首页 > 最新文献

Journal of East Asian Studies最新文献

英文 中文
JEA volume 22 issue 1 Cover and Back matter JEA第22卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2022.8
{"title":"JEA volume 22 issue 1 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49590583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
JEA volume 22 issue 1 Cover and Front matter JEA第22卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2022.7
{"title":"JEA volume 22 issue 1 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.7","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43287467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Godzilla vs Pulgasari: Anti-Japanism and Anti-Communism as Dueling Antagonisms in South Korean Politics 哥斯拉vs普尔加萨里:韩国政治中的反日与反共对立
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-28 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2022.2
M. Shaw
Abstract South Korea's persistent enmity towards its erstwhile colonizer Japan has been a compelling topic of East Asian international relations scholarship for decades. This article argues that the historical evolution of South Korea's democracy offers a vital and overlooked piece of this puzzle. Given that it emerged from one of the most virulently anti-communist dictatorships of the Cold War period, in a society facing an ongoing threat from communist North Korea, any left-of-center opposition movement faced an uphill battle against severe anti-communism. In such circumstances, the only way for a leftist opposition party to survive was by pitting its stronger anti-Japan reputation against conservatives’ anti-communism. After South Korea's democracy stabilized, liberals tried and failed to overturn the anti-leftist institutions left over from the Cold War and then sought equilibrium through parallel rhetoric targeting pro-Japanese elements. Today, neither left nor right can afford to allow a final amicable settlement with its respective target of antagonism. Through analyses of domestic political rhetoric targeting alleged pro-Japanese or pro-communist elements, this paper demonstrates how these competing antagonisms achieved an uneasy equilibrium that undergirds South Korean political dynamics to this day.
摘要几十年来,韩国对其昔日殖民者日本的持续敌意一直是东亚国际关系研究的一个引人注目的话题。本文认为,韩国民主的历史演变为这一难题提供了一个重要而被忽视的部分。鉴于它来自冷战时期最恶毒的反共独裁政权之一,在一个面临共产主义朝鲜持续威胁的社会中,任何中间偏左的反对派运动都面临着与严厉反共的艰苦斗争。在这种情况下,左翼反对党生存的唯一途径是将其更强大的反日声誉与保守派的反共声誉对立起来。韩国民主稳定后,自由主义者试图推翻冷战遗留下来的反左翼机构,但未能成功,然后通过针对亲日分子的平行言论寻求平衡。今天,无论是左派还是右派,都无法允许与各自的敌对目标达成最终友好解决。通过分析国内针对所谓亲日或亲共分子的政治言论,本文展示了这些相互竞争的对抗是如何实现不稳定的平衡的,这种平衡支撑着韩国至今的政治动态。
{"title":"Godzilla vs Pulgasari: Anti-Japanism and Anti-Communism as Dueling Antagonisms in South Korean Politics","authors":"M. Shaw","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.2","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract South Korea's persistent enmity towards its erstwhile colonizer Japan has been a compelling topic of East Asian international relations scholarship for decades. This article argues that the historical evolution of South Korea's democracy offers a vital and overlooked piece of this puzzle. Given that it emerged from one of the most virulently anti-communist dictatorships of the Cold War period, in a society facing an ongoing threat from communist North Korea, any left-of-center opposition movement faced an uphill battle against severe anti-communism. In such circumstances, the only way for a leftist opposition party to survive was by pitting its stronger anti-Japan reputation against conservatives’ anti-communism. After South Korea's democracy stabilized, liberals tried and failed to overturn the anti-leftist institutions left over from the Cold War and then sought equilibrium through parallel rhetoric targeting pro-Japanese elements. Today, neither left nor right can afford to allow a final amicable settlement with its respective target of antagonism. Through analyses of domestic political rhetoric targeting alleged pro-Japanese or pro-communist elements, this paper demonstrates how these competing antagonisms achieved an uneasy equilibrium that undergirds South Korean political dynamics to this day.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47711718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
Fear and Loathing or Strategic Priming? Unveiling the Audience in Duterte's Crime Rhetoric 恐惧和厌恶还是战略启动?揭露杜特尔特犯罪修辞中的受众
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-22 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2022.1
R. A. Panao, Ronald A. Pernia
Abstract This paper examines speechmaking on a contentious policy by arguably one of the most controversial figures to have assumed the Philippine presidency. Drawing on quantitative textual approaches on a corpus of 845 presidential speeches delivered between June 2016 and July 2020, we provide evidence that Rodrigo Duterte's evocative utterances against drug lords and criminals are not just deliberate illocutionary acts intended to court public support, but also priming tactics aimed towards a politically and economically significant audience whose acquiescence gives symbolic legitimacy to a controversial anti-crime policy. Using quantitative textual approaches and econometric analysis, we find that violent-crime rhetoric is more likely to accompany public pronouncements made before a political audience consisting of law enforcement authorities and government officials, as well as an economic audience made up of business chambers, overseas Filipino workers, and labor groups. Overall, the findings nuance an image of Duterte beyond that of a penal populist.
摘要本文考察了菲律宾总统任期内最具争议的人物之一就一项有争议的政策发表的演讲。根据2016年6月至2020年7月期间发表的845次总统演讲的定量文本方法,我们提供了证据,证明罗德里戈·杜特尔特针对毒枭和罪犯的煽动性言论不仅仅是旨在争取公众支持的蓄意言外行为,但也有针对政治和经济上重要受众的启动策略,这些受众的默许为有争议的反犯罪政策提供了象征性的合法性。使用定量文本方法和计量经济学分析,我们发现暴力犯罪言论更有可能伴随着在由执法当局和政府官员组成的政治受众以及由商会、海外菲律宾工人和劳工团体组成的经济受众面前发表的公开声明。总的来说,这些发现使杜特尔特的形象变得微妙,而不仅仅是一个刑罚民粹主义者。
{"title":"Fear and Loathing or Strategic Priming? Unveiling the Audience in Duterte's Crime Rhetoric","authors":"R. A. Panao, Ronald A. Pernia","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.1","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines speechmaking on a contentious policy by arguably one of the most controversial figures to have assumed the Philippine presidency. Drawing on quantitative textual approaches on a corpus of 845 presidential speeches delivered between June 2016 and July 2020, we provide evidence that Rodrigo Duterte's evocative utterances against drug lords and criminals are not just deliberate illocutionary acts intended to court public support, but also priming tactics aimed towards a politically and economically significant audience whose acquiescence gives symbolic legitimacy to a controversial anti-crime policy. Using quantitative textual approaches and econometric analysis, we find that violent-crime rhetoric is more likely to accompany public pronouncements made before a political audience consisting of law enforcement authorities and government officials, as well as an economic audience made up of business chambers, overseas Filipino workers, and labor groups. Overall, the findings nuance an image of Duterte beyond that of a penal populist.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44059225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5
Welfare for Autocrats: How Social Assistance in China Cares for its Rulers By Jennifer Pan. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. 288 pp., £64 (cloth) £19.99 (paper). 《独裁者的福利:中国社会救助如何照顾统治者》,潘著。纽约:牛津大学出版社,2020年。288页,64英镑(布)19.99英镑(纸)。
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-11 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2022.6
M. Cousins
This is an important study of the Chinese ‘ safety net ’ social assistance scheme (known as dibao ). Pan shows how dibao is implemented at local level through a network of local agents. She illustrates how dibao is prioritized for ex-prisoners and how, to a certain extent, this facilitates support (or supervision) of such ex-prisoners and arguably creates a dependent relationship which may discourage them from any “ anti-social ” behavior and, in particular, collective action. It is an important book not only for those interested in Chinese social policy and/or public security but for any-body interested in how the Chinese state works and how policies flow down to the lowest level of governance. However, insofar as the book goes further and suggests that the dibao scheme has been “ reshaped ” to turn “ an effort to alleviate poverty into a tool of surveillance and repression, ” it arguably goes beyond what the evidence shows. The basic argument is that one many tools) to “ repress ” the “ targeted population ” ( ) which includes those of state security, users. Pan argues that dibao has been refocused to provide support to these groups though a process she describes as “ seepage, ”
这是对中国“安全网”社会救助计划(即低保)的一项重要研究。潘展示了低保是如何通过本地代理网络在本地一级实现的。她阐释了低保是如何优先为前囚犯提供的,以及在某种程度上,这如何促进了对这些前囚犯的支持(或监督),并可以说是创造了一种依赖关系,这种关系可能会阻止他们做出任何“反社会”行为,特别是集体行动。这本书不仅对那些对中国社会政策和/或公共安全感兴趣的人很重要,而且对任何对中国国家如何运作以及政策如何流向最低治理水平感兴趣的人也很重要。然而,只要这本书进一步指出低保计划已经被“重塑”,把“减轻贫困的努力变成了监视和镇压的工具”,它就可能超出了证据所显示的范围。基本的论点是一个许多工具)来“压制”“目标人群”(),其中包括那些国家安全,用户。潘认为低保已经重新聚焦于通过一个她称之为“渗透”的过程为这些群体提供支持。
{"title":"Welfare for Autocrats: How Social Assistance in China Cares for its Rulers By Jennifer Pan. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. 288 pp., £64 (cloth) £19.99 (paper).","authors":"M. Cousins","doi":"10.1017/jea.2022.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.6","url":null,"abstract":"This is an important study of the Chinese ‘ safety net ’ social assistance scheme (known as dibao ). Pan shows how dibao is implemented at local level through a network of local agents. She illustrates how dibao is prioritized for ex-prisoners and how, to a certain extent, this facilitates support (or supervision) of such ex-prisoners and arguably creates a dependent relationship which may discourage them from any “ anti-social ” behavior and, in particular, collective action. It is an important book not only for those interested in Chinese social policy and/or public security but for any-body interested in how the Chinese state works and how policies flow down to the lowest level of governance. However, insofar as the book goes further and suggests that the dibao scheme has been “ reshaped ” to turn “ an effort to alleviate poverty into a tool of surveillance and repression, ” it arguably goes beyond what the evidence shows. The basic argument is that one many tools) to “ repress ” the “ targeted population ” ( ) which includes those of state security, users. Pan argues that dibao has been refocused to provide support to these groups though a process she describes as “ seepage, ”","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-02-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45553522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Overpromising Social Welfare Benefits? Electoral Competition and Welfare Politics in Taiwan 过度承诺社会福利?台湾选举竞争与福利政治
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.29
Jae-ryong Shim
Abstract Drawing insights from legislative, electoral and welfare studies, the article investigates whether and to what extent electoral competition affects incumbent politicians’ overpromising of social welfare benefits. For this, Taiwan is chosen as the case and the article examines the fate of elite-level social welfare legislative proposals in the period between 1992 and 2016. Findings drawn from quantitative bill sponsorship patterns demonstrate that political elites tend to propose failure-prone social welfare bills during election periods. Moreover, this tendency grew even more clearly in tandem with the rising levels of electoral democracy. The article argues that the overpromising of social welfare benefits is likely due to cognitive biases on the voter side allowing politicians to make promises without necessarily facing the negative consequences of under-delivery. The article contributes to the comparative welfare state literature by adding much-needed nuance to the existing debates on the relationship between democratic deepening, electoral competition, and the development of welfare politics.
摘要本文从立法、选举和福利研究的角度出发,探讨了选举竞争是否以及在多大程度上影响了现任政治家对社会福利的过度承诺。为此,本文以台湾为个案,考察1992年至2016年精英阶层社会福利立法提案的命运。从定量法案赞助模式得出的研究结果表明,政治精英倾向于在选举期间提出容易失败的社会福利法案。此外,这种趋势随着选举民主水平的提高而更加明显地增长。这篇文章认为,对社会福利的过度承诺很可能是由于选民方面的认知偏见,这使得政治家在做出承诺的同时,不一定要面对兑现不力的负面后果。这篇文章为比较福利国家的文献做出了贡献,为现有的关于民主深化、选举竞争和福利政治发展之间关系的辩论提供了急需的细微差别。
{"title":"Overpromising Social Welfare Benefits? Electoral Competition and Welfare Politics in Taiwan","authors":"Jae-ryong Shim","doi":"10.1017/jea.2021.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.29","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Drawing insights from legislative, electoral and welfare studies, the article investigates whether and to what extent electoral competition affects incumbent politicians’ overpromising of social welfare benefits. For this, Taiwan is chosen as the case and the article examines the fate of elite-level social welfare legislative proposals in the period between 1992 and 2016. Findings drawn from quantitative bill sponsorship patterns demonstrate that political elites tend to propose failure-prone social welfare bills during election periods. Moreover, this tendency grew even more clearly in tandem with the rising levels of electoral democracy. The article argues that the overpromising of social welfare benefits is likely due to cognitive biases on the voter side allowing politicians to make promises without necessarily facing the negative consequences of under-delivery. The article contributes to the comparative welfare state literature by adding much-needed nuance to the existing debates on the relationship between democratic deepening, electoral competition, and the development of welfare politics.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43586074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Partisanship, Fiscal Transfers, and Social Spending in Korea: The Politics of Partial Decentralization 党派之争、财政转移与韩国的社会支出:部分分权的政治
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.33
Eunyoung Ha, Dong Wook Lee
Abstract In the last three decades, many Asian democracies have decentralized their political systems to promote the democratic, equal, and efficient distribution of national resources across regions. Nonetheless, most of these countries, including South Korea, are still in a stage of “partial fiscal decentralization,” in which locally elected officials have spending authority, while a significant portion of their financing relies on transfers from the central government. This article argues that the decentralized distribution is significantly influenced by the partisan interests of central and local governments. The central government transfers more funds to local governments that their co-partisans govern, and local incumbents follow partisan policy priorities to obtain the allocation of available fiscal resources. This argument is strongly supported by the empirical analysis of subsidy transfers and regional social expenditures in South Korea from 2002 to 2015. First, we find that the central government in Korea transfers larger subsidies to politically aligned regions. Second, regional governments with larger subsidy transfers have higher levels of social expenditures. Third, governors or mayors affiliated with a progressive party spend significantly more on social welfare and education than do those affiliated with a conservative party.
在过去的三十年中,许多亚洲民主国家已经将其政治制度分散化,以促进国家资源在地区间的民主、平等和有效分配。尽管如此,包括韩国在内的大多数这些国家仍处于“部分财政分权”阶段,即地方民选官员拥有支出权,而其资金的很大一部分依赖中央政府的转移支付。本文认为,中央和地方政府的党派利益对分权分配的影响是显著的。中央政府将更多的资金转移给地方政府,而地方现任政府则遵循党派政策优先顺序,以获得可用财政资源的分配。对2002 - 2015年韩国补贴转移与地区社会支出的实证分析有力地支持了这一观点。首先,我们发现韩国中央政府向政治上一致的地区转移了更多的补贴。第二,补贴转移规模较大的地方政府,其社会支出水平也较高。第三,与隶属于保守党的州长或市长相比,隶属于进步党的州长或市长在社会福利和教育方面的支出要多得多。
{"title":"Partisanship, Fiscal Transfers, and Social Spending in Korea: The Politics of Partial Decentralization","authors":"Eunyoung Ha, Dong Wook Lee","doi":"10.1017/jea.2021.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.33","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the last three decades, many Asian democracies have decentralized their political systems to promote the democratic, equal, and efficient distribution of national resources across regions. Nonetheless, most of these countries, including South Korea, are still in a stage of “partial fiscal decentralization,” in which locally elected officials have spending authority, while a significant portion of their financing relies on transfers from the central government. This article argues that the decentralized distribution is significantly influenced by the partisan interests of central and local governments. The central government transfers more funds to local governments that their co-partisans govern, and local incumbents follow partisan policy priorities to obtain the allocation of available fiscal resources. This argument is strongly supported by the empirical analysis of subsidy transfers and regional social expenditures in South Korea from 2002 to 2015. First, we find that the central government in Korea transfers larger subsidies to politically aligned regions. Second, regional governments with larger subsidy transfers have higher levels of social expenditures. Third, governors or mayors affiliated with a progressive party spend significantly more on social welfare and education than do those affiliated with a conservative party.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43130544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
The Rise and Fall of Anti-Corruption in North Korea 朝鲜反腐败的兴衰
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.38
Christopher Carothers
Abstract North Korea is widely seen as having among the most corrupt governments in the world. However, the Kim family regime has not always been so accepting of government wrongdoing. Drawing on archival evidence, this study shows that Kim Il-sung saw corruption as a threat to economic development and launched campaigns to curb it throughout the 1950s. I find that these campaigns were at least somewhat successful, and they contributed to post-Korean War reconstruction and rapid development afterwards. So when and why did the regime shift from combating corruption to embracing it? I argue that changes in the country's economic system following the crisis of the 1990s, especially de facto marketization, made corruption more beneficial to the regime both as a source of revenue and as an escape valve for public discontent. This study's findings contribute to our understanding of the politics of corruption control in authoritarian regimes.
摘要朝鲜被广泛认为是世界上最腐败的政府之一。然而,金家族政权并不总是那么接受政府的不法行为。根据档案证据,这项研究表明,金日成将腐败视为对经济发展的威胁,并在整个20世纪50年代发起了遏制腐败的运动。我发现这些战役至少在一定程度上是成功的,它们为朝鲜战争后的重建和后来的快速发展做出了贡献。那么,这个政权何时以及为什么从打击腐败转向拥抱腐败呢?我认为,20世纪90年代危机后,该国经济体系的变化,特别是事实上的市场化,使腐败作为收入来源和公众不满的逃生阀,对政权更加有利。这项研究的发现有助于我们理解独裁政权中的腐败控制政治。
{"title":"The Rise and Fall of Anti-Corruption in North Korea","authors":"Christopher Carothers","doi":"10.1017/jea.2021.38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.38","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract North Korea is widely seen as having among the most corrupt governments in the world. However, the Kim family regime has not always been so accepting of government wrongdoing. Drawing on archival evidence, this study shows that Kim Il-sung saw corruption as a threat to economic development and launched campaigns to curb it throughout the 1950s. I find that these campaigns were at least somewhat successful, and they contributed to post-Korean War reconstruction and rapid development afterwards. So when and why did the regime shift from combating corruption to embracing it? I argue that changes in the country's economic system following the crisis of the 1990s, especially de facto marketization, made corruption more beneficial to the regime both as a source of revenue and as an escape valve for public discontent. This study's findings contribute to our understanding of the politics of corruption control in authoritarian regimes.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48425926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
Elite Polarization in South Korea: Evidence from a Natural Language Processing Model 韩国精英极化:来自自然语言处理模型的证据
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.36
Seungjoo Han
Abstract This study analyzes political polarization among the South Korean elite by examining 17 years’ worth of subcommittee meeting minutes from the South Korean National Assembly's standing committees. Its analysis applies various natural language processing techniques and the bidirectional encoder representations from the transformers model to measure and analyze polarization in the language used during these meetings. Its findings indicate that the degree of political polarization increased and decreased at various times over the study period but has risen sharply since the second half of 2016 and remained high throughout 2020. This result suggests that partisan political gaps between members of the South Korean National Assembly increase substantially.
摘要本研究通过分析韩国国会常务委员会17年来的小组委员会会议记录,分析了韩国精英阶层的政治两极分化。它的分析应用了各种自然语言处理技术和变压器模型的双向编码器表示来测量和分析会议期间使用的语言的极化。其研究结果表明,在研究期间,政治两极分化程度在不同时期有所上升和下降,但自2016年下半年以来急剧上升,并在整个2020年保持高位。这一结果表明,韩国国会议员之间的党派政治差距大幅增加。
{"title":"Elite Polarization in South Korea: Evidence from a Natural Language Processing Model","authors":"Seungjoo Han","doi":"10.1017/jea.2021.36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.36","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study analyzes political polarization among the South Korean elite by examining 17 years’ worth of subcommittee meeting minutes from the South Korean National Assembly's standing committees. Its analysis applies various natural language processing techniques and the bidirectional encoder representations from the transformers model to measure and analyze polarization in the language used during these meetings. Its findings indicate that the degree of political polarization increased and decreased at various times over the study period but has risen sharply since the second half of 2016 and remained high throughout 2020. This result suggests that partisan political gaps between members of the South Korean National Assembly increase substantially.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45226180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6
How History Wars Shape Foreign Policy: An Ancient Kingdom and the Future of China–South Korea Relations 历史战争如何塑造外交政策:一个古老的王国与中韩关系的未来
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.30
P. Gries, Yasuki Masui
Abstract Do history wars shape international affairs? If so, how and for whom? Taking the historical dispute between China and South Korea over the ancient Gaogouli/Goguryeo Kingdom as a case study, this article explores the individual-level psychological micro-foundations of history wars. A 2020 survey experiment in South Korea pit “ours” vs “theirs” Goguryeo imitation Wikipedia entries to explore their downstream consequences. It revealed direct, indirect, and conditional effects. Exposure to China's claim to the Kingdom undermined Korean pride, increasing dislike of China, and lessening desires to cooperate with it. Pre-existing levels of nationalism divided South Koreans in how angry they became after exposure the Wikipedia primes. That anger, however, only shaped the China policy preferences of those South Koreans who viewed the balance of military power with China favorably. Implications for ownership disputes over kimchi and other national possessions are also discussed, as are the implications of history wars for war and peace in twenty-first-century East Asia.
摘要历史战争影响国际事务吗?如果是,如何以及为谁服务?本文以中韩两国古代高句丽王国之争为个案,探讨历史战争的个体层面心理微观基础。2020年在韩国进行的一项调查实验将“我们的”与“他们的”高句丽模仿维基百科的条目进行了对比,以探索其下游后果。它揭示了直接、间接和条件效应。暴露在中国对王国的主权主张中,削弱了韩国人的自豪感,加剧了他们对中国的厌恶,也降低了与中国合作的欲望。之前存在的民族主义水平使韩国人在暴露维基百科primes后变得多么愤怒。然而,这种愤怒只会影响那些看好与中国军事力量平衡的韩国人的对华政策偏好。还讨论了泡菜和其他国家财产所有权纠纷的影响,以及历史战争对21世纪东亚战争与和平的影响。
{"title":"How History Wars Shape Foreign Policy: An Ancient Kingdom and the Future of China–South Korea Relations","authors":"P. Gries, Yasuki Masui","doi":"10.1017/jea.2021.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.30","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Do history wars shape international affairs? If so, how and for whom? Taking the historical dispute between China and South Korea over the ancient Gaogouli/Goguryeo Kingdom as a case study, this article explores the individual-level psychological micro-foundations of history wars. A 2020 survey experiment in South Korea pit “ours” vs “theirs” Goguryeo imitation Wikipedia entries to explore their downstream consequences. It revealed direct, indirect, and conditional effects. Exposure to China's claim to the Kingdom undermined Korean pride, increasing dislike of China, and lessening desires to cooperate with it. Pre-existing levels of nationalism divided South Koreans in how angry they became after exposure the Wikipedia primes. That anger, however, only shaped the China policy preferences of those South Koreans who viewed the balance of military power with China favorably. Implications for ownership disputes over kimchi and other national possessions are also discussed, as are the implications of history wars for war and peace in twenty-first-century East Asia.","PeriodicalId":45829,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49093363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of East Asian Studies
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1