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Sometimes Even Easy Rule of Law Cases Make Bad Law 有时,即使是简单的法治案件也会产生糟糕的法律
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000335
Mathieu Leloup, D. Kosař
It is a well-known maxim in the legal world that hard cases make bad law. Yet, this familiar phrase has long been turned upside down as well, as cases that are – by and large – not too difficult may also lead to judgments that are unconvincingly argued or poorly structured. It is especially disheartening to find such judgments in areas where the stakes are high, and even more so when the judgment has been issued through a more authoritative composition, such as a grand chamber. The Grzęda judgment unfortunately checks all of those boxes. Grzęda v Poland1 was the first Grand Chamber judgment of the European Court of Human Rights on the rule of law crisis in Poland, a topic that has been occupying Europe, together with its two main supranational courts,2 for several years now. The case concerned, in essence, the right of access to a court for Mr Grzęda to
法律界有一句著名的格言,即悬案成恶法。然而,这个熟悉的短语长期以来也被颠倒了,因为总的来说,不太难的案件也可能导致难以令人信服的论点或结构不佳的判决。在事关重大的领域发现这样的判决尤其令人沮丧,当判决是通过一个更权威的组成部分(如大法庭)发布时更是如此。不幸的是,格日达的判决勾选了所有这些方框。GrzÉda v Poland1是欧洲人权法院就波兰的法治危机作出的第一个大分庭判决,这一话题已经占据了欧洲及其两个主要的超国家法院2好几年了。本案实质上涉及GrzÉda先生诉诸法院的权利
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引用次数: 1
The EU Recovery Instrument and the Constitutional Implications of its Expenditure 欧盟复苏工具及其支出的宪法意义
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000323
Antonio‐Martín Porras‐Gómez
2021–2027 Recovery Plan for Europe and its Recovery and Resilience Facility have altered elements of the EU institutional equilibrium – constitutional consistency of the ensuing design – implications for the constitutional evolution of the EU – analysis of the expenditure of the Recovery and Resilience Facility – new fiscal economic stabilisation function – conditionality attached to the funds – strengthened role of the Council – nuanced multi-level financial governance – the fiscal stabilisation function enshrines a potential form of constitutional mutation – the new institutional framework for the expenditure of the EU funds seems to lean towards an intergovernmental preeminence
2021–2027年欧洲复苏计划及其复苏和恢复机制改变了欧盟制度平衡的要素——随后设计的宪法一致性——对欧盟宪法演变的影响——对复苏和恢复基金支出的分析——新的财政经济稳定功能——附加条件基金——加强了理事会的作用——微妙的多层次金融治理——财政稳定职能包含了一种潜在的宪法变异形式——欧盟基金支出的新体制框架似乎倾向于政府间的优势
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引用次数: 1
Confronting Emergency Politics 应对紧急政治
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000311
H. Hogan
In September 2020, ahead of a trip to Dublin, the EU Economy Commissioner, Paoli Gentiloni, described the imposition of austerity in Ireland as a ‘mistake’.1 This remarkable admission caused barely a ripple, either in Ireland or across the European Union. There were no public protests, no outcry from political parties, no complaints from the media or civil society groups. No one seemed to want to know why, less than a decade before, the public had been unequivocally informed that there was no alternative to the punitive cutbacks in state spending that had caused widespread devastation. Perhaps drawing attention to Commissioner Gentiloni’s remarks would be to invite greater scrutiny into the role of political parties, journalists, economists and others who had perpetuated the narrative that austerity was inevitable, that resistance was futile, and helped to legitimise the choices made by political actors during that era. Unravelling the dominant narrative around the Euro Crisis would be to expose those who continue to defend their legacy during austerity years as one in which they, too, had no alternative.
2020年9月,在访问都柏林之前,欧盟经济专员Paoli Gentiloni将爱尔兰实施紧缩政策描述为一个“错误”。1无论是在爱尔兰还是在整个欧盟,这一引人注目的承认几乎没有引起任何反响。没有公众抗议,没有政党的强烈抗议,也没有媒体或民间社会团体的抱怨。似乎没有人想知道,为什么在不到十年前,公众被明确告知,除了惩罚性削减国家开支之外,别无选择,这已经造成了广泛的破坏。也许,提请人们注意真蒂洛尼专员的言论,是为了让人们对政党、记者、经济学家和其他人的作用进行更深入的审查,他们一直认为紧缩是不可避免的,抵抗是徒劳的,并有助于使那个时代政治行为者的选择合法化。解开围绕欧元危机的主导叙事,将暴露出那些在紧缩时期继续捍卫自己遗产的人,他们也别无选择。
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引用次数: 0
From Militant Democracy to Normal Politics? How European Democracies Respond to Populist Parties 从激进民主到正常政治?欧洲民主国家如何应对民粹主义政党
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000268
Angela Bourne
Problems with militant democracy and democratic defence approaches – a new typology of initiatives opposing populist parties: democratic defence as ‘normal politics’ – populist opponents: public authorities, parties and civil society – tolerant and intolerant modes of engagement with populists – intolerant initiatives opposing populist parties – rights restrictions by public authorities – ostracism by political parties – coercive confrontation by civil society actors – tolerant initiatives opposing populist parties – ‘ordinary’ legal controls and pedagogy by public authorities – forbearance by political parties – adversarialism by civil society actors
激进民主和民主防御方法的问题——反对民粹主义政党的新举措类型:将民主防御视为“正常政治”——民粹主义反对者:公共当局,政党和民间社会——与民粹主义者接触的宽容和不宽容模式——反对民粹主义政党的不宽容举措——公共当局的权利限制——政党的排斥——民间社会行为者的胁迫对抗——反对民粹主义党派的宽容举措——公共当局的“普通”法律控制和教育——政党的宽容&民间社会行动者的对抗主义
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引用次数: 4
ECL volume 18 issue 3 Cover and Front matter ECL第18卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1574019622000360
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引用次数: 0
Cilfit Still Fits Cilfit仍然适合
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000293
François-Xavier Millet
What is a good case? Although the question may sound bizarre to the ear of most academics, who are primarily interested in what a good (or a bad) judgment is, judges are probably more familiar with it. It is indeed more usual for those on the bench to have a discussion on whether the cases upon which they are asked to adjudicate are suitable for a reconsideration of previous judgments and whether such reconsideration should take the form of a mere clarification, a revisiting, an overhauling or even an overruling. Making such a decision is obviously not easy. It depends on a mix of endogenous and exogenous factors: on one side, the facts of the case, its legal context, the type of legal issues at stake, the capacity of the bench to come up with a new, workable and assumingly better solution; on the other side, the timing, the political and judicial context, the embeddedness or the popular support of a long-standing solution. Against that background, it is rather clear that the case in Consorzio Italian Management1 was not deemed by the Court of Justice of the European Union (referred to throughout as the Court of Justice or simply the Court) to constitute
什么是好案例?虽然这个问题对大多数学者来说可能听起来很奇怪,他们主要对什么是好的(或坏的)判断感兴趣,但法官们可能更熟悉这个问题。事实上,法官们更常讨论的是,他们被要求裁决的案件是否适合对以前的判决进行复议,以及这种复议是否应该采取单纯的澄清、重审、彻底修改甚至推翻的形式。做出这样的决定显然不容易。这取决于内生和外部因素的混合:一方面,案件的事实,其法律背景,涉及的法律问题的类型,法官提出新的,可行的和假设更好的解决方案的能力;另一方面,一个长期解决方案的时机、政治和司法背景、嵌入性或民众支持。在这种背景下,相当清楚的是,欧洲联盟法院(通篇称为法院或简称法院)并不认为意大利管理财团案构成
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Form in European Constitutionalism 欧洲宪政的形式政治
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000244
Vlad Perju
The first two decades of the twenty-first century have ushered upon Europe a seemingly unending string of existential crises. From financial meltdowns to mass migration, from a pandemic and the impending climate catastrophe to the war in Ukraine, the EU has been facing pressures at a pace and on a scale far beyond what it had experienced during its not-entirely-uneventful past. The typical observer of European integration will likely conclude that, despite missteps and failures, the EU has managed not to succumb under the weight of these challenges. A sense of pragmatism and possibility, born in part out of pure despair, has driven its more successful policies and legal innovations. A modicum of institutional imagination was on display during the financial crisis when new mechanisms were created outside the Treaty’s formal architecture but not entirely beyond its constitutional purview. While the EU asylum system tragically collapsed during the 2015 refugee crisis, enough of a basic framework remained in place to handle, a few years later, the influx of Ukrainians fleeing their Golgotha. During the sad, protracted Brexit episode, the EU withstood London’s fraught attempts to break the united front of its member states. Nor have the EU’s institutions failed, despite some heart-stopping missteps, the task of setting up relief during the Covid public health emergency. The voice from Luxembourg, however tardy and dim, could be heard as the EU’s eastern lands saw
二十一世纪的头二十年给欧洲带来了一系列似乎无休止的生存危机。从金融崩溃到大规模移民,从大流行病和即将到来的气候灾难到乌克兰战争,欧盟一直面临着远远超出其在不完全平静的过去所经历的速度和规模的压力。欧洲一体化的典型观察者可能会得出结论,尽管有失误和失败,欧盟还是设法没有在这些挑战的重压下屈服。实用主义和可能性感,部分源于纯粹的绝望,推动了其更成功的政策和法律创新。金融危机期间,当在《条约》的正式架构之外但并非完全超出其宪法权限建立新机制时,展现了一点制度想象力。尽管欧盟庇护制度在2015年难民危机中不幸崩溃,但几年后,仍有足够的基本框架来应对逃离其各塔的乌克兰人的涌入。在令人悲伤的、旷日持久的脱欧事件中,欧盟顶住了伦敦打破其成员国统一战线的艰难尝试。尽管在新冠肺炎公共卫生紧急情况期间出现了一些令人心碎的失误,但欧盟的机构也没有失败。来自卢森堡的声音,无论多么缓慢和微弱,都可以在欧盟东部的土地上听到
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引用次数: 0
Militant Democracy, Populism, Illiberalism: New Challengers and New Challenges 激进民主、民粹主义、非自由主义:新的挑战和新的挑战
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000281
Angela Bourne, B. Rijpkema
Introduction to the Special Section – ECPR 2021 Joint Sessions ‘Militant Democracy: New Challengers and Challenges’ – metamorphoses of a Cold War concept – new challengers intensify challenges for militant democracy – evaluation of the effects and effectiveness of militant democracy – new conceptual and normative approaches broaden concept of militant democracy – risk of ‘concept stretching’ – minimal common recognisable core
特别部分介绍——ECPR 2021联席会议“激进民主:新的挑战者和挑战”——冷战概念的转变——新的挑战者加剧了对激进民主的挑战——评估激进民主的效果和有效性——新的概念和规范方法拓宽了激进民主的概念——风险“概念延伸”——最小通用可识别核心
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引用次数: 0
Militant Democracy and the Minority to Majority Effect: on the Importance of Electoral System Design 激进民主与少数对多数效应——兼论选举制度设计的重要性
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S157401962200027X
T. V. D. van der Meer, B. Rijpkema
Impact of electoral system design on democratic self-defence – ‘informal’ (content neutral) militant democracy instrument – the minority to majority effect (assigning majoritarian power to political minorities) increases risk of democratic backsliding – minority to majority goes beyond conventional systemic dichotomies as majoritarianism versus proportionalism: outcome of diverse system features – resources and incentives as explanatory mechanisms – preliminary case studies – the limitations of institutional engineering
选举制度设计对民主自卫的影响-“非正式”(内容中立)激进民主工具-少数对多数效应(将多数主义权力分配给政治上的少数群体)增加了民主倒退的风险-少数对多数超越了传统的系统二分法,如多数主义与比例主义:多元制度特征的结果——资源与激励作为解释机制——初步案例研究——制度工程的局限性
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引用次数: 0
Citizens’ Actions against Non-liberal-democratic Parties 公民反对非自由民主政党的行动
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000232
T. Olsen
Political parties are important for the functioning and consolidation of democracy – citizens should defend their rights against parties with agendas that conflict with the principles of liberal democracy – the types of actions that are permissible for citizens depends on the conditions of political legitimacy and the closeness to power of non-liberal-democratic parties – theories of both (un-)civil disobedience and violent self-defence are relevant here
政党对民主的运作和巩固很重要——公民应该捍卫自己的权利,反对议程与自由民主原则相冲突的政党——公民可以采取的行动类型取决于政治合法性的条件和非自由民主政党与权力的接近程度——两者的理论(联合国)公民抗命和暴力自卫在这里是相关的
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引用次数: 1
期刊
European Constitutional Law Review
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