Pub Date : 2022-06-03DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221103053
Franziska Plümmer
This article investigates China’s efforts to develop the administrative capacity of its border agents to effectively provide border security. It does so by contextualizing national efforts in relevant multilateral cooperation on border and immigration management. Regional frameworks such as ASEAN and Greater Mekong Subregion follow a regional border management approach that challenges Beijing’s notion of sovereign border management. However, China and the border provinces selectively engage in cross-border cooperation. These cooperation projects include training programmes for immigrants, standardizing and facilitating immigration procedures at the border, joint efforts against human trafficking and illicit border mobilities, and enhancing local cross-border relations. Against this background, this article investigates how norms – such as administrative capacity and cooperation through border liaison mechanisms – are negotiated, adapted, and practised in the different regional organizations, as well as how they are implemented locally in national immigration laws and procedures in Yunnan Province. The analysis builds on a multi-method approach including fieldwork, policy, and institutional analysis. The article finds that while Chinese local and regional security interests are closely intertwined, norm dynamics are not.
{"title":"Contested administrative capacity in border management: China and the Greater Mekong Subregion","authors":"Franziska Plümmer","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221103053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221103053","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates China’s efforts to develop the administrative capacity of its border agents to effectively provide border security. It does so by contextualizing national efforts in relevant multilateral cooperation on border and immigration management. Regional frameworks such as ASEAN and Greater Mekong Subregion follow a regional border management approach that challenges Beijing’s notion of sovereign border management. However, China and the border provinces selectively engage in cross-border cooperation. These cooperation projects include training programmes for immigrants, standardizing and facilitating immigration procedures at the border, joint efforts against human trafficking and illicit border mobilities, and enhancing local cross-border relations. Against this background, this article investigates how norms – such as administrative capacity and cooperation through border liaison mechanisms – are negotiated, adapted, and practised in the different regional organizations, as well as how they are implemented locally in national immigration laws and procedures in Yunnan Province. The analysis builds on a multi-method approach including fieldwork, policy, and institutional analysis. The article finds that while Chinese local and regional security interests are closely intertwined, norm dynamics are not.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"407 - 429"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42092845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-17DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221098546
Tabitha Speelman
This article investigates the increasing development–security conflict in China’s immigration management through the case of a policy trial regularizing Vietnamese labour migration in two Guangxi border cities. China’s border regions host low-income immigrant labourers from neighbouring nations. In the 2010s, China launched a series of policy initiatives to regulate temporary and irregular migrant flows. Based on fieldwork and policy research, this study analyses the development and early implementation of this trial, with a focus on state perspectives. It shows how state actors mobilize migrant temporariness and other policy tools within a negotiation process that aims to resolve tensions between developmental policy aims for transnational economic integration and a drive towards securitizing cross-border mobility. I conclude that state actors fail to reach a balance between the conflicting development and security concerns. I also argue that China’s current risk-averse policy environment makes the development–security policy conflict in its immigration management more difficult to resolve. My findings contribute to our understanding of contemporary Chinese policymaking, including immigration policymaking, as well as to the literature on the development–security nexus in temporary labour management schemes.
{"title":"Guest workers and development–security conflict: Managing labour migration at the Sino-Vietnamese border","authors":"Tabitha Speelman","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221098546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221098546","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the increasing development–security conflict in China’s immigration management through the case of a policy trial regularizing Vietnamese labour migration in two Guangxi border cities. China’s border regions host low-income immigrant labourers from neighbouring nations. In the 2010s, China launched a series of policy initiatives to regulate temporary and irregular migrant flows. Based on fieldwork and policy research, this study analyses the development and early implementation of this trial, with a focus on state perspectives. It shows how state actors mobilize migrant temporariness and other policy tools within a negotiation process that aims to resolve tensions between developmental policy aims for transnational economic integration and a drive towards securitizing cross-border mobility. I conclude that state actors fail to reach a balance between the conflicting development and security concerns. I also argue that China’s current risk-averse policy environment makes the development–security policy conflict in its immigration management more difficult to resolve. My findings contribute to our understanding of contemporary Chinese policymaking, including immigration policymaking, as well as to the literature on the development–security nexus in temporary labour management schemes.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"363 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45505314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221093188
Ruixiong Qi, Chenchen Shi, M. Wang
China has announced ambitious dual-carbon targets to peak carbon emissions by 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality by 2060. However, due to regional differences and lack of accurate emission monitoring data, local governments have been given greater autonomy to achieve these targets. Based on semi-structured interviews and document analysis on emission peak campaigns in inland regions, this article identifies one local game strategy – ‘Dauling Dragon’ (木翼双龙) whereby local governments prioritize high emission projects to be completed by 2030 in order to create a margin for future development, a phenomenon known as ‘carbon rush’ (碳冲锋). The article explores the consequences and antecedents of such a strategy through the lens of environmental authoritarianism. It also makes a theoretical contribution to the conceptualization of the Dauling Dragon strategy, by focusing on its effects on local environmental implementation. Findings from our case study show that China’s climate ambitions, especially its long-term carbon neutrality goal, faces local political obstacles.
{"title":"Carbon emission rush in response to the carbon reduction policy in China","authors":"Ruixiong Qi, Chenchen Shi, M. Wang","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221093188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221093188","url":null,"abstract":"China has announced ambitious dual-carbon targets to peak carbon emissions by 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality by 2060. However, due to regional differences and lack of accurate emission monitoring data, local governments have been given greater autonomy to achieve these targets. Based on semi-structured interviews and document analysis on emission peak campaigns in inland regions, this article identifies one local game strategy – ‘Dauling Dragon’ (木翼双龙) whereby local governments prioritize high emission projects to be completed by 2030 in order to create a margin for future development, a phenomenon known as ‘carbon rush’ (碳冲锋). The article explores the consequences and antecedents of such a strategy through the lens of environmental authoritarianism. It also makes a theoretical contribution to the conceptualization of the Dauling Dragon strategy, by focusing on its effects on local environmental implementation. Findings from our case study show that China’s climate ambitions, especially its long-term carbon neutrality goal, faces local political obstacles.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"37 1","pages":"100 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45927904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221092686
Zhe Zhang, Sansar Tsakhirmaa
Amid the post-Cold War global revival of ethnonationalism, Kazakhstan – a newly independent state born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union – launched its ‘ethnic repatriation programme’, encouraging ethnic Kazakhs from outside Kazakhstan to ‘return home’. China has a large ethnic Kazakh population and shares a border of more than 1500 km with Kazakhstan in Xinjiang. Since the 1990s, over 150,000 ethnic Kazakhs originally from China have chosen to emigrate to Kazakhstan. Sketching China’s and Kazakhstan’s state policies toward ethnic Kazakh migration since the 1990s, this article addresses how different factors and rationales have shaped individuals’ decisions to emigrate to Kazakhstan or to stay in China. The article relies upon available, multilingual data and over 30 in-depth interviews with respondents in both Kazakhstan and China. We argue that, for ethnic Kazakhs emigrating from China to Kazakhstan, socio-economically and environmentally based rationales, including perceptions of developmental prospects, social welfare benefits and social ties were most salient during the 2000s. However, since the late 2000s, politico-culturally based rationales, such as ethno-nationalism, Kazakh linguistic and cultural concerns, educational opportunities, and other factors have become increasingly salient especially during the 2010s.
{"title":"Ethnonationalism and the changing pattern of ethnic Kazakhs’ emigration from China to Kazakhstan","authors":"Zhe Zhang, Sansar Tsakhirmaa","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221092686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221092686","url":null,"abstract":"Amid the post-Cold War global revival of ethnonationalism, Kazakhstan – a newly independent state born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union – launched its ‘ethnic repatriation programme’, encouraging ethnic Kazakhs from outside Kazakhstan to ‘return home’. China has a large ethnic Kazakh population and shares a border of more than 1500 km with Kazakhstan in Xinjiang. Since the 1990s, over 150,000 ethnic Kazakhs originally from China have chosen to emigrate to Kazakhstan. Sketching China’s and Kazakhstan’s state policies toward ethnic Kazakh migration since the 1990s, this article addresses how different factors and rationales have shaped individuals’ decisions to emigrate to Kazakhstan or to stay in China. The article relies upon available, multilingual data and over 30 in-depth interviews with respondents in both Kazakhstan and China. We argue that, for ethnic Kazakhs emigrating from China to Kazakhstan, socio-economically and environmentally based rationales, including perceptions of developmental prospects, social welfare benefits and social ties were most salient during the 2000s. However, since the late 2000s, politico-culturally based rationales, such as ethno-nationalism, Kazakh linguistic and cultural concerns, educational opportunities, and other factors have become increasingly salient especially during the 2010s.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"318 - 343"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44605852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-20DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221088141
Yun Zeng, S. Wong
Even in authoritarian regimes that enforce vigorous information controls, netizens are still able to access fairly diverse – sometimes even sensitive – information from social media than from traditional media. We argue that this ‘breathing space’ in social media may have an indirect positive effect on regime stability via a subtle emotional channel; exposure to news on social media heightens one’s generalized fear, which in turn increases one’s demand for social controls by the state. We test our argument using an original survey that evaluates public support for China’s social credit system. We find that the support for this seemingly all-encompassing surveillance system is positively correlated with one’s generalized fear, while one’s generalized fear is positively correlated with one’s exposure to news on WeChat, the most popular social media platform in China.
{"title":"Social media, fear, and support for state surveillance: The case of China’s social credit system","authors":"Yun Zeng, S. Wong","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221088141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221088141","url":null,"abstract":"Even in authoritarian regimes that enforce vigorous information controls, netizens are still able to access fairly diverse – sometimes even sensitive – information from social media than from traditional media. We argue that this ‘breathing space’ in social media may have an indirect positive effect on regime stability via a subtle emotional channel; exposure to news on social media heightens one’s generalized fear, which in turn increases one’s demand for social controls by the state. We test our argument using an original survey that evaluates public support for China’s social credit system. We find that the support for this seemingly all-encompassing surveillance system is positively correlated with one’s generalized fear, while one’s generalized fear is positively correlated with one’s exposure to news on WeChat, the most popular social media platform in China.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"37 1","pages":"51 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43715638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221081349g
Christina Maags
and governments, all of which necessitate the party’s close involvement in the league’s work. Thus, any impetus for the league’s involvement in new areas of work derives from party and government priorities, limiting the league’s own initiatives. He notes that the Youth League combines two organizational identities based on its different functions. The league is a powerful promotion mechanism that acts as a channel for the party’s personnel ‘rejuvenation’ and as the platform for the creation of personal networks, political alliances, and functions. At the same time, it is a weak youth organization that lacks the autonomy and capacity necessary to carry out social work and increase its participatory character (p. 242). Clearly, the first identity is paramount. The volume also includes a very helpful discussion of the declining fortunes of the Youth League under Xi Jinping, who not only viewed the league as a bastion of factionalism – the so-called ‘league faction’ (团派) that provided a base of support for the Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao administration – but also as an obstacle to his political vision for mass organizations, which emphasizes their political character, mandating even closer management by the party. Thus, under Xi, the Youth League has downsized its membership, had its budget substantially reduced, and had its personnel redistributed away from the centre and down to the local levels, among other changes. In August 2016, the state media laid out the party’s substantial reform programme for the league, effectively rendering it politically irrelevant. As Tsimonis concludes, Xi’s reforms promote ‘an even more sterile and formal engagement of Youth League organizations with young people, with an emphasis on routine indoctrination and propaganda functions’ (p. 248), a lost opportunity indeed. Fortunately, we have this excellent book by Tsimonis to enlighten us on why Hu’s reforms were doomed from the start.
{"title":"Book Review: Workers and Change in China: Resistance, Repression, Responsiveness by Manfred Elfstrom","authors":"Christina Maags","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221081349g","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221081349g","url":null,"abstract":"and governments, all of which necessitate the party’s close involvement in the league’s work. Thus, any impetus for the league’s involvement in new areas of work derives from party and government priorities, limiting the league’s own initiatives. He notes that the Youth League combines two organizational identities based on its different functions. The league is a powerful promotion mechanism that acts as a channel for the party’s personnel ‘rejuvenation’ and as the platform for the creation of personal networks, political alliances, and functions. At the same time, it is a weak youth organization that lacks the autonomy and capacity necessary to carry out social work and increase its participatory character (p. 242). Clearly, the first identity is paramount. The volume also includes a very helpful discussion of the declining fortunes of the Youth League under Xi Jinping, who not only viewed the league as a bastion of factionalism – the so-called ‘league faction’ (团派) that provided a base of support for the Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao administration – but also as an obstacle to his political vision for mass organizations, which emphasizes their political character, mandating even closer management by the party. Thus, under Xi, the Youth League has downsized its membership, had its budget substantially reduced, and had its personnel redistributed away from the centre and down to the local levels, among other changes. In August 2016, the state media laid out the party’s substantial reform programme for the league, effectively rendering it politically irrelevant. As Tsimonis concludes, Xi’s reforms promote ‘an even more sterile and formal engagement of Youth League organizations with young people, with an emphasis on routine indoctrination and propaganda functions’ (p. 248), a lost opportunity indeed. Fortunately, we have this excellent book by Tsimonis to enlighten us on why Hu’s reforms were doomed from the start.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"145 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46638697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221081349b
S. Wilson
that all these questions deserve further analysis and research. Overall, the book is a refresher on the applicability of the dependency theory in the analysis of international relations between the Latin American and Caribbean regions and China. Its main strength is the overview of the these countries’ political behaviour through the lens of China’s political and economic approach. As Stalling points out, the book is not intended to answer all questions regarding relations between China and Latin America and the Caribbean. Rather the book sets a foundation for the application of dependency mechanisms in individual countries’ relations with China. This is necessary during an important time of China’s increasing global influence and the shift in the dependency of developing countries on China. The book is not only recommended for college students majoring in international relations and political science, but also a good read for anyone interested in relations between China and Latin America and the Caribbean.
{"title":"Book Review: Invisible China: How the Urban–Rural Divide Threatens China’s Rise by Scott Rozelle and Natalie Hell","authors":"S. Wilson","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221081349b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221081349b","url":null,"abstract":"that all these questions deserve further analysis and research. Overall, the book is a refresher on the applicability of the dependency theory in the analysis of international relations between the Latin American and Caribbean regions and China. Its main strength is the overview of the these countries’ political behaviour through the lens of China’s political and economic approach. As Stalling points out, the book is not intended to answer all questions regarding relations between China and Latin America and the Caribbean. Rather the book sets a foundation for the application of dependency mechanisms in individual countries’ relations with China. This is necessary during an important time of China’s increasing global influence and the shift in the dependency of developing countries on China. The book is not only recommended for college students majoring in international relations and political science, but also a good read for anyone interested in relations between China and Latin America and the Caribbean.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"137 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48980566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221081349d
Czeslaw Tubilewicz
sible city and that ‘besides the prevalent stereotypes that caught the international media spotlight, little is known about what is happening there’ (p. 5). Ieong explains that the key objective of this book is to cover a wide range of topics which are absent in existing literature, which may disappoint those looking for an academic inquiry backed by quantitative evidence. Nevertheless, the strength of this book is its examination of some underexplored areas in Macao studies which ‘go beyond the stereotypes’ (p. 5), thus offering pioneering insights for theoretical discussion. Some remarkable examples include the spatial battlefield between casino enterprises and Macao people (Chapter 2), the role of Macao in China’s foreign affairs (Chapter 3), playful protests versus resentful protests (Chapter 4), mobilization versus counter-mobilization in protests (Chapter 5), and recurring mechanisms of political participation in Macao compared to Hong Kong (Chapter 8). These research areas are underexplored which make the book unique for those looking to comprehend Macao in different dimensions. It is however important to highlight the pioneering nature of this book and that more in-depth analysis is necessary in the future. Although the editor emphasizes that ‘most of the authors have studied Macau either [by] using a comparative method or applying the related theories in their realms’ (p. 5), some chapters do not contribute much in terms of theoretical insights. Since the book focuses on Macao, some discussions covering other cases make little or no theoretical and empirical contribution to Macao studies. Also, the book is not organized in a logical way. While the editor has highlighted a key theme in each of the three parts of the book, some chapters discuss themes that are beyond the scope of the book. On the whole, this book offers pioneering and potential research topics in Macao studies. It is relevant not only to scholars and students interested in Macao studies but also to researchers in search of a better understanding of this casino city.
{"title":"Book Review: Orchestration: China’s Economic Statecraft Across Asia and Europe by James Reilly","authors":"Czeslaw Tubilewicz","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221081349d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221081349d","url":null,"abstract":"sible city and that ‘besides the prevalent stereotypes that caught the international media spotlight, little is known about what is happening there’ (p. 5). Ieong explains that the key objective of this book is to cover a wide range of topics which are absent in existing literature, which may disappoint those looking for an academic inquiry backed by quantitative evidence. Nevertheless, the strength of this book is its examination of some underexplored areas in Macao studies which ‘go beyond the stereotypes’ (p. 5), thus offering pioneering insights for theoretical discussion. Some remarkable examples include the spatial battlefield between casino enterprises and Macao people (Chapter 2), the role of Macao in China’s foreign affairs (Chapter 3), playful protests versus resentful protests (Chapter 4), mobilization versus counter-mobilization in protests (Chapter 5), and recurring mechanisms of political participation in Macao compared to Hong Kong (Chapter 8). These research areas are underexplored which make the book unique for those looking to comprehend Macao in different dimensions. It is however important to highlight the pioneering nature of this book and that more in-depth analysis is necessary in the future. Although the editor emphasizes that ‘most of the authors have studied Macau either [by] using a comparative method or applying the related theories in their realms’ (p. 5), some chapters do not contribute much in terms of theoretical insights. Since the book focuses on Macao, some discussions covering other cases make little or no theoretical and empirical contribution to Macao studies. Also, the book is not organized in a logical way. While the editor has highlighted a key theme in each of the three parts of the book, some chapters discuss themes that are beyond the scope of the book. On the whole, this book offers pioneering and potential research topics in Macao studies. It is relevant not only to scholars and students interested in Macao studies but also to researchers in search of a better understanding of this casino city.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"140 - 142"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44167122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221081349e
R. Murphy
approach to analysing Europe’s contemporary relations with China. Equally questionable are Reilly’s assumptions about China’s alleged failure in pursuing soft and military power, and about regulatory regimes as ‘obviously’ stronger in all Western Europe, weaker in all Eastern Europe, and the weakest in Myanmar. Again, Greece demonstrates that assumptions should never replace evidence-based analysis, however obvious they might seem. In sum, given the wealth of empirical detail, James Reilly’s Orchestration constitutes a useful addition to the scholarship about China’s economic statecraft and paradiplomacy. However, its implicit rationalist approach, reliance on the orchestration framework, questionable selection of case studies, and equally problematic key assumptions not only prevent Orchestration from accounting for the complexity of China’s economic diplomacy and its efficacy in the 2008–16 period, but also render it of limited utility to those seeking to understand the Xi Jinping regime’s increasingly assertive economic statecraft in the era of wolf-warrior diplomacy.
{"title":"Book Review: Rural–Urban Migration and Agro-Technological Change in Post-Reform China by Lena Kaufmann","authors":"R. Murphy","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221081349e","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221081349e","url":null,"abstract":"approach to analysing Europe’s contemporary relations with China. Equally questionable are Reilly’s assumptions about China’s alleged failure in pursuing soft and military power, and about regulatory regimes as ‘obviously’ stronger in all Western Europe, weaker in all Eastern Europe, and the weakest in Myanmar. Again, Greece demonstrates that assumptions should never replace evidence-based analysis, however obvious they might seem. In sum, given the wealth of empirical detail, James Reilly’s Orchestration constitutes a useful addition to the scholarship about China’s economic statecraft and paradiplomacy. However, its implicit rationalist approach, reliance on the orchestration framework, questionable selection of case studies, and equally problematic key assumptions not only prevent Orchestration from accounting for the complexity of China’s economic diplomacy and its efficacy in the 2008–16 period, but also render it of limited utility to those seeking to understand the Xi Jinping regime’s increasingly assertive economic statecraft in the era of wolf-warrior diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"142 - 143"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42886918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221081349c
Ying-ho Kwong
{"title":"Book Review: Macau 20 Years After the Handover: Changes and Challenges Under ‘One Country, Two Systems’ by Meng U Ieong","authors":"Ying-ho Kwong","doi":"10.1177/0920203X221081349c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X221081349c","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45809,"journal":{"name":"China Information","volume":"36 1","pages":"139 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48974116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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