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Journal of East Asian Studies最新文献

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Immigrant Incorporation in East Asian Democracies. By Erin Aeran Chung. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 270 pp. $40 (paper). 东亚民主国家的移民融合。作者:Erin Aeran Chung。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020年。270页,40美元(纸张)。
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.12
Miles Schaffrick
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引用次数: 0
IS CLASS VOTING EMERGENT IN KOREA? – ADDENDUM 韩国是否出现集体投票附录
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.1017/JEA.2021.6
Yoonkyung Lee, Jong-sung You
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引用次数: 0
CORRUPTION AND PERCEIVED FAIRNESS: EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM EAST ASIAN COUNTRIES 腐败与感知公平:来自东亚国家的经验证据
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-05-05 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2020.44
Wen-Chun Chang
Abstract Corruption can erode political trust and a well-functioning democratic system, but it is unclear whether perceptions of corruption are significantly associated with citizens’ perceptions about the fairness of income distribution. This study thus examines the role of political trust in shaping the relationship between perceptions of corruption and perceived fairness of income distribution for East Asian countries. The findings show that perceived corruption has strong detrimental effects on political trust, and that those who have lower levels of political trust are more likely to perceive the income distribution as unfair in their countries. Causal mediation analysis results indicate that political trust plays an important role in mediating the negative effect of perceived corruption on perceived fairness of income distribution. Moreover, the results from examining the mutual causality linking corruption, political trust, and perceived fairness suggest that the reciprocal causal effects are also significant and robust.
腐败会侵蚀政治信任和运转良好的民主制度,但目前尚不清楚对腐败的看法是否与公民对收入分配公平的看法显著相关。因此,本研究考察了政治信任在塑造东亚国家腐败观念与收入分配公平感之间的关系中的作用。调查结果显示,腐败感知对政治信任有很强的不利影响,而那些政治信任水平较低的人更有可能认为本国的收入分配不公平。因果中介分析结果表明,政治信任在感知腐败对感知收入分配公平的负向影响中起重要中介作用。此外,通过考察腐败、政治信任和感知公平之间的相互因果关系,结果表明,相互因果效应也显著且稳健。
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引用次数: 3
The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy. By Daniel A. Bell. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. 333 pp. $29.95 (cloth). 中国模式:政治精英政治与民主的极限。丹尼尔·A·贝尔著。普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2015年。333页,29.95美元(布料)。
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.2
Charlotte Hook
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引用次数: 0
Epidemics and Society: From the Black Death to the Present. By Frank M. Snowden. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2020. 582 pp. $36.40 (paperback). 流行病与社会:从黑死病到现在。作者:弗兰克·M·斯诺登。纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2020年。582页,36.40美元(平装本)。
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.3
Marna L. Swart
With Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS), Avian Influenza, and Ebola as recent reference points, Snowden explores the impact of epidemics on public health, human behavior, intellectual history, and war. Despite sharing borders with China, Vietnam and Mongolia both avoided mass outbreaks through swiftly imposed travel restrictions and face mask wearing in early 2020. Since flattening the curve in March 2020 through more draconian means, China has favored a multilateral approach to tackling COVID-19, as exhibited through their mask diplomacy and vaccine cooperation. Since the onset of COVID-19, hate crimes and other forms of discrimination against East Asians has skyrocketed.
斯诺登以严重急性呼吸系统综合征(SARS)、禽流感和埃博拉为最近的参考点,探讨了流行病对公共卫生、人类行为、知识史和战争的影响。尽管与中国接壤,但越南和蒙古都在2020年初迅速实施了旅行限制和戴口罩,避免了大规模疫情的爆发。自2020年3月通过更严厉的手段使曲线变平以来,中国一直倾向于采取多边方法来应对新冠肺炎,正如他们的口罩外交和疫苗合作所展示的那样。自新冠肺炎爆发以来,针对东亚人的仇恨犯罪和其他形式的歧视激增。
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引用次数: 1
JEA volume 21 issue 1 Cover and Back matter JEA第21卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.8
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引用次数: 0
WHY DIVIDE MIGRANTS BY THEIR TYPES?: CONTACTS AND PERCEPTIONS OF MIGRANTS IN JAPAN 为什么要按移民类型划分?:日本移民的接触与认知
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2020.30
Yujin Woo
Abstract This article compares the public perceptions of various types of migrants in Japan and examines whether Japanese view them equally. Using an original survey, which presented six types of migrants that Japanese people most commonly face in their daily lives, I show several interesting results. First, respondents express the most negative views toward labor migrants. Second, respondents who have migrant friends tend to have more positive feelings for all types of migrants. In contrast, simple coexistence with migrants fails to enhance public sentiment toward labor migrants, particularly those whose stay is temporary. Overall, my statistical results suggest that Japanese people are not pessimistic about every kind of migrant, and their openness increases as migrants acculturate into Japanese society and interact with Japanese people. These findings provide evidence to influence policy discussions on whether Japan should recruit labor migrants in its current form in order to fight its aging population.
摘要本文比较了日本公众对不同类型移民的看法,并考察了日本人对他们的看法是否平等。我利用一项原始调查,展示了日本人在日常生活中最常见的六种移民类型,展示了几个有趣的结果。首先,受访者对外来务工人员的负面看法最为强烈。其次,有移民朋友的受访者往往对各种类型的移民都有更积极的感觉。相比之下,与外来务工人员的简单共存并不能增强公众对外来务工人员的情绪,尤其是那些暂时停留的人。总的来说,我的统计结果表明,日本人并不是对每一种移民都持悲观态度,随着移民融入日本社会并与日本人互动,他们的开放程度也在提高。这些发现为政策讨论提供了证据,以影响日本是否应该以目前的形式招募劳动力移民,以应对人口老龄化。
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引用次数: 0
LEVIATHAN FOR SALE: MARITIME POLICE PRIVATIZATION, BUREAUCRATIC CORRUPTION, AND THE SEWOL DISASTER 出售的利维坦:海警私有化、官僚腐败和SEWOL灾难
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2020.17
K. Choi, Jonson N. Porteux
Abstract We argue that the 2014 Sewol ferry disaster in South Korea, in which 304 passengers perished, was a result of the mode and process of privatization of South Korea's maritime police and rescue services. Through the development of a nuanced theory of privatization and use of a novel conceptualization of corruption, coupled with empirical analysis, our study shows that the outcome was symptomatic of a wider trend of systematic bureaucratic rent-seeking. A pro-active private sector ready to capitalize on the opportunity, in conjunction with a permissive political environment, resulted in a reduction of state capacity, with devastating consequences.
摘要我们认为,2014年韩国“世越号”渡轮灾难造成304名乘客死亡,是韩国海警和救援服务私有化模式和过程的结果。通过发展一种细致入微的私有化理论,并使用一种新的腐败概念,再加上实证分析,我们的研究表明,这一结果是系统性官僚寻租的更广泛趋势的症状。积极主动的私营部门准备利用这一机会,再加上宽松的政治环境,导致国家能力下降,造成了毁灭性的后果。
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引用次数: 1
ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS IN INDONESIAN POLITICS: EVIDENCE FROM THE 2017 JAKARTA GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION 印尼政治中的种族和宗教情绪:来自2017年雅加达州长选举的证据
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2020.35
N. G. Sumaktoyo
Abstract Studies have documented how ethnic and religious sentiments shape the voting behavior of Indonesian Muslims. However, to date no studies have carefully measured the relative influence of these sentiments. I fill this gap in the literature by taking advantage of the candidacy of a Christian, ethnic Chinese candidate in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election in Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). Employing an original survey of Jakartan Muslims, I show through experimental and correlational analyses that Muslim voters are more opposed to Ahok than non-Muslim voters are and that this opposition is driven more by Ahok's ethnicity, as opposed to his religion. I also show that Muslim voters’ feelings toward ethnic Chinese shape their support for Ahok more than their feelings toward Christians. I discuss how these findings inform our understanding of the limits and extent of religious influence on Muslim voting behavior.
摘要研究记录了种族和宗教情绪如何影响印尼穆斯林的投票行为。然而,到目前为止,还没有任何研究仔细衡量这些情绪的相对影响。我利用一位基督教华裔候选人在2017年雅加达省长选举中的候选人资格,填补了文献中的这一空白。我对雅科坦穆斯林进行了一项原始调查,通过实验和相关分析表明,穆斯林选民比非穆斯林选民更反对阿霍克,这种反对更多地是由阿霍克的种族而非宗教驱动的。我还表明,穆斯林选民对华裔的感情比他们对基督徒的感情更能影响他们对阿霍克的支持。我讨论了这些发现如何帮助我们理解宗教对穆斯林投票行为的限制和程度。
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引用次数: 7
Has China Won?: The Chinese Challenge to American Primacy. By Kishore Mahbubani. New York: Hachette Book Group, 2020. 320 pp. $38 (cloth). 中国赢了吗?中国对美国主导地位的挑战。作者:Kishore Mahbubani。纽约:阿歇特图书集团,2020。320页,38美元(布)。
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/jea.2021.1
Hailey Clarke
[...]Mahbubani argues that the US–China clash is paradoxically both inevitable and avoidable, but it is ultimately up to both superpowers to employ measures in the coming decades to determine the outcome. [...]to the portrayal by several Western media outlets and prominent American politicians, Mahbubani argues that it is the US, rather than China, that remains the biggest global militaristic threat, pointing to the colossal annual increases of US military defense spending as well as its large nuclear stockpiles in comparison with those of China. While Mahbubani focuses largely on the hesitation of Chinese businessmen to open up to the US and other foreign investment, the four years of “America First” policies, trade war antagonisms, and hubristic sanctions have certainly damaged the still-fragile economic superpower coupling. [...]it is clear that Trump's relentless and racially charged sentiments towards China throughout the pandemic—disturbingly echoing colonial-era “Yellow Peril” discourse—has dangerously provoked Sinophobia among the US population.
[…马凯硕认为,美中冲突既不可避免又可以避免,但最终取决于这两个超级大国在未来几十年采取何种措施来决定结果。[…根据几家西方媒体和美国著名政客的描述,马凯硕认为,美国而不是中国,仍然是全球最大的军国主义威胁,他指出,与中国相比,美国每年的军费开支增长巨大,核武库也很大。虽然马凯硕主要关注中国商人对美国和其他外国投资开放的犹豫,但四年来的“美国优先”政策、贸易战对抗和傲慢的制裁无疑损害了仍然脆弱的经济超级大国关系。[…很明显,特朗普在疫情期间对中国的无情和充满种族主义色彩的情绪——令人不安地呼应了殖民时代的“黄祸”话语——已经危险地激起了美国民众的恐华情绪。
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引用次数: 15
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Journal of East Asian Studies
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