This monograph is based on Benjamin R. Young ’ s 2018 doctoral dissertation and investigates “ North Korea ’ s place within the Third World ” (p. 1). This fits into a recent trend in Cold War studies that emphasizes small state agency. Through this lens, Young critically examines North Korea in a de-westernised way, by treating the country as an independent actor rather than a Soviet-Chinese puppet state. Young ’ s central argument is that Third Worldism, a form of socialist internation-alism which sought to dismantle western economic and political hegemony over post-colonial states (Nash, 2003, 95), formed an important part of North Korea ’ s foreign policy and national identity construction. This allowed Kim Il Sung to establish economic and political relationships with emerging postcolonial states, export his Juche ideology and personality cult, and bolster North Korea ’ s international recognition vis-à-vis South Korea.
这本专著以本杰明·r·杨(Benjamin R. Young) 2018年的博士论文为基础，研究了“朝鲜在第三世界中的地位”(第1页)。这符合冷战研究中最近强调小型国家机构的趋势。通过这一视角，杨以一种去西方化的方式批判性地审视了朝鲜，将其视为一个独立的角色，而不是一个苏中傀儡国家。杨的核心论点是，第三世界主义是社会主义国际主义的一种形式，它试图拆除西方对后殖民国家的经济和政治霸权(Nash, 2003,95)，是朝鲜外交政策和国家认同建设的重要组成部分。这使得金日成能够与新兴的后殖民国家建立经济和政治关系，输出他的主体思想和个人崇拜，并加强朝鲜对-à-vis韩国的国际认可。
{"title":"Guns, Guerillas, and The Great Leader: North Korea and the Third World By Benjamin R. Young. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2021. 218 pp. $28 (Paper), $90 (Cloth).","authors":"David Hall","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.30","url":null,"abstract":"This monograph is based on Benjamin R. Young ’ s 2018 doctoral dissertation and investigates “ North Korea ’ s place within the Third World ” (p. 1). This fits into a recent trend in Cold War studies that emphasizes small state agency. Through this lens, Young critically examines North Korea in a de-westernised way, by treating the country as an independent actor rather than a Soviet-Chinese puppet state. Young ’ s central argument is that Third Worldism, a form of socialist internation-alism which sought to dismantle western economic and political hegemony over post-colonial states (Nash, 2003, 95), formed an important part of North Korea ’ s foreign policy and national identity construction. This allowed Kim Il Sung to establish economic and political relationships with emerging postcolonial states, export his Juche ideology and personality cult, and bolster North Korea ’ s international recognition vis-à-vis South Korea.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43734598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research on the political economy of growth in East Asia from its inception was motivated by a focus on institutions. The early developmental state literature highlighted the role that government intervention played in rapid economic growth, but that literature centered largely on the question of which policies governments chose to implement. From Chalmers Johnson (1982) forward, political scientists have paid greater attention to political institutions—and particularly state institutions—as the enabling conditions for the growth process. Factors such as political autonomy, bureaucratic competence, and coordination with the private sector through business councils were seen as crucial to rapid capital accumulation, a relatively efficient allocation of resources, and corresponding increases in social welfare. In contrast to this macrolevel focus on national-level institutions, a second strand of the early literature on growth was decidedly micro in its approach, honing in much more closely on economic or what might be called “local” institutions. These institutions served to coordinate or regulate a diverse set of state and private actors, including both foreign and local firms. This literature—which included its share of classics as well—typically took an industry or sectoral focus with particular attention being paid to the relationship between multinational corporations and networks of local suppliers. This approach to the political economy of the region has continued in various guises, for example in a wide-ranging literature on international production networks. But as editors of the Journal of East Asian Studies, we have seen a decline in this qualitative, institutionally focused case study research on economic growth. Two related considerations thus motivate this roundtable on Rick Doner, Gregory Noble, and John Ravenhill’s (2021) book The Political Economy of Automotive Industrialization in East Asia (hereafter DNR). The first is its return to these core micro-institutional questions. But second, the book invites scholars of East Asian political economy to consider how such studies fit with other research approaches to the region’s development, including not only the earlier generation of sectoral studies, but also more recent quantitative research and the burgeoning revival of interest in a “new” or “open economy” industrial policy.
{"title":"Roundtable on Rick Doner, Gregory Noble, and John Ravenhill, The Political Economy of Automotive Industrialization in East Asia","authors":"Stephan Haggard, Thomas B. Pepinsky","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.22","url":null,"abstract":"Research on the political economy of growth in East Asia from its inception was motivated by a focus on institutions. The early developmental state literature highlighted the role that government intervention played in rapid economic growth, but that literature centered largely on the question of which policies governments chose to implement. From Chalmers Johnson (1982) forward, political scientists have paid greater attention to political institutions—and particularly state institutions—as the enabling conditions for the growth process. Factors such as political autonomy, bureaucratic competence, and coordination with the private sector through business councils were seen as crucial to rapid capital accumulation, a relatively efficient allocation of resources, and corresponding increases in social welfare. In contrast to this macrolevel focus on national-level institutions, a second strand of the early literature on growth was decidedly micro in its approach, honing in much more closely on economic or what might be called “local” institutions. These institutions served to coordinate or regulate a diverse set of state and private actors, including both foreign and local firms. This literature—which included its share of classics as well—typically took an industry or sectoral focus with particular attention being paid to the relationship between multinational corporations and networks of local suppliers. This approach to the political economy of the region has continued in various guises, for example in a wide-ranging literature on international production networks. But as editors of the Journal of East Asian Studies, we have seen a decline in this qualitative, institutionally focused case study research on economic growth. Two related considerations thus motivate this roundtable on Rick Doner, Gregory Noble, and John Ravenhill’s (2021) book The Political Economy of Automotive Industrialization in East Asia (hereafter DNR). The first is its return to these core micro-institutional questions. But second, the book invites scholars of East Asian political economy to consider how such studies fit with other research approaches to the region’s development, including not only the earlier generation of sectoral studies, but also more recent quantitative research and the burgeoning revival of interest in a “new” or “open economy” industrial policy.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42850900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Under pressure to choose between the U.S. and China, Southeast Asian countries have adopted a hedging strategy: deepening economic relations with China while strengthening security cooperation with the U.S. How does the region's public view this strategy? With tensions rising in South China Sea territorial disputes, are more nationalistic individuals more likely to oppose hedging? Using an original public opinion survey conducted in the Philippines, we find that while an overwhelming majority of respondents were concerned about the territorial disputes, more nationalistic Filipinos were no more concerned than less nationalistic ones. Further, more nationalistic Filipinos were more likely to view economic relations with China as important for the Philippines and to approve of Duterte's China policy, which follows the logic of hedging. These surprising findings suggest that under the shadow of great-power competition, the link between domestic politics and foreign policy is nuanced in the Philippines, and Southeast Asia in general.
在美国和中国之间做出选择的压力下，东南亚国家采取了一种对冲策略:深化与中国的经济关系，同时加强与美国的安全合作。该地区公众如何看待这一策略?随着南中国海(South China Sea，中国称南海)领土争端的紧张局势升级，更多民族主义人士是否更有可能反对对冲?我们利用在菲律宾进行的一项原始民意调查发现，尽管绝大多数受访者担心领土争端，但更民族主义的菲律宾人并不比不那么民族主义的菲律宾人更担心领土争端。此外，更民族主义的菲律宾人更有可能认为与中国的经济关系对菲律宾很重要，并赞成杜特尔特的对华政策，这符合对冲逻辑。这些令人惊讶的发现表明，在大国竞争的阴影下，国内政治与外交政策之间的联系在菲律宾和整个东南亚都是微妙的。
{"title":"Southeast Asia under Great-Power Competition: Public Opinion About Hedging in the Philippines","authors":"Songying Fang, Xiaojun Li","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.35","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Under pressure to choose between the U.S. and China, Southeast Asian countries have adopted a hedging strategy: deepening economic relations with China while strengthening security cooperation with the U.S. How does the region's public view this strategy? With tensions rising in South China Sea territorial disputes, are more nationalistic individuals more likely to oppose hedging? Using an original public opinion survey conducted in the Philippines, we find that while an overwhelming majority of respondents were concerned about the territorial disputes, more nationalistic Filipinos were no more concerned than less nationalistic ones. Further, more nationalistic Filipinos were more likely to view economic relations with China as important for the Philippines and to approve of Duterte's China policy, which follows the logic of hedging. These surprising findings suggest that under the shadow of great-power competition, the link between domestic politics and foreign policy is nuanced in the Philippines, and Southeast Asia in general.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42282157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"JEA volume 22 issue 3 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/jea.2023.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2023.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42249045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"JEA volume 22 issue 3 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/jea.2023.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2023.2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49246758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The effects of the 1990s reforms to the electoral system of Japan's House of Representatives have been among the most frequently discussed topics in political science research on the country. These reforms saw the replacement of a hitherto single nontransferable vote (SNTV) system by a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system with a strong Single Member District (SMD) and a weaker Proportional Representation (PR) component. Many studies have suggested that the reforms may have had significant impact on the strategies of political parties. Generally, SMD systems have been widely thought to favor larger parties, while PR systems are more beneficial to small and medium-sized parties. On the content side, larger parties seeking control of the government would try to win the support of large numbers of floating voters by campaigning on universal/programmatic policy appeals, as opposed to particularistic interests. In contrast, smaller parties would cater towards their core supporters’ preferences. Previous studies have noted that the old SNTV system in Japan had produced results similar to PR systems (Reed 2003). Japan's electoral reform may have thus changed the strategy of large parties, which would need to win more seats in the SMDs to gain (or hold onto) power, while smaller parties have continued to try and win seats via the PR tier. Therefore, the reform provides valuable research material in so far as we can simultaneously observe different effects by the SMD and the PR systems on parties of different sizes.
{"title":"Only Right Makes Might? Center-Right Policy Competition Among Major Japanese Parties After Electoral Reform","authors":"Christian G. Winkler, N. Taniguchi","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.28","url":null,"abstract":"The effects of the 1990s reforms to the electoral system of Japan's House of Representatives have been among the most frequently discussed topics in political science research on the country. These reforms saw the replacement of a hitherto single nontransferable vote (SNTV) system by a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system with a strong Single Member District (SMD) and a weaker Proportional Representation (PR) component. Many studies have suggested that the reforms may have had significant impact on the strategies of political parties. Generally, SMD systems have been widely thought to favor larger parties, while PR systems are more beneficial to small and medium-sized parties. On the content side, larger parties seeking control of the government would try to win the support of large numbers of floating voters by campaigning on universal/programmatic policy appeals, as opposed to particularistic interests. In contrast, smaller parties would cater towards their core supporters’ preferences. Previous studies have noted that the old SNTV system in Japan had produced results similar to PR systems (Reed 2003). Japan's electoral reform may have thus changed the strategy of large parties, which would need to win more seats in the SMDs to gain (or hold onto) power, while smaller parties have continued to try and win seats via the PR tier. Therefore, the reform provides valuable research material in so far as we can simultaneously observe different effects by the SMD and the PR systems on parties of different sizes.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41470958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The past few years have seen an emergence of populist leaders around the world, who have not only accrued but also maintained support despite rampant criticism, governance failures, and the ongoing COVID pandemic. The Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte is the best illustration of this trend, with approval ratings rarely dipping below 80 percent. What explains his high levels of robust public support? We argue that Duterte is an ethnopopulist who uses ethnic appeals in combination with insider vs. outsider rhetoric to garner and maintain public support. Moreover, we argue that ethnic affiliation is a main driver of support for Duterte, and more important than alternative factors such as age, education, gender, or urban vs. rural divides. We provide evidence of Duterte's marriage of ethnic and populist appeals, then evaluate whether ethnicity predicts support for Duterte, using 15 rounds of nationally representative public opinion data. Identifying with a non-Tagalog ethnicity (like Duterte) leads to an 8 percent increase in approval for Duterte, significantly larger than any other explanatory factor. Among Duterte supporters, a non-Tagalog ethnicity is associated with 19 percent increase in strong versus mild support. Ethnicity is the only positive and significant result, suggesting that it strongly explains why Duterte's support remains robust. Alternative explanations, such as social desirability bias and alternative policy considerations, do not explain our results.
{"title":"The Persistence of Ethnopopulist Support: The Case of Rodrigo Duterte's Philippines","authors":"Dean C. Dulay, A. Hicken, Ronald Holmes","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.29","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The past few years have seen an emergence of populist leaders around the world, who have not only accrued but also maintained support despite rampant criticism, governance failures, and the ongoing COVID pandemic. The Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte is the best illustration of this trend, with approval ratings rarely dipping below 80 percent. What explains his high levels of robust public support? We argue that Duterte is an ethnopopulist who uses ethnic appeals in combination with insider vs. outsider rhetoric to garner and maintain public support. Moreover, we argue that ethnic affiliation is a main driver of support for Duterte, and more important than alternative factors such as age, education, gender, or urban vs. rural divides. We provide evidence of Duterte's marriage of ethnic and populist appeals, then evaluate whether ethnicity predicts support for Duterte, using 15 rounds of nationally representative public opinion data. Identifying with a non-Tagalog ethnicity (like Duterte) leads to an 8 percent increase in approval for Duterte, significantly larger than any other explanatory factor. Among Duterte supporters, a non-Tagalog ethnicity is associated with 19 percent increase in strong versus mild support. Ethnicity is the only positive and significant result, suggesting that it strongly explains why Duterte's support remains robust. Alternative explanations, such as social desirability bias and alternative policy considerations, do not explain our results.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47116307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article explains the political significance of the Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia, the quasi-youth wing of the ruling Cambodian People's Party in Cambodia. I argue that pro-regime events organized by the youth wing are a form of state mobilization designed to help the ruling party pre-empt the threat posed by the country's growing youth population. In doing so, the youth wing draws upon the monarchy, culture, and nationalism to regenerate the ruling party's legitimacy claims to make them more appealing to the target group. The article contributes to our knowledge of how authoritarian regimes mobilize citizens to maintain power.
本文阐述了柬埔寨执政党柬埔寨人民党(Cambodian People’s Party)的准青年组织——柬埔寨青年联合会联盟(Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia)的政治意义。我认为，由青年组织的亲政权活动是一种国家动员形式，旨在帮助执政党先发制人，以应对该国不断增长的青年人口所构成的威胁。在这样做的过程中，青年派利用君主制、文化和民族主义来恢复执政党的合法性，使他们对目标群体更具吸引力。这篇文章有助于我们了解专制政权如何动员公民来维持权力。
{"title":"State Mobilization in Authoritarian Regimes: Youth Politics and Regime Legitimation in Cambodia","authors":"Mun Vong","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.18","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explains the political significance of the Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia, the quasi-youth wing of the ruling Cambodian People's Party in Cambodia. I argue that pro-regime events organized by the youth wing are a form of state mobilization designed to help the ruling party pre-empt the threat posed by the country's growing youth population. In doing so, the youth wing draws upon the monarchy, culture, and nationalism to regenerate the ruling party's legitimacy claims to make them more appealing to the target group. The article contributes to our knowledge of how authoritarian regimes mobilize citizens to maintain power.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47088607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Who attempts to influence policymaking through authoritarian assemblies and why are some delegates considerably more active in doing so than others? Drawing on original data from provincial People's Political Consultative Conferences (PPCCs) in China, this study adopts a delegate-centered perspective and develops a theory of delegates’ activity in authoritarian assemblies. It argues that delegates’ activity can be explained by a combination of both cooptation theory and an understanding of delegates’ position within the authoritarian regime and hierarchy. The results highlight that core elites with more direct means of influencing policymaking will forego assemblies. Yet, peripheral elites lack other institutional channels of access to decision-makers and have to voice their demands in authoritarian legislatures. This study highlights the need for disaggregating groups of actors in authoritarian politics and offers an alternative view of cooptation particularly relevant for closed authoritarian regimes.
{"title":"Explaining Activity in Authoritarian Assemblies: Evidence from China","authors":"Felix Wiebrecht","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.19","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Who attempts to influence policymaking through authoritarian assemblies and why are some delegates considerably more active in doing so than others? Drawing on original data from provincial People's Political Consultative Conferences (PPCCs) in China, this study adopts a delegate-centered perspective and develops a theory of delegates’ activity in authoritarian assemblies. It argues that delegates’ activity can be explained by a combination of both cooptation theory and an understanding of delegates’ position within the authoritarian regime and hierarchy. The results highlight that core elites with more direct means of influencing policymaking will forego assemblies. Yet, peripheral elites lack other institutional channels of access to decision-makers and have to voice their demands in authoritarian legislatures. This study highlights the need for disaggregating groups of actors in authoritarian politics and offers an alternative view of cooptation particularly relevant for closed authoritarian regimes.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49303595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Language is one of the quintessential markers of ethnicity. It allows co-ethnics to easily identify one another and underscores in-group and out-group boundaries. Recognizing this, politicians frequently employ ethnic tongues to enhance their political appeal. To what extent does this shape the opinions of their audiences? Utilizing a survey experiment, I test the impact of an ethnic tongue against that of the common political language among the Javanese in Indonesia, the Tagalog in the Philippines, and the Isan people in Thailand. The experiment demonstrates that the ethnic language has a significant impact in both Thailand and Indonesia, but there appears to be little effect of using Tagalog over Filipino English in the Philippines. The findings suggest that ethnic tongues have the potential to significantly enhance political appeals, both among dominant (Javanese) and marginal (Isan) ethnic groups, but when the ethnic group is already the linguistic hegemon (Tagalog), such effects may be limited.
{"title":"Politically Speaking: Ethnic Language and Audience Opinion in Southeast Asia","authors":"Jacob I. Ricks","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.20","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Language is one of the quintessential markers of ethnicity. It allows co-ethnics to easily identify one another and underscores in-group and out-group boundaries. Recognizing this, politicians frequently employ ethnic tongues to enhance their political appeal. To what extent does this shape the opinions of their audiences? Utilizing a survey experiment, I test the impact of an ethnic tongue against that of the common political language among the Javanese in Indonesia, the Tagalog in the Philippines, and the Isan people in Thailand. The experiment demonstrates that the ethnic language has a significant impact in both Thailand and Indonesia, but there appears to be little effect of using Tagalog over Filipino English in the Philippines. The findings suggest that ethnic tongues have the potential to significantly enhance political appeals, both among dominant (Javanese) and marginal (Isan) ethnic groups, but when the ethnic group is already the linguistic hegemon (Tagalog), such effects may be limited.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45578324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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