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Partisanship, Fiscal Transfers, and Social Spending in Korea: The Politics of Partial Decentralization 党派之争、财政转移与韩国的社会支出:部分分权的政治
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.33
Eunyoung Ha, Dong Wook Lee
Abstract In the last three decades, many Asian democracies have decentralized their political systems to promote the democratic, equal, and efficient distribution of national resources across regions. Nonetheless, most of these countries, including South Korea, are still in a stage of “partial fiscal decentralization,” in which locally elected officials have spending authority, while a significant portion of their financing relies on transfers from the central government. This article argues that the decentralized distribution is significantly influenced by the partisan interests of central and local governments. The central government transfers more funds to local governments that their co-partisans govern, and local incumbents follow partisan policy priorities to obtain the allocation of available fiscal resources. This argument is strongly supported by the empirical analysis of subsidy transfers and regional social expenditures in South Korea from 2002 to 2015. First, we find that the central government in Korea transfers larger subsidies to politically aligned regions. Second, regional governments with larger subsidy transfers have higher levels of social expenditures. Third, governors or mayors affiliated with a progressive party spend significantly more on social welfare and education than do those affiliated with a conservative party.
在过去的三十年中,许多亚洲民主国家已经将其政治制度分散化,以促进国家资源在地区间的民主、平等和有效分配。尽管如此,包括韩国在内的大多数这些国家仍处于“部分财政分权”阶段,即地方民选官员拥有支出权,而其资金的很大一部分依赖中央政府的转移支付。本文认为,中央和地方政府的党派利益对分权分配的影响是显著的。中央政府将更多的资金转移给地方政府,而地方现任政府则遵循党派政策优先顺序,以获得可用财政资源的分配。对2002 - 2015年韩国补贴转移与地区社会支出的实证分析有力地支持了这一观点。首先,我们发现韩国中央政府向政治上一致的地区转移了更多的补贴。第二,补贴转移规模较大的地方政府,其社会支出水平也较高。第三,与隶属于保守党的州长或市长相比,隶属于进步党的州长或市长在社会福利和教育方面的支出要多得多。
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引用次数: 2
The Rise and Fall of Anti-Corruption in North Korea 朝鲜反腐败的兴衰
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.38
Christopher Carothers
Abstract North Korea is widely seen as having among the most corrupt governments in the world. However, the Kim family regime has not always been so accepting of government wrongdoing. Drawing on archival evidence, this study shows that Kim Il-sung saw corruption as a threat to economic development and launched campaigns to curb it throughout the 1950s. I find that these campaigns were at least somewhat successful, and they contributed to post-Korean War reconstruction and rapid development afterwards. So when and why did the regime shift from combating corruption to embracing it? I argue that changes in the country's economic system following the crisis of the 1990s, especially de facto marketization, made corruption more beneficial to the regime both as a source of revenue and as an escape valve for public discontent. This study's findings contribute to our understanding of the politics of corruption control in authoritarian regimes.
摘要朝鲜被广泛认为是世界上最腐败的政府之一。然而,金家族政权并不总是那么接受政府的不法行为。根据档案证据,这项研究表明,金日成将腐败视为对经济发展的威胁,并在整个20世纪50年代发起了遏制腐败的运动。我发现这些战役至少在一定程度上是成功的,它们为朝鲜战争后的重建和后来的快速发展做出了贡献。那么,这个政权何时以及为什么从打击腐败转向拥抱腐败呢?我认为,20世纪90年代危机后,该国经济体系的变化,特别是事实上的市场化,使腐败作为收入来源和公众不满的逃生阀,对政权更加有利。这项研究的发现有助于我们理解独裁政权中的腐败控制政治。
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引用次数: 4
Elite Polarization in South Korea: Evidence from a Natural Language Processing Model 韩国精英极化:来自自然语言处理模型的证据
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.36
Seungjoo Han
Abstract This study analyzes political polarization among the South Korean elite by examining 17 years’ worth of subcommittee meeting minutes from the South Korean National Assembly's standing committees. Its analysis applies various natural language processing techniques and the bidirectional encoder representations from the transformers model to measure and analyze polarization in the language used during these meetings. Its findings indicate that the degree of political polarization increased and decreased at various times over the study period but has risen sharply since the second half of 2016 and remained high throughout 2020. This result suggests that partisan political gaps between members of the South Korean National Assembly increase substantially.
摘要本研究通过分析韩国国会常务委员会17年来的小组委员会会议记录,分析了韩国精英阶层的政治两极分化。它的分析应用了各种自然语言处理技术和变压器模型的双向编码器表示来测量和分析会议期间使用的语言的极化。其研究结果表明,在研究期间,政治两极分化程度在不同时期有所上升和下降,但自2016年下半年以来急剧上升,并在整个2020年保持高位。这一结果表明,韩国国会议员之间的党派政治差距大幅增加。
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引用次数: 6
How History Wars Shape Foreign Policy: An Ancient Kingdom and the Future of China–South Korea Relations 历史战争如何塑造外交政策:一个古老的王国与中韩关系的未来
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.30
P. Gries, Yasuki Masui
Abstract Do history wars shape international affairs? If so, how and for whom? Taking the historical dispute between China and South Korea over the ancient Gaogouli/Goguryeo Kingdom as a case study, this article explores the individual-level psychological micro-foundations of history wars. A 2020 survey experiment in South Korea pit “ours” vs “theirs” Goguryeo imitation Wikipedia entries to explore their downstream consequences. It revealed direct, indirect, and conditional effects. Exposure to China's claim to the Kingdom undermined Korean pride, increasing dislike of China, and lessening desires to cooperate with it. Pre-existing levels of nationalism divided South Koreans in how angry they became after exposure the Wikipedia primes. That anger, however, only shaped the China policy preferences of those South Koreans who viewed the balance of military power with China favorably. Implications for ownership disputes over kimchi and other national possessions are also discussed, as are the implications of history wars for war and peace in twenty-first-century East Asia.
摘要历史战争影响国际事务吗?如果是,如何以及为谁服务?本文以中韩两国古代高句丽王国之争为个案,探讨历史战争的个体层面心理微观基础。2020年在韩国进行的一项调查实验将“我们的”与“他们的”高句丽模仿维基百科的条目进行了对比,以探索其下游后果。它揭示了直接、间接和条件效应。暴露在中国对王国的主权主张中,削弱了韩国人的自豪感,加剧了他们对中国的厌恶,也降低了与中国合作的欲望。之前存在的民族主义水平使韩国人在暴露维基百科primes后变得多么愤怒。然而,这种愤怒只会影响那些看好与中国军事力量平衡的韩国人的对华政策偏好。还讨论了泡菜和其他国家财产所有权纠纷的影响,以及历史战争对21世纪东亚战争与和平的影响。
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引用次数: 3
Law Production in Multiparty Presidentialism: Veto Player Theory and its Application to Korea 多党制总统制的法律产生:否决者理论及其在韩国的应用
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.32
Woojin Moon
Abstract In this article, I offer a theory of lawmaking in multiparty presidential systems with different legislative institutions. I present a model that combines Krehbiel's pivotal politics theory with Tsebelis's veto players theory. This model simplifies various institutional veto players into the de facto veto players. I analyze the model to explain how the government type (unified versus divided governments), the legislative rules (majoritarian versus supermajoritarian rules), and the party system (two-party versus multiparty systems) affect legislative productivity. I apply the theoretical results obtained to solve the puzzle about the nondifferential legislative performance between unified and divided governments in the National Assembly. I test a hypothesis stating that the distance between the ideological positions of the agenda-setter and the de facto veto players has a negative effect on the proportion of controversial bills enacted between the 16th and the early 21st National Assemblies.
本文提出了一种具有不同立法机构的多党制总统制下的立法理论。我提出了一个模型,它结合了克雷比尔的关键政治理论和塞贝利斯的否决者理论。该模型将各种制度上的否决主体简化为事实上的否决主体。我分析这个模型是为了解释政府类型(统一政府与分裂政府)、立法规则(多数主义与超多数主义规则)和政党制度(两党制与多党制)如何影响立法生产力。本文将所得的理论结果应用于解决国会中统一政府与分裂政府之间的非差异立法绩效难题。我测试了一个假设,即议程制定者和实际否决权者的思想立场之间的距离对第16届至第21届国会初期制定的争议法案的比例产生了负面影响。
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引用次数: 0
What Exactly is it that the Taiwan Greens Want? Extracting “Taiwan Subjectivity” from the Liberty Times Newspaper 台湾绿党到底想要什么?从《自由时报》看“台湾主体性”
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.37
Daniel C. Lynch, Cody Wai-kwok Yau
Abstract One source of the idea that Taiwan independence would be politically desirable is belief in the concept of “Taiwan subjectivity,” which indicates that Taiwan is not an appendage of China but instead an autonomous actor charting its own course – or trying to do so in the face of huge difficulties. The ruling (since 2016) Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) pledges fealty to the goal of ultimately realizing subjectivity but cannot aggressively pursue the agenda because of opposition from the People's Republic of China (PRC), the United States, and some in Taiwan itself. What might that agenda be? Using a Structural Topic Model, we excavate the subjectivity discourse as it developed from 2008 to 2020 in the mainstream DPP-supporting newspaper, the Liberty Times. We find fourteen topics associated with the concept, the most prevalent of which in recent years warn of threats to subjectivity's realization in the political and sociocultural spheres.
台湾独立在政治上是理想的想法的一个来源是对“台湾主体性”概念的信念,这表明台湾不是中国的附属物,而是一个自主的行动者,制定自己的路线——或者在面临巨大困难的情况下试图这样做。执政(自2016年以来)的民进党(DPP)承诺忠于最终实现主体性的目标,但由于中华人民共和国(PRC)、美国和台湾本身的一些人的反对,无法积极推行这一议程。这个议程可能是什么?本文运用结构性话题模型,挖掘民进党主流报纸《自由时报》主体性话语在2008年至2020年间的发展脉络。我们发现了与这一概念相关的14个主题,其中近年来最流行的是对主体性在政治和社会文化领域实现的威胁发出警告。
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引用次数: 0
THE EFFECTS OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY ON PUBLIC ATTITUDES: EVIDENCE FROM THE CHINESE-SPEAKING WORLD – CORRIGENDUM 外语水平对公众态度的影响:来自汉语世界的证据&更正
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.31
Yue Hu, Amy H. Liu
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引用次数: 4
THE LONG-TERM EFFECTS OF STATE REPRESSION ON POLITICAL BEHAVIOR AND ATTITUDES: EVIDENCE FROM TAIWAN 国家镇压对政治行为和态度的长期影响:来自台湾的证据
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.24
Fang-Yi Chiou, J. Hong
Abstract This article examines how violence against citizens affects their political attitudes and behavior in the long run, and how those effects vary over time. We construct and analyze a novel dataset on the victims of Taiwan's February 28 Incident, in 1947, with survey data spanning 1990 to 2017. Our empirical analysis shows that cohorts having directly or indirectly experienced the Incident are less likely to support the Kuomintang Party (KMT), the former authoritarian ruling party responsible for the Incident. They tend to disagree with the key conventional policy stand of the KMT (unification with mainland China), are more likely to self-identify as Taiwanese, and are less likely to vote for KMT presidential candidates. Taiwan's residents who were born in towns with larger number of casualties during the Incident are more likely to reject unification. Finally, the effects are found to vary over the period following democratization.
本文考察了针对公民的暴力如何长期影响他们的政治态度和行为,以及这些影响如何随时间变化。我们构建并分析了一个关于1947年台湾二二八事件受害者的新数据集,调查数据跨越1990年至2017年。我们的实证分析显示,直接或间接经历过“台海事件”的族群,支持国民党的可能性较低,国民党是台海事件的前威权执政党。他们倾向于不同意国民党的关键传统政策立场(与中国大陆统一),更有可能自我认同为台湾人,并且不太可能投票给国民党的总统候选人。出生在事件中伤亡人数较多的城镇的台湾居民更有可能拒绝统一。最后,我们发现,在民主化之后的一段时间内,这种影响有所不同。
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引用次数: 3
JEA volume 21 issue 3 Cover and Back matter JEA第21卷第3期封面和封底
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.35
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引用次数: 0
JEA volume 21 issue 3 Cover and Front matter JEA第21卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.34
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of East Asian Studies
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