Pub Date : 2020-03-16DOI: 10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.145
Uxue Zugaza Goienetxea
This paper relates the institutionalization of intersectionality and the critics about the lack of its genealogy inspired by the intellectual and activist trajectories of women of color . The text suggests that the loose of radicalness responds to four dynamics of institutionalization of intersectionality. These are: 1) the forget of the genealogy of colour and the ethos of social justice, 2) an epistemological shift to the discipline and standardization, 3) the hegemony of the global North’s scientific productions as opposed to those of global South and 4) the politics of innovation and the diversity market within a neoliberal context.
{"title":"Apuntes críticos sobre las dinámicas de institucionalización de la interseccionalidad","authors":"Uxue Zugaza Goienetxea","doi":"10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.145","url":null,"abstract":"This paper relates the institutionalization of intersectionality and the critics about the lack of its genealogy inspired by the intellectual and activist trajectories of women of color . The text suggests that the loose of radicalness responds to four dynamics of institutionalization of intersectionality. These are: 1) the forget of the genealogy of colour and the ethos of social justice, 2) an epistemological shift to the discipline and standardization, 3) the hegemony of the global North’s scientific productions as opposed to those of global South and 4) the politics of innovation and the diversity market within a neoliberal context.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"2 1","pages":"152"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82621098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-16DOI: 10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.110
C. M. León, Eva Aizpurúa
Actualmente, son escasos los estudios que han analizado las actitudes hacia las víctimas de delitos, especialmente en España. Con el propósito de contribuir a este ámbito, el presente trabajo analiza las principales atribuciones causales sobre la victimización y examina la influencia de las experiencias de victimización y el sexo de los encuestados en la tendencia a culpabilizar a las víctimas. Para ello se contó con una muestra compuesta por 2.112 estudiantes universitarios (63,6 % mujeres y 36,4 % hombres). Los datos fueron recogidos mediante una encuesta online durante el periodo comprendido entre el 7 y el 20 de noviembre de 2017. Los resultados mostraron que los hombres culpabilizaron más a las víctimas que las mujeres. Además, controlando el efecto del sexo, se halló que los encuestados que habían sido victimizados culpabilizaron menos a las víctimas que aquellos que indicaron no haber sido víctimas. Se discuten los resultados y sus implicaciones.
{"title":"Culpabilización a las víctimas de delitos: alcance y factores asociados","authors":"C. M. León, Eva Aizpurúa","doi":"10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.110","url":null,"abstract":"Actualmente, son escasos los estudios que han analizado las actitudes hacia las víctimas de delitos, especialmente en España. Con el propósito de contribuir a este ámbito, el presente trabajo analiza las principales atribuciones causales sobre la victimización y examina la influencia de las experiencias de victimización y el sexo de los encuestados en la tendencia a culpabilizar a las víctimas. Para ello se contó con una muestra compuesta por 2.112 estudiantes universitarios (63,6 % mujeres y 36,4 % hombres). Los datos fueron recogidos mediante una encuesta online durante el periodo comprendido entre el 7 y el 20 de noviembre de 2017. Los resultados mostraron que los hombres culpabilizaron más a las víctimas que las mujeres. Además, controlando el efecto del sexo, se halló que los encuestados que habían sido victimizados culpabilizaron menos a las víctimas que aquellos que indicaron no haber sido víctimas. Se discuten los resultados y sus implicaciones.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43889985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-16DOI: 10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.064
Marta Donat López, María Dolores Martín-Lagos López, Elisabeth Moles López
It is proposed to know the influence of certain socioeconomic variables depending on whether a young person is the main breadwinner of his or her household, or the child of the main breadwinner. In this way, an approximation is made to the independence of youth. Taking three specific dates as a reference -2006, 2011 and 2015-, the aim is to ascertain the extent to which the economic recession is affecting them. Descriptive analyses and binary logistic regressions have been done, using the Household Budget Survey. There are some differences depending on the year, as well as some general trends. A higher level of education increases the probability that a youth is the child of the main breadwinner of the household, while being male, between 30 and 34 years old or receiving a salary greater than €1,000 is closer to the profile of breadwinner. As for the main breadwinners, a male aged 30 to 34 with an income level greater than €1,000 is the profile closest to a permanent contract.
{"title":"Sustentación principal del hogar en el grupo de edad de 25 a 34 años en España (2006, 2011 y 2015)","authors":"Marta Donat López, María Dolores Martín-Lagos López, Elisabeth Moles López","doi":"10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.064","url":null,"abstract":"It is proposed to know the influence of certain socioeconomic variables depending on whether a young person is the main breadwinner of his or her household, or the child of the main breadwinner. In this way, an approximation is made to the independence of youth. Taking three specific dates as a reference -2006, 2011 and 2015-, the aim is to ascertain the extent to which the economic recession is affecting them. Descriptive analyses and binary logistic regressions have been done, using the Household Budget Survey. There are some differences depending on the year, as well as some general trends. A higher level of education increases the probability that a youth is the child of the main breadwinner of the household, while being male, between 30 and 34 years old or receiving a salary greater than €1,000 is closer to the profile of breadwinner. As for the main breadwinners, a male aged 30 to 34 with an income level greater than €1,000 is the profile closest to a permanent contract.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"99 1","pages":"146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73210831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-16DOI: 10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.037
Xavier Guijarro Rubinat
Active labour market policies and social investment paradigm have promoted debates on the evolution of welfare states towards a greater social policy conditionality. This study explores the role of deservingness criteria and their interaction with self-interest and ideology to understand how people develop specific attitudes towards social policy conditionality. Conclusions are drawn through the analysis of existing literature and a public opinion survey from Catalonia that brings a unique opportunity to build an empirical strategy based on the theoretical distinction between deservingness criteria and social policy conditionality. The analysis demonstrates the explanatory power of deservingness criteria and how these interfere with self-interest and ideology. Findings are especially relevant for political communication.
{"title":"La centralidad de los criterios de merecimiento en la explicación de las actitudes hacia la condicionalidad de la política social","authors":"Xavier Guijarro Rubinat","doi":"10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2020.78.1.18.037","url":null,"abstract":"Active labour market policies and social investment paradigm have promoted debates on the evolution of welfare states towards a greater social policy conditionality. This study explores the role of deservingness criteria and their interaction with self-interest and ideology to understand how people develop specific attitudes towards social policy conditionality. Conclusions are drawn through the analysis of existing literature and a public opinion survey from Catalonia that brings a unique opportunity to build an empirical strategy based on the theoretical distinction between deservingness criteria and social policy conditionality. The analysis demonstrates the explanatory power of deservingness criteria and how these interfere with self-interest and ideology. Findings are especially relevant for political communication.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"24 1","pages":"149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90100440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.003
Judith Bessant, Maria Grasso
The years following the 2008 global recession saw many liberal-democratic states respond to the economic crisis by introducing austerity policies. In turn, this provoked widespread dissent and social movement activism involving large numbers of young people. In response, governments of many different political persuasions moved to suppress these actions by criminalizing political dissent. The article inquiries into state and institutional moves to suppress social movement activism like the ‘Maple Spring’ student strikes in Quebec, Canada, and the Indignados movement in Spain. While Canada can be described as a ‘mature liberal-democracy’ and Spain might be better described as an ‘emergent liberal-democracy’, both criminalized young people exercising their democratic and constitutionally guaranteed rights to free expression and assembly by engaging in various forms of political protests. While some of this can be explained by reference to contradictions inherent in liberal democracies, we consider if it also reflects certain long-standing prejudices directed at young people. Young people have traditionally attracted disproportionate attention from police and legal systems when they are involved in ‘conventional’ criminal conduct. What role if any did the ‘youthful’ face of protest play in government moves to criminalize dissent in 2011-12 An account of the ‘civilizing offensive’ highlights the influence of ageist assumptions that ‘young people’ require close management. This provides some insight into state responses to young people’s engagement in politics when it goes beyond the conventional mode of ‘youth participation’ prescribed by states committed to managing electoral party politics
{"title":"La seguridad y el estado democrático liberal. Criminalizando la política de los jóvenes","authors":"Judith Bessant, Maria Grasso","doi":"10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.003","url":null,"abstract":"The years following the 2008 global recession saw many liberal-democratic states respond to the economic crisis by introducing austerity policies. In turn, this provoked widespread dissent and social movement activism involving large numbers of young people. In response, governments of many different political persuasions moved to suppress these actions by criminalizing political dissent. The article inquiries into state and institutional moves to suppress social movement activism like the ‘Maple Spring’ student strikes in Quebec, Canada, and the Indignados movement in Spain. While Canada can be described as a ‘mature liberal-democracy’ and Spain might be better described as an ‘emergent liberal-democracy’, both criminalized young people exercising their democratic and constitutionally guaranteed rights to free expression and assembly by engaging in various forms of political protests. While some of this can be explained by reference to contradictions inherent in liberal democracies, we consider if it also reflects certain long-standing prejudices directed at young people. Young people have traditionally attracted disproportionate attention from police and legal systems when they are involved in ‘conventional’ criminal conduct. What role if any did the ‘youthful’ face of protest play in government moves to criminalize dissent in 2011-12 An account of the ‘civilizing offensive’ highlights the influence of ageist assumptions that ‘young people’ require close management. This provides some insight into state responses to young people’s engagement in politics when it goes beyond the conventional mode of ‘youth participation’ prescribed by states committed to managing electoral party politics","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"200 1","pages":"140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76034271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-29DOI: 10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.006
J. García-García, Kerman Calvo Borobia
In this article we analyse the discourse of conservative commentators and journalists who produced critical items against 15-M mobilisations between 16 May and 30 September 2011 in three newspapers: Abc, Libertad Digital and La Razon . The effort on the part of conservative journalists to deride and frame 15-M mobilisations as a threat should be considered repression; more precisely, these mechanisms should be seen as part of a broader strategy of repression of youth dissent, a strategy where conservative media outlets, through the securitisation of protesting, collaborate with conservative political parties, the police and some segments within the criminal legal system. The examination of the repressive behaviour of the Spanish media reveals a surprising parallelism between the present and a past that was thought to have been long overcome. In their fierce criticism of 15-M activism, Spanish conservative commentators have brought crowd psychology back to life – the popular theory that, until well into the twentieth century, summarized certain nineteenth-century intellectual and cultural elites’ fear of middle and working-class activism.
{"title":"La represión de las masas. La prensa y la securitización del disenso juvenil en España","authors":"J. García-García, Kerman Calvo Borobia","doi":"10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.006","url":null,"abstract":"In this article we analyse the discourse of conservative commentators and journalists who produced critical items against 15-M mobilisations between 16 May and 30 September 2011 in three newspapers: Abc, Libertad Digital and La Razon . The effort on the part of conservative journalists to deride and frame 15-M mobilisations as a threat should be considered repression; more precisely, these mechanisms should be seen as part of a broader strategy of repression of youth dissent, a strategy where conservative media outlets, through the securitisation of protesting, collaborate with conservative political parties, the police and some segments within the criminal legal system. The examination of the repressive behaviour of the Spanish media reveals a surprising parallelism between the present and a past that was thought to have been long overcome. In their fierce criticism of 15-M activism, Spanish conservative commentators have brought crowd psychology back to life – the popular theory that, until well into the twentieth century, summarized certain nineteenth-century intellectual and cultural elites’ fear of middle and working-class activism.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"12 1","pages":"143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76294235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-29DOI: 10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.002
Sarah Pickard
Youth-led protest actions and protests with young people as key protagonists have increased and become more diverse. This article constitutes a detailed case study of evolutions in policing and the legislative framework pertaining to protests and young protesters in Britain, drawing on political sociology, political science, criminology and youth studies. The article first outlines the main protest actions involving young people in twenty-first century Britain. Next, it documents developments in policing tools and methods. It then explains changes to the legislative framework. I argue that through military-style policing tools and methods, combined with authoritarian laws, successive British governments have developed coercive policing, the monitoring of protesters and the criminalisation of dissent. This runs counter to official discourse claiming there has been a return to policing by consent with greater attention to human rights and dialogue following criticisms from various official bodies. Thus, in reality, an ostensibly liberal democratic state is wielding excessive force and coercion, as part of a securitisation process, in a bid to regulate and repress young citizens’ protest actions construed as a disruptive threat to the political status quo. In this way, young citizens are being deprived of their democratic and human right to peaceful protest with important implications for Britain and elsewhere.
{"title":"Fuerza excesiva, vigilancia policial coercitiva y criminalización de la disidencia. Reprimir la protesta de los jóvenes en la Gran Bretaña del siglo XXI","authors":"Sarah Pickard","doi":"10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.002","url":null,"abstract":"Youth-led protest actions and protests with young people as key protagonists have increased and become more diverse. This article constitutes a detailed case study of evolutions in policing and the legislative framework pertaining to protests and young protesters in Britain, drawing on political sociology, political science, criminology and youth studies. The article first outlines the main protest actions involving young people in twenty-first century Britain. Next, it documents developments in policing tools and methods. It then explains changes to the legislative framework. I argue that through military-style policing tools and methods, combined with authoritarian laws, successive British governments have developed coercive policing, the monitoring of protesters and the criminalisation of dissent. This runs counter to official discourse claiming there has been a return to policing by consent with greater attention to human rights and dialogue following criticisms from various official bodies. Thus, in reality, an ostensibly liberal democratic state is wielding excessive force and coercion, as part of a securitisation process, in a bid to regulate and repress young citizens’ protest actions construed as a disruptive threat to the political status quo. In this way, young citizens are being deprived of their democratic and human right to peaceful protest with important implications for Britain and elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"72 1","pages":"139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76703204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-29DOI: 10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.001
Ignacio González-Sánchez
This article discusses the use of law and order discourses, agents and institutions in the management of the protest. Social movement studies literature on the police management of the protest and the effects this has on mobilization is reviewed to this end. Notions from the sociology of punishment are incorporated in order to argue for the pertinence of exploring these issues in terms of processes of penalization. A complex vision of punishment is used to question the widespread understanding that there is now less violence involved in protest management: I turn to symbolic violence, and spectators as interpreters of penalization to open new lines of inquiry. To illustrate the types of situation for which these conceptual shifts might productively be applied I refer to examples of mediated political discourse, police action and presence, and the modification and application of legal texts during the last wave of protest in Spain.
{"title":"La violencia simbólica y la penalización de la protesta","authors":"Ignacio González-Sánchez","doi":"10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.001","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the use of law and order discourses, agents and institutions in the management of the protest. Social movement studies literature on the police management of the protest and the effects this has on mobilization is reviewed to this end. Notions from the sociology of punishment are incorporated in order to argue for the pertinence of exploring these issues in terms of processes of penalization. A complex vision of punishment is used to question the widespread understanding that there is now less violence involved in protest management: I turn to symbolic violence, and spectators as interpreters of penalization to open new lines of inquiry. To illustrate the types of situation for which these conceptual shifts might productively be applied I refer to examples of mediated political discourse, police action and presence, and the modification and application of legal texts during the last wave of protest in Spain.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"150 1","pages":"138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77398211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-29DOI: 10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.004
Gema M. García-Albacete, Javier Lorente
The economic crisis transformed the way in which European citizens relate to politics in general but particularly affected young people. The crisis resulted in decreased levels of trust in political institutions and increased levels of political protest. But little attention has been paid to the post-crisis period. Ten years on, what are young people’s attitudes and behaviour? This article examines the potential long term consequences of the economic crisis on young people’s political interest, political trust and political participation. In examining political behaviour we use a classification of types of participants that allows us to compare young people to adults, and young people before, during and after the economic crisis. Empirically, we use a descriptive approach using survey data from the European Social Survey, covering a considerable period of time (2002-2016) and 16 European countries. The comparison is threefold: young people over time, young people to adults, and young people across countries. The results support the idea of the emergence of a post-crisis youth that is more engaged and participative than adults and young people before the crisis. However the results do not show radical differences among countries that were affected by the economic crisis in varying degrees.
经济危机总体上改变了欧洲公民与政治的关系，但对年轻人的影响尤甚。这场危机导致人们对政治机构的信任度下降，政治抗议活动增多。但人们很少关注后危机时期。十年过去了，年轻人的态度和行为是怎样的?本文考察了经济危机对年轻人的政治兴趣、政治信任和政治参与的潜在长期影响。在研究政治行为时，我们使用参与者类型的分类，使我们能够将年轻人与成年人，以及经济危机之前，期间和之后的年轻人进行比较。在经验上，我们使用描述性方法，使用欧洲社会调查(European Social survey)的调查数据，涵盖相当长的一段时间(2002-2016)和16个欧洲国家。这种比较有三个方面:不同时期的年轻人、从年轻人到成年人、以及各国的年轻人。研究结果支持了危机后青年的出现，他们比危机前的成年人和年轻人更积极参与。然而，调查结果并没有显示受经济危机影响程度不同的国家之间存在根本性差异。
{"title":"La juventud después de la austeridad. Comportamiento y actitudes políticas","authors":"Gema M. García-Albacete, Javier Lorente","doi":"10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.004","url":null,"abstract":"The economic crisis transformed the way in which European citizens relate to politics in general but particularly affected young people. The crisis resulted in decreased levels of trust in political institutions and increased levels of political protest. But little attention has been paid to the post-crisis period. Ten years on, what are young people’s attitudes and behaviour? This article examines the potential long term consequences of the economic crisis on young people’s political interest, political trust and political participation. In examining political behaviour we use a classification of types of participants that allows us to compare young people to adults, and young people before, during and after the economic crisis. Empirically, we use a descriptive approach using survey data from the European Social Survey, covering a considerable period of time (2002-2016) and 16 European countries. The comparison is threefold: young people over time, young people to adults, and young people across countries. The results support the idea of the emergence of a post-crisis youth that is more engaged and participative than adults and young people before the crisis. However the results do not show radical differences among countries that were affected by the economic crisis in varying degrees.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"7 1","pages":"141"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81188382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-29DOI: 10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.005
Donatella Della Porta, Francis O’Connor, Martín Portos
This article seeks to understand the trajectory of radicalization in the Catalan ‘proces’. Regardless of their formal legal standing, referendum campaigns are distinct political opportunities which also generate further opportunities. Contrary to what some theories of protest would predict, when political opportunities are closed down at national level, and repression toughens, violent escalation leading to fragmentation and ultimately demobilization does not necessarily ensue, at least in the short term. As the Catalan ‘proces’ illustrates between the mid-2000s and late-2018, the combination of mechanisms such as appropriation of opportunities, downward scale shift and movement convergence can mitigate escalation processes. A dense network of local and grassroots assemblies displaced the previously dominant, major civil society organizations that led mass protests, especially during the 2012-2015 ‘diadas’. These grassroots actors prioritized the organization of dissent through more direct, more disruptive, but mostly peaceful forms of action. This in turn facilitated movement convergence, based upon solidarization, as it opened up local spaces where the activists from across the spectrum could mobilize together, pre-empting a clear violent escalation and the emergence of violent splinter groups till late 2018.
{"title":"Ciclos de protesta y referéndums por la independencia. Oportunidades cerradas y el camino de la radicalización en Cataluña","authors":"Donatella Della Porta, Francis O’Connor, Martín Portos","doi":"10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.4.19.005","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to understand the trajectory of radicalization in the Catalan ‘proces’. Regardless of their formal legal standing, referendum campaigns are distinct political opportunities which also generate further opportunities. Contrary to what some theories of protest would predict, when political opportunities are closed down at national level, and repression toughens, violent escalation leading to fragmentation and ultimately demobilization does not necessarily ensue, at least in the short term. As the Catalan ‘proces’ illustrates between the mid-2000s and late-2018, the combination of mechanisms such as appropriation of opportunities, downward scale shift and movement convergence can mitigate escalation processes. A dense network of local and grassroots assemblies displaced the previously dominant, major civil society organizations that led mass protests, especially during the 2012-2015 ‘diadas’. These grassroots actors prioritized the organization of dissent through more direct, more disruptive, but mostly peaceful forms of action. This in turn facilitated movement convergence, based upon solidarization, as it opened up local spaces where the activists from across the spectrum could mobilize together, pre-empting a clear violent escalation and the emergence of violent splinter groups till late 2018.","PeriodicalId":45827,"journal":{"name":"Revista Internacional De Sociologia","volume":"1 1","pages":"142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87572123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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