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Book Review: Dying for an iPhone: Apple, Foxconn, and the Lives of China's Workers by Jenny Chan, Mark Selden, and Pun Ngai 书评:为iPhone而死:苹果、富士康和中国工人的生活
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051055b
Ying-ho Kwong
world. In general, the book serves as an elaborate descriptive guide to the latest advances of the fintech industry in China by reviewing up-to-date literature on the subject and providing evidence from relevant secondary sources. The authors’ expertise in the field also allows for pertinent analyses of the main trends including the disruptive power of fintech on traditional financial systems and the ensuing changes occurring within the industry. Nonetheless, the fintech industry is still in its infancy and is changing at an everfaster pace. Therefore, the book would have benefited from a more analytical approach on specific issues, for instance, a richer historical and theoretical overview that identifies institutional trends and events (i.e. global financialization) that have led to certain disproportionate developments in the industry’s technologies. Furthermore, it would have been valuable to include a more elaborate comparative approach to Western developments in the fintech industry and recognize how global competition has influenced the development path of fintech in China and vice versa. The book is recommended for scholars who are interested in China’s fintech industry and modern banking sector, the Chinese economy, Chinese technological innovations, and the rise of global financial technology, especially those whose access to relevant information is limited to non-Chinese sources.
世界总的来说,这本书通过回顾有关该主题的最新文献并提供相关二级来源的证据,为中国金融科技行业的最新进展提供了详尽的描述性指南。作者在该领域的专业知识还允许对主要趋势进行相关分析,包括金融科技对传统金融系统的破坏力以及随之而来的行业变化。尽管如此,金融科技行业仍处于初级阶段,并且正在以越来越快的速度发生变化。因此,本书将受益于对具体问题采取更具分析性的方法,例如,更丰富的历史和理论概述,确定导致该行业技术某些不成比例发展的制度趋势和事件(即全球金融化)。此外,如果能对西方金融科技行业的发展采取更详细的比较方法,并认识到全球竞争如何影响中国金融科技的发展道路,反之亦然,那将是非常有价值的。这本书推荐给对中国金融科技行业和现代银行业、中国经济、中国技术创新和全球金融技术崛起感兴趣的学者,尤其是那些仅限于非中国来源获取相关信息的学者。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 in China: Imagination and deep mediatization COVID-19在中国:想象与深度媒介化
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051057
Jeroen de Kloet
How can we combat the invisible – a virus one can only see with the aid of sophisticated equipment? A virus that has nevertheless managed to put the world on hold, freeze our travelling, and a virus that has killed, at the time of writing – July 2021 – over 4 million people worldwide. A virus, moreover, whose first recorded outbreak started in mainland China at the end of 2019. What seemed like yet another local health crisis soon morphed into a global pandemic. Since the start of the pandemic, China’s role has shifted. Initially, China was the assumed ‘origin’ of the pandemic, and was criticized for its secretive attitude about the source and spread of the virus. Soon after, China’s draconian measures to combat the virus were met with suspicion elsewhere, in particular in the Western media, and were read as a sign of its authoritative regime. Yet, within the timespan of a few months, China’s virus management scored containment successes that overshadowed those of Europe and the United States, feeding internally into a discourse of nationalism in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was praised by its citizenry as the guardian of the nation. When I considered editing a special issue on the pandemic during the summer of 2020, I had doubts: was it not too much like capitalizing on the contemporary, turning a crisis into a publication opportunity? And what more could be said about COVID-19, given the sheer abundance of both journalistic and academic discourses surrounding the pandemic? However, in the words of John Nguyet Erni and Ted Striphas,
我们怎样才能战胜看不见的病毒——一种只有借助精密设备才能看到的病毒?尽管如此,一种病毒还是成功地让世界停滞不前,冻结了我们的旅行,而且在撰写本文时(2021年7月),一种病毒已经导致全球400多万人死亡。此外,该病毒于2019年底在中国大陆首次爆发。这场看似又一场地方性的卫生危机,很快演变成一场全球大流行。自疫情开始以来,中国的角色发生了转变。最初,中国被认为是大流行的“发源地”,并因对病毒的来源和传播采取保密态度而受到批评。不久之后,中国抗击病毒的严厉措施遭到了其他地方,特别是西方媒体的怀疑,并被解读为其权威政权的标志。然而,在短短几个月的时间里,中国的病毒管理取得了让欧洲和美国黯然失色的成功,在国内引发了一种民族主义话语,中国共产党被其公民称赞为国家的守护者。当我考虑在2020年夏天编辑一份关于大流行的特刊时,我有疑虑:这不是太像利用当代,把危机变成出版机会吗?鉴于围绕这场大流行的新闻和学术论述都非常丰富,关于COVID-19还有什么可说的呢?然而,用John Nguyet Erni和Ted Striphas的话来说,
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: China's Good War: How World War II Is Shaping a New Nationalism by Rana Mitter 书评:《中国的好战争:第二次世界大战如何塑造一种新的民族主义》作者:拉纳·米特
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051055
Norton Wheeler
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引用次数: 0
Acknowledgement 确认
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203x211051056
C. Hipkins
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Governing the Urban in China and India: Land Grabs, Slum Clearance, and War on Air Pollution by Xuefei Ren 书评:《治理中印城市:土地掠夺、贫民窟清理与空气污染战争》,任雪非著
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051055d
Kala Seetharam Sridhar
China domestically and internationally on its approach towards one country, two systems. Nobody could have foreseen the meteoric pace of growth of China’s economy by the time Hong Kong’s future was resolved in the 1980s. Even the most far-sighted observers during the transition period could not have envisaged the threat of an unabated flow of consumers and tourists to Hong Kong and their disruptive impact on the local supply of services and goods, for example. The twists and turns of China’s marketization process were also beyond our imagination. While the majority did not expect China’s marketization trajectory to be a linear process, few foresaw the return of the statist approach from the late 1990s onwards. In the face of the threat of economic federalism in the domestic scene and the challenge of global financial crises, the party leadership has resumed its proclivity towards recentralization and control. The domination of mega state-controlled enterprise groups as the champions of the national economy today attests to the ‘return of the state’. The rise of a new king in Xi Jinping has simply reinforced the trend. The unprecedented economic power together with the renewal of the statist approach have altered the landscape where Hong Kong interacts and ‘bargains’ with the sovereign. The rapid rise of China has also met with a powerful pushback from the rest of world, and the Trump administration simply epitomized the general uneasiness with China’s ascendance. The siege mentality of ‘the world against us’ of the Chinese leaders, to a large extent, accounts for the overreaction to the ‘threat to national security’ emerging in Hong Kong. Sadly, the fate of Hong Kong has always been shaped by the logic of Chinese politics and the whims of the sovereign. The book however offers no pointers on how to move forward the important debate on putting one country, two systems back on the right track. Nevertheless, notwithstanding the general frustration and despondency of the local community with the current predicament and its distrust of the communist regime, the central message of the book remains too important to overlook. That is, despite all the noise about independence and overwhelming international concern, one country, two systems may still be the only option of institutional arrangement for Hong Kong in the foreseeable future. Like it or not, Hong Kong people have to find a way to make it work.
中国国内外对其“一国两制”方针的看法。当香港的未来在20世纪80年代得到解决时,没有人能预见到中国经济的飞速增长。例如,即使是在过渡时期最有远见的观察者也无法预见消费者和游客源源不断地涌入香港的威胁及其对当地服务和商品供应的破坏性影响。中国市场化进程的曲折也超出了我们的想象。虽然大多数人并不认为中国的市场化轨迹是一个线性过程,但很少有人预见到从20世纪90年代末开始国家主义方法的回归。面对国内经济联邦制的威胁和全球金融危机的挑战,党的领导层恢复了重新集中和控制的倾向。如今,作为国民经济冠军的大型国有企业集团的统治证明了“国家的回归”。 前所未有的经济实力,加上国家主义方法的更新,改变了香港与主权国家互动和“讨价还价”的局面。中国的迅速崛起也遭到了世界其他国家的强烈抵制,而特朗普政府只是对中国崛起的普遍不安的缩影。中国领导人“世界反对我们”的包围心理,在很大程度上是对香港出现的“国家安全威胁”反应过度的原因。可悲的是,香港的命运始终是由中国政治的逻辑和主权的突发奇想决定的。然而,这本书没有就如何推进关于让一国两制重回正轨的重要辩论提供任何指导。尽管如此,尽管当地社区对当前的困境普遍感到沮丧和沮丧,对共产主义政权也不信任,但这本书的核心信息仍然不容忽视。也就是说,尽管有关于独立的各种声音和压倒一切的国际关注,但在可预见的未来,一国两制可能仍然是香港体制安排的唯一选择。不管喜欢与否,香港人都必须找到一种方法让它发挥作用。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Saving the Nation: Chinese Protestant Elites and the Quest to Build a New China, 1922–1952 by Thomas H. Reilly 书评:《救国:中国新教精英与建立新中国的探索,1922-1952》,作者:托马斯·h·赖利
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051055h
Zhixi Wang
that the contentious political meaning making transpires. The photo is an odd bird. In many ways it is the closest we come to a reproduction of the ‘real’, and yet we know it also as doctored and manipulated. Like the negatives through which the title shifts, the photo-forms dissected in this compelling work on visuality speak both to repression and visibility, inadmissible and unsayable but also publicly articulatable. While Hillenbrand does not use the term, we see how the photo-forms emerge as a marker and space of the liminal. While liminal spaces indicate transitions and rites of passage, they are also spaces of power – above, beyond, and outside of time and place. Hillenbrand shows us how critique is made possible through their presence.
有争议的政治意义产生了。这张照片很奇怪。在很多方面,它是我们最接近“真实”的复制品,但我们也知道它是被篡改和操纵的。就像标题转换的底片一样,这部引人注目的视觉作品中剖析的照片形式既表达了压抑,也表达了可见性,既不可接受,也不可表达,但也可以公开表达。虽然Hillenbrand没有使用这个词,但我们看到了照片形式是如何作为界限的标记和空间出现的。虽然界限空间表示过渡和成人仪式,但它们也是权力的空间——在时间和地点之上、之外。Hillenbrand向我们展示了批判是如何通过他们的存在而成为可能的。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Maos langer Schatten: Chinas Umgang mit der Vergangenheit by Daniel Leese
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203x211051055e
Susanne Weigelin-Schwiedrzik
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Great Exodus from China: Trauma, Memory, and Identity in Modern Taiwan by Dominic Meng-Hsuan Yang 书评:《中国大逃亡:现代台湾的创伤、记忆与认同》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051055k
Norbert Francis
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Negative Exposures: Knowing What Not to Know in Contemporary China by Margaret Hillenbrand 玛格丽特·希伦布兰德书评:《负面暴露:知道当代中国不该知道的事》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051055g
Jennifer Hubbert
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Unending Capitalism: How Consumerism Negated China's Communist Revolution by Karl Gerth 书评:无休止的资本主义:消费主义如何否定中国的共产主义革命,卡尔·格特著
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211051055l
Yikun Zhao
mainland. This differentiation helps to explain a partial convergence on vital questions of national sovereignty between the two major tendencies in the Taiwanese population as a whole that orient, on the one hand, toward the ‘blue camp’ (led by the Kuomintang) and, on the other hand, toward the ‘green camp’ (led by the Democratic Progressive Party). With Hong Kong in full view, only about one in 10 respondents in opinion surveys favour the ‘one country, two systems’ alternative, reflected in broad approval for President Tsai’s second term. During the years covered in the concluding sections of the study, self-identification as ‘Taiwanese-only’ has risen significantly from a small minority during the 1990s to a large majority today. Discussion of the evolution of literary trends and cultural activities focused on émigrés’ memory of China in Chapter 3, and subsequent disenchantment (Chapter 4), traces an interesting parallel to this shift in awareness. All of the above confirms the analysis and vision of the author. One outcome might be that the anachronism of the outsider–native dichotomy will soon be evident among the new generations, becoming categories (still sometimes termed ‘ethnic’) of historic interest only.
大陆这种分化有助于解释台湾民众在国家主权这一重要问题上的部分趋同,这两种主要倾向一方面倾向于“蓝营”(国民党领导),另一方面倾向“绿营”(民进党领导)。在香港众目睽睽之下,在民意调查中,只有约十分之一的受访者赞成“一国两制”方案,这反映在对蔡总统第二任期的广泛支持上。在研究结论部分所涵盖的几年里,“仅限台湾人”的自我认同从20世纪90年代的少数显著上升到今天的绝大多数。第三章对文学趋势和文化活动的演变进行了讨论,重点是移民对中国的记忆,以及随后的祛魅(第四章),这与意识的转变有着有趣的相似之处。所有这些都印证了作者的分析和设想。一种结果可能是,外来者-本土者二分法的时代错误很快就会在新一代人中显现出来,成为只具有历史意义的类别(有时仍被称为“种族”)。
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China Information
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