Abstract Are authoritarian successor party (ASP) supporters more likely to protest? I propose that ASP supporters are less likely to protest in general. The post-democratization mobilization environment is shaped upon the pre-democratization mobilization basis. During the pre-democratization period, protest was organized around the democracy movement. Thus, protest tactics and networks were accumulated through it. As former authoritarian ruling party supporters, ASP supporters are less likely to have legacies of participating in the democracy movement, which prevents them from accessing the accumulated protest resources from the democracy movement. However, I argue that this negative association varies based on the ASP qualities and supporters’ age. Supporters of ASPs that maintain strong pre-democratization legacies are more likely to participate in protests than supporters of ASPs that do not strongly highlight their authoritarian legacies. Also, when the ASPs’ characteristics are considered, older ASP supporters are more likely to participate in protests than younger supporters. Using both single-level and multilevel statistical analyses, I examine four Asian countries with politically powerful ASPs and find evidence supporting my hypotheses. Lastly, I compare two South Korean mass movements, the Candlelight movement and the Taegeukgi rallies to unpack the relationships between ASP supporters, protest resources, and mobilization. This study reveals authoritarian legacies among post-democratization citizens through ASP supporters’ protesting behavior.
{"title":"Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest: Lessons from Asian Democracies","authors":"Myunghee Lee","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.34","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Are authoritarian successor party (ASP) supporters more likely to protest? I propose that ASP supporters are less likely to protest in general. The post-democratization mobilization environment is shaped upon the pre-democratization mobilization basis. During the pre-democratization period, protest was organized around the democracy movement. Thus, protest tactics and networks were accumulated through it. As former authoritarian ruling party supporters, ASP supporters are less likely to have legacies of participating in the democracy movement, which prevents them from accessing the accumulated protest resources from the democracy movement. However, I argue that this negative association varies based on the ASP qualities and supporters’ age. Supporters of ASPs that maintain strong pre-democratization legacies are more likely to participate in protests than supporters of ASPs that do not strongly highlight their authoritarian legacies. Also, when the ASPs’ characteristics are considered, older ASP supporters are more likely to participate in protests than younger supporters. Using both single-level and multilevel statistical analyses, I examine four Asian countries with politically powerful ASPs and find evidence supporting my hypotheses. Lastly, I compare two South Korean mass movements, the Candlelight movement and the Taegeukgi rallies to unpack the relationships between ASP supporters, protest resources, and mobilization. This study reveals authoritarian legacies among post-democratization citizens through ASP supporters’ protesting behavior.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"95 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47757015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Japanese public has been assumed to possess a deeply ingrained aversion toward the acquisition of nuclear weapons. We employ a survey experiment to ascertain whether this aversion is unconditional or may erode in the face of hypothetical deterioration in Japan's security situation, and in particular a hypothetical withdrawal of the US security-nuclear umbrella, increased North Korean nuclear weapons testing activities, and movement by South Korea toward the attainment of a nuclear arsenal. We find that the Japanese nuclear aversion may come under stress in the face of such developments. Additionally, we find that the elasticity of Japanese attitudes with respect to the nuclear option in the face of external security deterioration may be associated with an important individual-level demographic characteristic, namely, gender.
{"title":"External Threats and Public Opinion: The East Asian Security Environment and Japanese Views on the Nuclear Option","authors":"Naoko Matsumura, Atsushi Tago, Joseph Grieco","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.40","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.40","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Japanese public has been assumed to possess a deeply ingrained aversion toward the acquisition of nuclear weapons. We employ a survey experiment to ascertain whether this aversion is unconditional or may erode in the face of hypothetical deterioration in Japan's security situation, and in particular a hypothetical withdrawal of the US security-nuclear umbrella, increased North Korean nuclear weapons testing activities, and movement by South Korea toward the attainment of a nuclear arsenal. We find that the Japanese nuclear aversion may come under stress in the face of such developments. Additionally, we find that the elasticity of Japanese attitudes with respect to the nuclear option in the face of external security deterioration may be associated with an important individual-level demographic characteristic, namely, gender.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"23 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46094290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Strained South Korea–Japan ties are frequently attributed to the use and abuse of history by national leaders. This article considers a more bottom-up explanation by examining how Korean civil society is taking three different pathways to exert influence on bilateral relations. First, non-governmental organizations are expanding domestic and international awareness of grievances regarding Japan's 1910–1945 colonization of the Korean Peninsula. Second, activists are pushing court cases in attempts to change legal interpretations and government policies. Third, certain civic groups demand maximalist positions on history and stigmatize cooperation with Tokyo. While influential over Korean public opinion, these efforts win few hearts and minds in Japan and complicate productive diplomacy. With particular attention to the 2015 Korea–Japan agreement for “comfort women” survivors and the 2018 South Korean Supreme Court decisions on wartime labor, this article unpacks the relationship between activist Korean civil society and historical reconciliation with Japan, offering implications for foreign policy and state-society relations.
{"title":"Korean NGOs and Reconciliation with Japan","authors":"Leif-Eric Easley","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.21","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Strained South Korea–Japan ties are frequently attributed to the use and abuse of history by national leaders. This article considers a more bottom-up explanation by examining how Korean civil society is taking three different pathways to exert influence on bilateral relations. First, non-governmental organizations are expanding domestic and international awareness of grievances regarding Japan's 1910–1945 colonization of the Korean Peninsula. Second, activists are pushing court cases in attempts to change legal interpretations and government policies. Third, certain civic groups demand maximalist positions on history and stigmatize cooperation with Tokyo. While influential over Korean public opinion, these efforts win few hearts and minds in Japan and complicate productive diplomacy. With particular attention to the 2015 Korea–Japan agreement for “comfort women” survivors and the 2018 South Korean Supreme Court decisions on wartime labor, this article unpacks the relationship between activist Korean civil society and historical reconciliation with Japan, offering implications for foreign policy and state-society relations.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"45 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46619439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents evidence that high-ranking public officials in the Ministry of Strategy and Finance in South Korea affect local budget allocation. Applying a regression model on a uniquely constructed panel dataset, I found that the growth rate of the per-capita National Subsidy, which is a subcomponent of the national budget susceptible to discretionary behaviors, increases approximately 7 percent in the hometowns of high-ranking bureaucrats. To validate these findings and address causality, I conducted a battery of auxiliary robustness checks, which yielded confirmatory results. This study also found that enhancing transparency in the budget allocation system can alleviate concerns about bureaucratic hometown favoritism, providing suggestive evidence of bureaucrats’ rent-seeking behaviors without government transparency.
{"title":"Bureaucrats and Budgets in South Korea: Evidence for Hometown Favoritism","authors":"H. Jung","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.33","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents evidence that high-ranking public officials in the Ministry of Strategy and Finance in South Korea affect local budget allocation. Applying a regression model on a uniquely constructed panel dataset, I found that the growth rate of the per-capita National Subsidy, which is a subcomponent of the national budget susceptible to discretionary behaviors, increases approximately 7 percent in the hometowns of high-ranking bureaucrats. To validate these findings and address causality, I conducted a battery of auxiliary robustness checks, which yielded confirmatory results. This study also found that enhancing transparency in the budget allocation system can alleviate concerns about bureaucratic hometown favoritism, providing suggestive evidence of bureaucrats’ rent-seeking behaviors without government transparency.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"205 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42356305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This monograph is based on Benjamin R. Young ’ s 2018 doctoral dissertation and investigates “ North Korea ’ s place within the Third World ” (p. 1). This fits into a recent trend in Cold War studies that emphasizes small state agency. Through this lens, Young critically examines North Korea in a de-westernised way, by treating the country as an independent actor rather than a Soviet-Chinese puppet state. Young ’ s central argument is that Third Worldism, a form of socialist internation-alism which sought to dismantle western economic and political hegemony over post-colonial states (Nash, 2003, 95), formed an important part of North Korea ’ s foreign policy and national identity construction. This allowed Kim Il Sung to establish economic and political relationships with emerging postcolonial states, export his Juche ideology and personality cult, and bolster North Korea ’ s international recognition vis-à-vis South Korea.
这本专著以本杰明·r·杨(Benjamin R. Young) 2018年的博士论文为基础，研究了“朝鲜在第三世界中的地位”(第1页)。这符合冷战研究中最近强调小型国家机构的趋势。通过这一视角，杨以一种去西方化的方式批判性地审视了朝鲜，将其视为一个独立的角色，而不是一个苏中傀儡国家。杨的核心论点是，第三世界主义是社会主义国际主义的一种形式，它试图拆除西方对后殖民国家的经济和政治霸权(Nash, 2003,95)，是朝鲜外交政策和国家认同建设的重要组成部分。这使得金日成能够与新兴的后殖民国家建立经济和政治关系，输出他的主体思想和个人崇拜，并加强朝鲜对-à-vis韩国的国际认可。
{"title":"Guns, Guerillas, and The Great Leader: North Korea and the Third World By Benjamin R. Young. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2021. 218 pp. $28 (Paper), $90 (Cloth).","authors":"David Hall","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.30","url":null,"abstract":"This monograph is based on Benjamin R. Young ’ s 2018 doctoral dissertation and investigates “ North Korea ’ s place within the Third World ” (p. 1). This fits into a recent trend in Cold War studies that emphasizes small state agency. Through this lens, Young critically examines North Korea in a de-westernised way, by treating the country as an independent actor rather than a Soviet-Chinese puppet state. Young ’ s central argument is that Third Worldism, a form of socialist internation-alism which sought to dismantle western economic and political hegemony over post-colonial states (Nash, 2003, 95), formed an important part of North Korea ’ s foreign policy and national identity construction. This allowed Kim Il Sung to establish economic and political relationships with emerging postcolonial states, export his Juche ideology and personality cult, and bolster North Korea ’ s international recognition vis-à-vis South Korea.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"357 - 359"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43734598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research on the political economy of growth in East Asia from its inception was motivated by a focus on institutions. The early developmental state literature highlighted the role that government intervention played in rapid economic growth, but that literature centered largely on the question of which policies governments chose to implement. From Chalmers Johnson (1982) forward, political scientists have paid greater attention to political institutions—and particularly state institutions—as the enabling conditions for the growth process. Factors such as political autonomy, bureaucratic competence, and coordination with the private sector through business councils were seen as crucial to rapid capital accumulation, a relatively efficient allocation of resources, and corresponding increases in social welfare. In contrast to this macrolevel focus on national-level institutions, a second strand of the early literature on growth was decidedly micro in its approach, honing in much more closely on economic or what might be called “local” institutions. These institutions served to coordinate or regulate a diverse set of state and private actors, including both foreign and local firms. This literature—which included its share of classics as well—typically took an industry or sectoral focus with particular attention being paid to the relationship between multinational corporations and networks of local suppliers. This approach to the political economy of the region has continued in various guises, for example in a wide-ranging literature on international production networks. But as editors of the Journal of East Asian Studies, we have seen a decline in this qualitative, institutionally focused case study research on economic growth. Two related considerations thus motivate this roundtable on Rick Doner, Gregory Noble, and John Ravenhill’s (2021) book The Political Economy of Automotive Industrialization in East Asia (hereafter DNR). The first is its return to these core micro-institutional questions. But second, the book invites scholars of East Asian political economy to consider how such studies fit with other research approaches to the region’s development, including not only the earlier generation of sectoral studies, but also more recent quantitative research and the burgeoning revival of interest in a “new” or “open economy” industrial policy.
{"title":"Roundtable on Rick Doner, Gregory Noble, and John Ravenhill, The Political Economy of Automotive Industrialization in East Asia","authors":"Stephan Haggard, Thomas B. Pepinsky","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.22","url":null,"abstract":"Research on the political economy of growth in East Asia from its inception was motivated by a focus on institutions. The early developmental state literature highlighted the role that government intervention played in rapid economic growth, but that literature centered largely on the question of which policies governments chose to implement. From Chalmers Johnson (1982) forward, political scientists have paid greater attention to political institutions—and particularly state institutions—as the enabling conditions for the growth process. Factors such as political autonomy, bureaucratic competence, and coordination with the private sector through business councils were seen as crucial to rapid capital accumulation, a relatively efficient allocation of resources, and corresponding increases in social welfare. In contrast to this macrolevel focus on national-level institutions, a second strand of the early literature on growth was decidedly micro in its approach, honing in much more closely on economic or what might be called “local” institutions. These institutions served to coordinate or regulate a diverse set of state and private actors, including both foreign and local firms. This literature—which included its share of classics as well—typically took an industry or sectoral focus with particular attention being paid to the relationship between multinational corporations and networks of local suppliers. This approach to the political economy of the region has continued in various guises, for example in a wide-ranging literature on international production networks. But as editors of the Journal of East Asian Studies, we have seen a decline in this qualitative, institutionally focused case study research on economic growth. Two related considerations thus motivate this roundtable on Rick Doner, Gregory Noble, and John Ravenhill’s (2021) book The Political Economy of Automotive Industrialization in East Asia (hereafter DNR). The first is its return to these core micro-institutional questions. But second, the book invites scholars of East Asian political economy to consider how such studies fit with other research approaches to the region’s development, including not only the earlier generation of sectoral studies, but also more recent quantitative research and the burgeoning revival of interest in a “new” or “open economy” industrial policy.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"151 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42850900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Under pressure to choose between the U.S. and China, Southeast Asian countries have adopted a hedging strategy: deepening economic relations with China while strengthening security cooperation with the U.S. How does the region's public view this strategy? With tensions rising in South China Sea territorial disputes, are more nationalistic individuals more likely to oppose hedging? Using an original public opinion survey conducted in the Philippines, we find that while an overwhelming majority of respondents were concerned about the territorial disputes, more nationalistic Filipinos were no more concerned than less nationalistic ones. Further, more nationalistic Filipinos were more likely to view economic relations with China as important for the Philippines and to approve of Duterte's China policy, which follows the logic of hedging. These surprising findings suggest that under the shadow of great-power competition, the link between domestic politics and foreign policy is nuanced in the Philippines, and Southeast Asia in general.
在美国和中国之间做出选择的压力下，东南亚国家采取了一种对冲策略:深化与中国的经济关系，同时加强与美国的安全合作。该地区公众如何看待这一策略?随着南中国海(South China Sea，中国称南海)领土争端的紧张局势升级，更多民族主义人士是否更有可能反对对冲?我们利用在菲律宾进行的一项原始民意调查发现，尽管绝大多数受访者担心领土争端，但更民族主义的菲律宾人并不比不那么民族主义的菲律宾人更担心领土争端。此外，更民族主义的菲律宾人更有可能认为与中国的经济关系对菲律宾很重要，并赞成杜特尔特的对华政策，这符合对冲逻辑。这些令人惊讶的发现表明，在大国竞争的阴影下，国内政治与外交政策之间的联系在菲律宾和整个东南亚都是微妙的。
{"title":"Southeast Asia under Great-Power Competition: Public Opinion About Hedging in the Philippines","authors":"Songying Fang, Xiaojun Li","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.35","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Under pressure to choose between the U.S. and China, Southeast Asian countries have adopted a hedging strategy: deepening economic relations with China while strengthening security cooperation with the U.S. How does the region's public view this strategy? With tensions rising in South China Sea territorial disputes, are more nationalistic individuals more likely to oppose hedging? Using an original public opinion survey conducted in the Philippines, we find that while an overwhelming majority of respondents were concerned about the territorial disputes, more nationalistic Filipinos were no more concerned than less nationalistic ones. Further, more nationalistic Filipinos were more likely to view economic relations with China as important for the Philippines and to approve of Duterte's China policy, which follows the logic of hedging. These surprising findings suggest that under the shadow of great-power competition, the link between domestic politics and foreign policy is nuanced in the Philippines, and Southeast Asia in general.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"481 - 501"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42282157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"JEA volume 22 issue 3 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/jea.2023.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2023.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"b1 - b1"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42249045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"JEA volume 22 issue 3 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/jea.2023.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2023.2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":" ","pages":"f1 - f3"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49246758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The effects of the 1990s reforms to the electoral system of Japan's House of Representatives have been among the most frequently discussed topics in political science research on the country. These reforms saw the replacement of a hitherto single nontransferable vote (SNTV) system by a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system with a strong Single Member District (SMD) and a weaker Proportional Representation (PR) component. Many studies have suggested that the reforms may have had significant impact on the strategies of political parties. Generally, SMD systems have been widely thought to favor larger parties, while PR systems are more beneficial to small and medium-sized parties. On the content side, larger parties seeking control of the government would try to win the support of large numbers of floating voters by campaigning on universal/programmatic policy appeals, as opposed to particularistic interests. In contrast, smaller parties would cater towards their core supporters’ preferences. Previous studies have noted that the old SNTV system in Japan had produced results similar to PR systems (Reed 2003). Japan's electoral reform may have thus changed the strategy of large parties, which would need to win more seats in the SMDs to gain (or hold onto) power, while smaller parties have continued to try and win seats via the PR tier. Therefore, the reform provides valuable research material in so far as we can simultaneously observe different effects by the SMD and the PR systems on parties of different sizes.
{"title":"Only Right Makes Might? Center-Right Policy Competition Among Major Japanese Parties After Electoral Reform","authors":"Christian G. Winkler, N. Taniguchi","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.28","url":null,"abstract":"The effects of the 1990s reforms to the electoral system of Japan's House of Representatives have been among the most frequently discussed topics in political science research on the country. These reforms saw the replacement of a hitherto single nontransferable vote (SNTV) system by a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system with a strong Single Member District (SMD) and a weaker Proportional Representation (PR) component. Many studies have suggested that the reforms may have had significant impact on the strategies of political parties. Generally, SMD systems have been widely thought to favor larger parties, while PR systems are more beneficial to small and medium-sized parties. On the content side, larger parties seeking control of the government would try to win the support of large numbers of floating voters by campaigning on universal/programmatic policy appeals, as opposed to particularistic interests. In contrast, smaller parties would cater towards their core supporters’ preferences. Previous studies have noted that the old SNTV system in Japan had produced results similar to PR systems (Reed 2003). Japan's electoral reform may have thus changed the strategy of large parties, which would need to win more seats in the SMDs to gain (or hold onto) power, while smaller parties have continued to try and win seats via the PR tier. Therefore, the reform provides valuable research material in so far as we can simultaneously observe different effects by the SMD and the PR systems on parties of different sizes.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"503 - 523"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41470958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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