical transformations and yielded different outcomes.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"63 1","pages":"679 - 685"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48678721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2156990
Imanol Satrustegi Andres
ABSTRACT Confederación de Sindicatos Unitarios de Trabajadores (CSUT, Confederation of Unitary Workers’ Unions) and Sindicato Unitario (SU, Unitary Union) were two unions promoted by the largest Maoists parties in the Spain of 1970s: Partido del Trabajo de España (PTE, Labor Party of Spain) and the Organizacion Revolucionaria de Trabajadores (ORT, Workers’ Revolutionary Organisation), respectively. Both trade unions, if they had been presented together, would have been the third trade union force in Spain during the Transition to democracy. The following text presents two parts: In the first, a general approach to unitary unionism is set out, in order to understand its emergence, development, difficulties and disappearance. Through this text we will try to understand the unitary and assembly-based proposal of CSUT and SU in its context, considering the dynamics of the labor movement in the previous years, the change of cycle of the struggle of the revolutionary left, the transformations that were taking place in labor relations and the labor movement in the late 1970s. In the second part, however, we will focus on a specific case, that of Navarre, the region where these unions obtained the best results.
Sindicatos Unitarios de Trabajadores联盟（CSUT，统一工会联合会）和Sindicato Unitario（SU，统一工会）是20世纪70年代西班牙最大的毛主义政党推动的两个工会：西班牙劳动党（PTE，西班牙工党）和特拉巴贾多尔革命组织（ORT，工人革命组织），分别地如果这两个工会一起出现，它们将成为西班牙向民主过渡期间的第三支工会力量。全文分为两个部分：第一部分，对统一工会主义的产生、发展、困难和消失进行了概述。通过本文，我们将试图在其背景下理解CSUT和SU的统一和基于集会的提议，考虑到前几年劳工运动的动态、革命左派斗争周期的变化、1970年代末劳动关系和劳工运动中发生的转变。然而，在第二部分中，我们将重点关注一个具体的案例，即纳瓦拉，该地区的工会取得了最好的结果。
{"title":"Unitary unionism in the transition: a general approach from Navarre","authors":"Imanol Satrustegi Andres","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2022.2156990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2022.2156990","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Confederación de Sindicatos Unitarios de Trabajadores (CSUT, Confederation of Unitary Workers’ Unions) and Sindicato Unitario (SU, Unitary Union) were two unions promoted by the largest Maoists parties in the Spain of 1970s: Partido del Trabajo de España (PTE, Labor Party of Spain) and the Organizacion Revolucionaria de Trabajadores (ORT, Workers’ Revolutionary Organisation), respectively. Both trade unions, if they had been presented together, would have been the third trade union force in Spain during the Transition to democracy. The following text presents two parts: In the first, a general approach to unitary unionism is set out, in order to understand its emergence, development, difficulties and disappearance. Through this text we will try to understand the unitary and assembly-based proposal of CSUT and SU in its context, considering the dynamics of the labor movement in the previous years, the change of cycle of the struggle of the revolutionary left, the transformations that were taking place in labor relations and the labor movement in the late 1970s. In the second part, however, we will focus on a specific case, that of Navarre, the region where these unions obtained the best results.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"128 2","pages":"686 - 704"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41281467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2152784
Ernesto M. Díaz Macías
ABSTRACT This article aims to analyse the trade union trajectory of the Movimiento Comunista (MC) and of the Liga Comunista Revolucionaria (LCR) within the Comisiones Obreras (CCOO), the main workers’ organisation during the Transition. Both, the MC and the RCL actively participated in its construction, seeing the CCOO as the materialisation of the workers’ United Front (FU). Both organisations maintained relations within the CCOO for many years. These relations went through moments of collaboration and sympathy, moments of distancing and later moments of stable alliance against the Partido Comunista de España (PCE) inside of CCOO. From this alliance came the Izquierda Sindical (IS), a trade union platform which for many years brought together trade unionists from the two organisations until its absolute dissolution at the end of 1991. The history of their trade union intervention can help to better understand the history of these organisations, which are still in the process of being re-discovered by the academy.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2152783
Jon Las Heras, Ignacio Messina, Xabier Renteria-Uriarte
ABSTRACT The origin of the union ESK (Ezker Sindikalaren Konbergentzia) took place in the context of the Spanish Democratic Transition in the Basque Country and Navarre, when many radical unions and political parties emerged and disappeared. Its survival may help us trace better the effectiveness of union renewal strategies. Characterized by high conflict and mobilization rates at the company level, ESK militants sought to promote direct action and horizontal organizational structures standing at the opposite end of the model promoted by the new brand CCOO (Comisiones Obreras). The origin and development of ESK cannot be understood without the parallel analysis of the communist political party EMK (Euskadiko Mugimendu Komunista). ESK turned out to be the most effective and long-lasting materialization of EMK’s strategy of mass politics, and of what we conceive as a form of ‘integral militancy’ that is reflected in the immersion of union activists in ecologist, feminist, internationalist and anti-NATO struggles among others. EMK had a significant role in the promotion of unitary candidacies during the late 1970s and early 1980s, becoming the consolidation of a non-independentist non-centralized radical union model that continues to be referential among Basque struggles today.
摘要ESK（Ezker Sindikalaren Konbergentzia）联盟的起源是在巴斯克和纳瓦拉的西班牙民主过渡时期，当时许多激进的工会和政党出现和消失。它的生存可能有助于我们更好地追踪工会复兴战略的有效性。ESK武装分子的特点是公司层面的高冲突率和动员率，他们试图促进直接行动和横向组织结构，与新品牌CCOO（Comisiones Obreras）倡导的模式相反。如果没有共产党EMK（Euskadiko Mugimendu Komunista）的平行分析，就无法理解ESK的起源和发展。事实证明，ESK是EMK大众政治战略的最有效、最持久的具体化，也是我们所认为的一种“整体战斗力”的体现，这反映在工会活动家沉浸在生态学家、女权主义者、国际主义者和反北约斗争中。在20世纪70年代末和80年代初，EMK在促进统一候选人制度方面发挥了重要作用，成为非独立、非中央集权的激进联盟模式的巩固者，这种模式在今天的巴斯克斗争中仍然具有借鉴意义。
{"title":"The formation of Ezker Sindikalaren Konbergentzia: radical unitary unionism in the Basque Country and Navarre","authors":"Jon Las Heras, Ignacio Messina, Xabier Renteria-Uriarte","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2022.2152783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2022.2152783","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The origin of the union ESK (Ezker Sindikalaren Konbergentzia) took place in the context of the Spanish Democratic Transition in the Basque Country and Navarre, when many radical unions and political parties emerged and disappeared. Its survival may help us trace better the effectiveness of union renewal strategies. Characterized by high conflict and mobilization rates at the company level, ESK militants sought to promote direct action and horizontal organizational structures standing at the opposite end of the model promoted by the new brand CCOO (Comisiones Obreras). The origin and development of ESK cannot be understood without the parallel analysis of the communist political party EMK (Euskadiko Mugimendu Komunista). ESK turned out to be the most effective and long-lasting materialization of EMK’s strategy of mass politics, and of what we conceive as a form of ‘integral militancy’ that is reflected in the immersion of union activists in ecologist, feminist, internationalist and anti-NATO struggles among others. EMK had a significant role in the promotion of unitary candidacies during the late 1970s and early 1980s, becoming the consolidation of a non-independentist non-centralized radical union model that continues to be referential among Basque struggles today.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"63 1","pages":"705 - 724"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49622438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2147154
Eduardo Abad García
ABSTRACT The Czechoslovak crisis of 1968 resulted in the birth of a new phenomenon within Spanish communism. The criticism of the USSR, together with the gradual ideological and tactical moderation of the Communist Party of Spain, provoked the irruption of an internal dissidence whose common nexus was to vindicate the orthodoxy of identity. They were misnamed ‘pro-Soviets’ for their support of socialist camp. A particularly workerist current which developed its repertoires of socialization within the Comisiones Obreras trade union in a preeminent way. This article analyzes the trajectory of their trade union action throughout the 1970s and 1980s. For this purpose, and based on oral and newspaper sources, we examine their ideas, representations and symbols within this important social movement.
{"title":"A trade unionism of resistance: the dissidence of the orthodox communists in CCOO (1970-1989)","authors":"Eduardo Abad García","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2022.2147154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2022.2147154","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Czechoslovak crisis of 1968 resulted in the birth of a new phenomenon within Spanish communism. The criticism of the USSR, together with the gradual ideological and tactical moderation of the Communist Party of Spain, provoked the irruption of an internal dissidence whose common nexus was to vindicate the orthodoxy of identity. They were misnamed ‘pro-Soviets’ for their support of socialist camp. A particularly workerist current which developed its repertoires of socialization within the Comisiones Obreras trade union in a preeminent way. This article analyzes the trajectory of their trade union action throughout the 1970s and 1980s. For this purpose, and based on oral and newspaper sources, we examine their ideas, representations and symbols within this important social movement.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"63 1","pages":"739 - 756"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46812079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2186384
Xavier María Ramos Díez-Astrain
Historical studies of the communist movement in Spain have recently experienced a remarkable boom. In the heat of the centenary of the founding (1921) of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE/ Partido Comunista de España), many works have appeared. In addition to synthesizing existing knowledge, these works explore moments and facets of the history of communism in Spain that until recently have been in the background, overshadowed by a largely political focus on certain periods (such as Francoism). The book under review A contracorriente. Las disidencias ortodoxas en el comunismo español (19681989) (Counterflow. Orthodox dissidence in Spanish communism), written by the young researcher Eduardo Abad from northern Spain’s University of Oviedo, is innovative in terms of the subject of study and its methodology. It is also somewhat original in regard to the time period it covers, which goes beyond the usual limit of the Spanish transition to democracy and extends to the collapse of real socialism (something that other recent works have also begun to do). With the exception of a few articles, the most recent books have not focused on the broad constellations of groups which, for various reasons, tried to form a political alternative. I am referring to the various formations that the press of the time grouped together under the label ‘pro-Soviet,’ a definition against which Abad rebels for several reasons that he sets out at length in the introduction. Before analyzing these oppositional groups, Abad informs us that the term pro-Soviet ‘is not adequate to encompass them’ because it undervalues their heterogeneity ‘cornering their identity under the appearance of a simple cliché’ (p. 38). Nor does Abad consider accurate the standard classification that divides pro-Soviets from ‘Leninists’. Abad’s bold break from the standard focus on the ‘official’ party of Spanish communism makes this a necessary work, one better placed to reveal the deeper rifts in Spain’s left political culture. Abad prefers to categorise this conglomerate of groups and parties as ‘orthodox.’ In doing so, Abad takes the baton from studies on political cultures and proposes the hypothesis that the substantial, unifying element of all these groups (born in different political situations, in reaction to different situations and with markedly different militant composition) was the claim to a traditional communist identity. This, from the dissidents’ point of view, was being betrayed by the course of the PCE under the authoritarian leadership of Santiago Carrillo (1960-1982). The orthodox identity would bring together political values, organizational formulations, and militant practices, as well as an insertion into the international communist movement whose main pole was Moscow. However, this would not be the main element, nor would it have the same importance in all cases, since some orthodox groups also took critical positions toward the
最近，西班牙共产主义运动的历史研究经历了一个显著的繁荣时期。在西班牙共产党(PCE/ Partido Comunista de España)成立一百周年(1921年)之际，出现了许多作品。除了综合现有知识外，这些作品还探索了西班牙共产主义历史的时刻和方面，直到最近，这些时刻和方面一直处于背景中，被某些时期(如弗朗哥主义)的主要政治焦点所掩盖。正在审查的那本书。(1968 - 1989)(逆流)。来自西班牙北部奥维耶多大学(University of Oviedo)的年轻研究员爱德华多·阿巴德(Eduardo Abad)撰写的《西班牙共产主义中的正统异见》(Orthodox dissent in Spanish communism)一书，在研究主题和方法论方面具有创新性。它所涵盖的时间跨度也有一定的独创性，超越了西班牙向民主过渡的通常限制，延伸到现实社会主义的崩溃(其他最近的作品也开始这样做)。除了少数几篇文章外，最近出版的几本书并没有把重点放在那些由于各种原因试图形成一种政治选择的广泛群体上。我指的是当时新闻界在“亲苏”标签下的各种形式，阿巴德反对这个定义的原因有几个，他在引言中详细阐述了这一点。在分析这些对立团体之前，阿巴德告诉我们，“亲苏”一词“不足以涵盖他们”，因为它低估了他们的异质性，“将他们的身份置于简单陈词滥调的表象之下”(第38页)。阿巴德也不认为区分亲苏分子和“列宁主义者”的标准分类是准确的。阿巴德大胆地打破了对西班牙共产主义“官方”政党的标准关注，这使得这本书成为一部必要的作品，它更好地揭示了西班牙左翼政治文化中更深层次的裂痕。阿巴德更倾向于将这些团体和政党的大杂烩归类为“正统”。在此过程中，阿巴德从政治文化研究中接过接力棒，提出了一个假设，即所有这些团体(诞生于不同的政治局势，对不同的局势作出反应，具有明显不同的武装成分)的实质性、统一因素是对传统共产主义身份的主张。从持不同政见者的角度来看，圣地亚哥·卡里略(1960-1982)独裁领导下的PCE的路线背叛了这一点。正统身份将把政治价值观、组织形式和军事实践结合在一起，并融入以莫斯科为主要极点的国际共产主义运动。然而，这不会是主要因素，也不会在所有情况下都具有相同的重要性，因为一些正统团体也对宗教持批评立场
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