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Front Matter 前页
2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1086/725246
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引用次数: 0
Temples and the Ruins of Time in Sunthorn Phu’s Nirat to Golden Mountain Temple 寺庙和时间的废墟在Sunthorn Phu 's Nirat到金山寺
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1086/723302
Paul Lewis McBain
One of the most well-regarded poems of Sunthorn Phu (1786–1855), a long-serving but unwilling Buddhist monk who is considered the “Shakespeare of Thailand,” is his nirat poetic journey to the Golden Mountain Temple of Ayutthaya in 1828. This article argues that a travel poem such as Sunthorn’s can show us how an account of the local landscape itself, inflected by Buddhist temporality and morality, could be used rhetorically as well as providing a framework for understanding how literature more broadly could be used to understand the affective power of place. The article begins with a brief introduction to the nirat genre using the early example of Klong Haripunchai from early sixteenth-century Lanna. This classical nirat does not merely describe the landscape but works to imply that the object of the poet’s pilgrimage is like the perfect kingdoms described in Pāli texts. Sunthorn’s nineteenth-century nirat presents us with something more layered. Read with insights from landscape theory, Sunthorn’s poem offers us not a mere description of the landscape but can allow us to understand how he and his contemporaries landscaped the Buddhist kingdom of early Bangkok.
Sunthorn Phu(1786-1855)是一位长期任职但不情愿的佛教僧侣,被认为是“泰国的莎士比亚”,他最受好评的诗歌之一是他1828年前往大城府金山寺的涅拉特诗歌之旅。这篇文章认为,像桑索恩这样的旅行诗可以向我们展示,受佛教暂时性和道德观影响的当地风景本身是如何被修辞化的,同时也为理解文学如何更广泛地用于理解地方的情感力量提供了一个框架。文章以16世纪早期兰纳的Klong Haripunchai为例,简要介绍了nirat流派。这个经典的尼拉特不仅描述了风景,还暗示了诗人朝圣的对象就像Pāli文本中描述的完美王国一样。桑索恩19世纪的《尼拉特》为我们呈现了更有层次的东西。从景观理论的角度来看,Sunthorn的诗不仅为我们提供了对景观的描述,而且可以让我们了解他和他的同时代人是如何将早期曼谷的佛教王国景观化的。
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引用次数: 0
Roberto de Nobili and the Myth of the Modern Conceptualization of Religion in Seventeenth-Century India 罗伯托·德·诺比利与17世纪印度现代宗教概念化的神话
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1086/722178
Alexander Henn
Leading scholars attribute extraordinary achievements to Roberto de Nobili, an Italian Jesuit who worked in a Catholic mission in South India in the seventeenth century. De Nobili is not only said to have enabled the “accommodation” of Indian and, by implication, Hindu social and cultural traditions in the community of converted Christians by distinguishing “religious” from “civil” practices and meanings in the lives of the so-called Gentiles. Through his engagement in the translation and hermeneutic mediation between European and Indian languages and religions, the missionary scholar is also celebrated today for having prepared the ground for the formation of a modern, that is, universalist and pluralistic, concept of religion. The article presents an in-depth reading of original writings of de Nobili and critically discusses modern historical and philological scholarship about his work. It questions the thesis that de Nobili was the harbinger of a groundbreaking new concept of religion. Critical propositions are the following: (1) de Nobili’s distinction between “religion” and “civility” was part of a strategic focus on the conversion of Brahmans in South India, not the theoretical vision of a new concept of religion. (2) Even if communicating between diverse cultures, the missionary translations embraced political contexts and scholarly paradigms that willfully invoked hostile tensions between their linguistic and cultural referents. (3) De Nobili’s redefinition of “idolatry” reveals an aggressive “semiotic ideology” that seriously undermines the argument of a friendly mediation between Christians and Gentiles.
著名学者把非凡的成就归功于罗伯托·德·诺比利(Roberto de Nobili),他是一位意大利耶稣会士,17世纪在南印度的天主教传教会工作。据说,De Nobili不仅通过区分所谓外邦人生活中的“宗教”和“民间”习俗和意义,使皈依基督教的社区能够“迁就”印度的社会和文化传统,也就是说,迁就了印度教的社会和文化传统。通过他在欧洲和印度语言和宗教之间的翻译和解释学调解的参与,这位传教士学者今天也因为为现代宗教概念的形成奠定了基础而受到庆祝,即普遍主义和多元化的宗教概念。本文对德诺比利的原创作品进行了深入的阅读,并批判性地讨论了关于他的工作的现代历史和语言学奖学金。它质疑了诺比利是一个开创性的新宗教概念的先驱的论点。关键命题如下:(1)de Nobili对“宗教”和“文明”的区分是南印度婆罗门皈依的战略重点的一部分,而不是对新宗教概念的理论愿景。(2)即使在不同文化之间进行交流,传教士的翻译也包含了政治背景和学术范式,故意在其语言和文化指称之间引发敌对的紧张关系。(3) De Nobili对“偶像崇拜”的重新定义揭示了一种激进的“符号学意识形态”,严重破坏了基督徒和外邦人之间友好调解的论点。
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引用次数: 0
:The Paradox of Being: Truth, Identity, and Image in Daoism 《存在的悖论:道家的真理、身份与形象》
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1086/722221
Tobias Benedikt Zürn
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引用次数: 0
Cultivation, Salvation, and Obligation: Quanzhen Daoist Thoughts on Family Abandonment 修炼、救赎与义务:全真道家弃家思想
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1086/722161
Jinping Wang
This article explores one of the great paradoxes of imperial China: the rise of religions that required qijia (family abandonment) in a society that privileged a patriarchal family system. Grounded in the case of Quanzhen Daoism, the article examines representations of qijia in poetry, hagiographies, inscriptions, and plays to explain the distinctive ways in which this nonscriptural tradition of renunciation configured its relationship with families. It demonstrates that there existed ambivalent, even contradictory, attitudes toward the issue of family, particularly that of parents, in different genres of Quanzhen texts. This ambivalence speaks to irreconcilable family-monastery tensions as the Quanzhen order transformed from a local movement with a few ascetic elites to a nationwide monastic order in the early thirteenth century. In thirteenth-century qijia narratives, Quanzhen apologists deployed flexible renderings of filial piety to validate personal and universal salvation—instead of familial salvation—as the principal goal of a Quanzhen monastic career. Neither the Quanzhen ideology nor its monastic institution truly addressed the interests of natural families. As such, the Quanzhen tradition contrasts sharply with the medieval Buddhism and Daoism, whose apologists conceptualized the family-monastery relations to harness the family interests to the needs of the churches. Despite posing a direct challenge to the patriarchal family system, Quanzhen Daoism developed into one of the two major Daoist schools after the thirteenth century. Its success resulted from the Quanzhen order’s salvationist contribution to the crumbling northern Chinese society under Mongol conquest, as well as its initiatives producing texts to promote pro-Quanzhen narratives.
这篇文章探讨了帝制中国的一个巨大悖论:在一个特权于父权家庭制度的社会中,宗教的兴起要求“弃家”。本文以全真道家为例,考察了诗作、圣传、碑文和戏剧中“七家”的表现形式,以解释这种非圣经的“出家”传统与家庭关系的独特方式。研究表明,在全真文本的不同体例中,存在着对家庭问题,尤其是父母问题的矛盾甚至矛盾的态度。这种矛盾心理反映了全真会从少数苦行僧精英的地方运动转变为13世纪初全国性的修道会时不可调和的家庭与修道会之间的紧张关系。在十三世纪的齐家叙事中,全真的辩护者们运用了灵活的孝道来证实个人和普遍的救赎——而不是家庭的救赎——作为全真修道生涯的主要目标。全真思想及其寺院制度都没有真正解决自然家庭的利益。因此,全真传统与中世纪的佛教和道教形成了鲜明的对比,后者的辩护者将家庭与寺院的关系概念化,以利用家庭利益来满足教会的需要。尽管对宗法制度构成了直接挑战,但全真道教在十三世纪以后发展成为两大道教流派之一。它的成功源于全真会对蒙古征服下摇摇欲坠的中国北方社会的救世贡献,以及全真会主动创作支持全真叙事的文本。
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引用次数: 0
:Make Yourselves Gods: Mormons and the Unfinished Business of American Secularism 《让自己成为神:摩门教徒和美国世俗主义未完成的事业》
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1086/722220
Sonia Hazard
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引用次数: 1
The Ritual Construction of Confucian Gods in Imperial China: The Case of Vast Heaven High God 帝制中国儒家诸神的仪式建构:以大天高神为例
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1086/722177
Thomas A. Wilson
Contrary to modern scholarly claims that Confucians rarely spoke about gods and spirits, official histories contain detailed records of court discussions on proper sacrifice to the gods of an extensive imperial pantheon. During China’s “premodern” era, ritual officers of the court formulated the liturgies devoted to gods on the basis of canonical precedent—privileging the voice of Confucius—and conducted regular cult feastings to the gods at imperial altar terraces and temples. I read the historical records of these rites as discursive constructions of the cosmos and the gods that circulated through it. Ritual officers of the imperial court cited classical passages as the locus classicus of Suburban Sacrifice to the highest deity of the official pantheon called Vast Heaven High God. In doing so, they articulated a multivalent conception of Vast Heaven High God as both a cosmogonic force and an ancestral deity that posed logistical challenges to building the proper ritual spaces to feast this god. My analysis of the rites conducted at Suburban Sacrifice divulges a conception of the relation between built ritual space and the celestial realm of the cosmos where High God circulates that is indexical rather than metaphorical. Ritual officers of the court construed Round Terrace as a microcosm of Vast Heaven where the most powerful celestial agents, including High God, were arranged in a proper hierarchy in order to facilitate their access to cult feastings.
与现代学者的说法相反,儒家很少谈论神和精神,官方历史包含了宫廷讨论的详细记录,包括向广泛的帝国万神殿的神进行适当的祭祀。在中国的“前现代”时期,朝廷的礼仪官员在规范先例的基础上制定了祭祀神灵的仪式——特权于孔子的声音——并定期在朝廷的祭坛露台和寺庙举行祭祀神灵的宴会。我把这些仪式的历史记录看作是对宇宙和诸神的话语建构。朝廷的仪式官员引用经典段落作为郊区祭祀的经典地点,献给官方万神殿中最高的神,被称为苍天至高神。在这样做的过程中,他们清晰地表达了一个多价值的概念,即大天神既是一种宇宙形成的力量,也是一种祖先的神,这对建造合适的仪式空间来宴请这位神提出了后勤挑战。我对郊区祭祀仪式的分析揭示了一个概念,即建造的仪式空间与宇宙的天体领域之间的关系,在宇宙中,最高的上帝循环,这是指数性的,而不是隐喻性的。朝廷的仪式官员将圆露台解释为广阔天堂的缩影,其中最强大的天体代理人,包括最高上帝,被安排在适当的等级制度中,以便于他们进入邪教盛宴。
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引用次数: 0
Reconstructing the Past and Conceptualizing the Jewish “Other”: How the Babylonian Geonim Contributed to the Creation of the Founding Myth of Karaism 重建过去并概念化犹太人的“他者”:巴比伦的古尼姆如何促成卡拉主义创始神话的创造
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1086/720628
Marzena Zawanowska
The purpose of the article is threefold. First, it explores whom the term “Karaites” initially denoted. The suggested answer is that as late as toward the middle of the tenth century, it designated representatives of a cross-sectoral (or trans-sectarian) phenomenon within Judaism of an antitraditionalist opposition (akin to ahl [or aṣḥāb] al-raʾy who opposed ahl [or aṣḥāb] al-ḥadīth in Islam), rather than members of any specific religious group. Second, the article revisits the question of what the early Karaites’ attitude was toward the ʻAnanites. It demonstrates that although the Karaites appreciated ʻAnan ben David as a rebellious innovator and courageous trailblazer, as well as were acquainted with and studied his Code, as late as toward the middle of the tenth century, they were still not associated with the ʻAnanites, forming two separate religious movements. Third, the article reappraises the issue of provenance of ʻAnan’s life story and its emergence among the Karaites as the founding narrative of the movement, by investigating how, why, when, and by whom the myth of ʻAnan as the father of Karaism was created, as well as when and why it became popular among the Karaites. The article focuses on the history of Karaism as preserved in rabbinic Jewish sources from the ninth through the eleventh centuries. It also scrutinizes contemporary Karaite texts and Muslim heresiographic literature that address the subject. The extensive comparisons help to trace the origins of this myth back to the Babylonian geonim and reconstruct the way in which the Karaites appropriated, developed, and transformed it.
这篇文章的目的有三个。首先,本文探讨了“卡拉派”一词最初指的是谁。建议的答案是,直到10世纪中期,它指定了犹太教中反传统主义反对派(类似于ahl[或aṣḥāb] al-ra - al- -ḥadīth在伊斯兰教中反对ahl[或aṣḥāb] al- -ḥadīth)的跨部门(或跨宗派)现象的代表,而不是任何特定宗教团体的成员。其次,文章重新探讨了早期卡拉人对哈亚南人的态度。这表明,尽管卡拉派欣赏阿南·本·大卫是一位叛逆的革新者和勇敢的开拓者,也熟悉并研究了他的法典,但直到10世纪中叶,他们仍然没有与阿南派联系起来,形成了两个独立的宗教运动。第三,本文通过调查胡阿南作为卡拉派之父的神话是如何、为什么、何时、由谁创造的,以及它在卡拉派中流行的时间和原因,重新评估了胡阿南的生活故事的来源问题,以及它作为卡拉派运动的创始叙述在卡拉派中出现的问题。这篇文章着重于从9世纪到11世纪保存在拉比犹太文献中的喀拉主义的历史。它还仔细审查当代卡拉特文本和穆斯林异端文献,以解决这个问题。广泛的比较有助于将这个神话的起源追溯到巴比伦的geonim,并重建卡拉特人利用、发展和改造它的方式。
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引用次数: 2
How God Becomes Real: Kindling the Presence of Invisible Others. By T. M. Luhrmann. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020. Pp. 256. $29.95 (cloth); $18.95 (paper).
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1086/720735
Sabina Magliocco
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引用次数: 0
The Chinese Dreamscape, 300 BCE–800 CE. By Robert Ford Campany. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2020. Pp. xvii+260. $55.00 (cloth); $30.00 (paper). 中国的梦境,公元前300年-公元800年。罗伯特·福特·康柏尼著。马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学亚洲中心,2020。Pp.第十七章+ 260。55.00美元(布);30.00美元(纸)。
IF 0.5 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1086/720734
Mark Halperin
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引用次数: 0
期刊
HISTORY OF RELIGIONS
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