Pub Date : 2023-11-10DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2274826
Hisham M. Ali
ABSTRACTMost research on films as sites of nation-building centers on on-screen storylines, whereas intertextual references and off-screen representations of nationhood receive less attention. This article proposes a combined approach to further explore the nation-building potential of films, using as a case study the film adaptation Kahlil Gibran’s The Prophet. Through a close reading of the film in conjunction with its intertextual references and the filmmakers’ media interviews, the article explores the construction and negotiation of Lebanese nationhood and history under Ottoman rule. Special attention is paid to how the film’s production, funding, circulation and reception are related to nation-building.KEYWORDS: Banal nationalismfilmintertextualityKahlil Gibran’s The ProphetLebanese nationalismnation-building Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The name ‘Rahbani Brothers’ refers to both Assi Rahbani (1923–1986) and Mansour Rahbani (1925–2009) who were Lebanese composers and dramatists, best known for their work with Fairuz, Assi’s wife.2 Maronite nationalism can mean so many things that a single definition is impossible. In pre-1920 Lebanon, Maronite nationalism referred to a political ideology that advocated the autonomy of Mount Lebanon as the homeland of Maronites. Following the creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920, this strand of nationalism came to be described as ‘political Maronitism’, a term used by the Druze leader Walid Jumblatt to describe Maronite elites’ attempts to achieve ‘domination of the Lebanese system’ (Sirriyeh, Citation1998, p. 56).3 After Gibran’s demise in 1931, the copyrights to his artistic and literary production were transferred to his hometown of Bsharri where the Gibran National Committee was established to manage the copyrights. It also runs the Gibran National Museum, which features exhibits of his works and drawings.Additional informationNotes on contributorsHisham M. AliHisham M. Ali is a research fellow at KU Leuven's Research Unit of Arabic Studies in Belgium. His research interests fall at the intersection of literature, translation, media, and nationalism in the Arab world.
【摘要】大多数关于电影作为国家建构场所的研究都集中在银幕上的故事情节上，而对国家身份的互文参考和银幕外表现的关注较少。本文以纪伯伦小说《先知》的电影改编为例，提出了一种综合方法来进一步探索电影的国家建设潜力。通过对影片的细读，结合影片的互文参考和电影制作人的媒体采访，本文探讨了奥斯曼统治下黎巴嫩国家和历史的建构和谈判。特别关注的是电影的制作、资金、流通和接受与国家建设的关系。关键词:平庸的民族主义、电影、互文性、纪伯伦的《先知》、黎巴嫩民族主义、国家建设披露声明、作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1“拉赫巴尼兄弟”这个名字指的是阿西·拉赫巴尼(1923-1986)和曼苏尔·拉赫巴尼(1925-2009)，他们是黎巴嫩作曲家和剧作家，最著名的是他们与阿西的妻子费尔鲁兹的合作马龙派民族主义可以意味着很多东西，一个单一的定义是不可能的。在1920年前的黎巴嫩，马龙派民族主义指的是一种政治意识形态，主张黎巴嫩山作为马龙派教徒的家园自治。随着1920年大黎巴嫩的建立，这种民族主义被描述为“政治马龙派主义”，德鲁兹领袖瓦利德·朱布拉特用这个词来描述马龙派精英试图实现“对黎巴嫩体系的统治”(Sirriyeh, Citation1998，第56页)1931年纪伯伦去世后，他的艺术和文学作品的版权被转移到他的家乡Bsharri，在那里成立了纪伯伦国家委员会来管理版权。它还经营着纪伯伦国家博物馆，其中展出了他的作品和绘画。希沙姆·阿里(hisham M. Ali)是比利时鲁汶大学阿拉伯研究中心的研究员。他的研究兴趣集中在阿拉伯世界的文学、翻译、媒体和民族主义的交叉领域。
{"title":"Negotiating the Lebanese national imaginary on and beyond the screen: an intertextual perspective on the film adaptation <i>Kahlil Gibran’s The Prophet</i>","authors":"Hisham M. Ali","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2274826","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2274826","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTMost research on films as sites of nation-building centers on on-screen storylines, whereas intertextual references and off-screen representations of nationhood receive less attention. This article proposes a combined approach to further explore the nation-building potential of films, using as a case study the film adaptation Kahlil Gibran’s The Prophet. Through a close reading of the film in conjunction with its intertextual references and the filmmakers’ media interviews, the article explores the construction and negotiation of Lebanese nationhood and history under Ottoman rule. Special attention is paid to how the film’s production, funding, circulation and reception are related to nation-building.KEYWORDS: Banal nationalismfilmintertextualityKahlil Gibran’s The ProphetLebanese nationalismnation-building Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The name ‘Rahbani Brothers’ refers to both Assi Rahbani (1923–1986) and Mansour Rahbani (1925–2009) who were Lebanese composers and dramatists, best known for their work with Fairuz, Assi’s wife.2 Maronite nationalism can mean so many things that a single definition is impossible. In pre-1920 Lebanon, Maronite nationalism referred to a political ideology that advocated the autonomy of Mount Lebanon as the homeland of Maronites. Following the creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920, this strand of nationalism came to be described as ‘political Maronitism’, a term used by the Druze leader Walid Jumblatt to describe Maronite elites’ attempts to achieve ‘domination of the Lebanese system’ (Sirriyeh, Citation1998, p. 56).3 After Gibran’s demise in 1931, the copyrights to his artistic and literary production were transferred to his hometown of Bsharri where the Gibran National Committee was established to manage the copyrights. It also runs the Gibran National Museum, which features exhibits of his works and drawings.Additional informationNotes on contributorsHisham M. AliHisham M. Ali is a research fellow at KU Leuven's Research Unit of Arabic Studies in Belgium. His research interests fall at the intersection of literature, translation, media, and nationalism in the Arab world.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":"120 42","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135137717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-08DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2269793
Deniz Cosan Eke
"Alevis in modern Turkey and the diaspora: recognition, mobilization and transformation." National Identities, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“现代土耳其的Alevis和流散:承认、动员和转变。”《国家身份》，印前版，第1-2页
{"title":"Alevis in modern Turkey and the diaspora: recognition, mobilization and transformation <b>Alevis in modern Turkey and the diaspora: recognition, mobilization and transformation</b> , by Derya Özkul and Hege Markussen, Edinburgh: Edinburg University Press, 2022, 344 pp., Hardback: 9781474492027 / Ebook (ePub): 9781474492041/ Ebook (PDF): 9781474492058, £90.00","authors":"Deniz Cosan Eke","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2269793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2269793","url":null,"abstract":"\"Alevis in modern Turkey and the diaspora: recognition, mobilization and transformation.\" National Identities, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135341598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-05DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2277243
Fred Nasubo
ABSTRACTThis study explores Kenya’s second President, Daniel Arap Moi’s attempts to establish a sense of a shared national identity. Content analysis of books written about him, his speeches, and newspaper articles reveals how Moi used Nyayo philosophy, national holidays, the Father of the Nation narrative, currency notes and coins, and monuments to foster a Kenyan national identity. Despite efforts to forge a common national identity, the government frequently operated in a way that was at odds with what Moi said in his speeches. Whereas President Moi advocated for peace, love, and unity, his administration was largely characterised by clientelism, patronism, social and regional inequalities, and interethnic violence, among other social, economic and political evils. Because of the disconnect between what Moi claimed and what his administration actually did, his attempts to foster nationhood could alternatively be seen as a way for him to control the state, consolidate power, and legitimize his leadership. Therefore, during Moi’s rule, national identity building lacked a strong collective consciousness, which would have enabled Kenyans to institutionalise a sense of belonging and attachment to the nation.KEYWORDS: Countrycivic identityethnic identitynational identitynation Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Data availability statementAll data used in this work has been referenced accordingly.Additional informationNotes on contributorsFred NasuboDr. Fred Nasubo researches, writes and teaches with a particular interest in identity politics, citizenship, nation branding and governance. He is a lecturer at Taita Taveta University and Research Fellow at the British Institute in Eastern Africa. Nasubo holds a PhD in Governance and Regional Integration from Pan African University, Institute of Governance, Humanities and Social Sciences-Yaoundé Cameroon, and a Masters of Arts in History, and BA in History & Economics from Egerton University-Kenya.
{"title":"Making or unmaking the nation? A reflection of president Moi’s regime","authors":"Fred Nasubo","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2277243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2277243","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study explores Kenya’s second President, Daniel Arap Moi’s attempts to establish a sense of a shared national identity. Content analysis of books written about him, his speeches, and newspaper articles reveals how Moi used Nyayo philosophy, national holidays, the Father of the Nation narrative, currency notes and coins, and monuments to foster a Kenyan national identity. Despite efforts to forge a common national identity, the government frequently operated in a way that was at odds with what Moi said in his speeches. Whereas President Moi advocated for peace, love, and unity, his administration was largely characterised by clientelism, patronism, social and regional inequalities, and interethnic violence, among other social, economic and political evils. Because of the disconnect between what Moi claimed and what his administration actually did, his attempts to foster nationhood could alternatively be seen as a way for him to control the state, consolidate power, and legitimize his leadership. Therefore, during Moi’s rule, national identity building lacked a strong collective consciousness, which would have enabled Kenyans to institutionalise a sense of belonging and attachment to the nation.KEYWORDS: Countrycivic identityethnic identitynational identitynation Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Data availability statementAll data used in this work has been referenced accordingly.Additional informationNotes on contributorsFred NasuboDr. Fred Nasubo researches, writes and teaches with a particular interest in identity politics, citizenship, nation branding and governance. He is a lecturer at Taita Taveta University and Research Fellow at the British Institute in Eastern Africa. Nasubo holds a PhD in Governance and Regional Integration from Pan African University, Institute of Governance, Humanities and Social Sciences-Yaoundé Cameroon, and a Masters of Arts in History, and BA in History & Economics from Egerton University-Kenya.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":"109 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135726214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2270448
Jorge E. Ramos
ABSTRACTAlthough the United Nations no longer classifies Puerto Rico as a colony, Puerto Rico poses theoretical and empirical challenges to inquiries about national identity within (post-)colonial situations. Gazing through a sociohistorical lens, the present study explores how beliefs about legitimate membership criteria relate to self-identified Puerto Ricans’ understanding of their and in-group others’ national identity. By contextualizing current perceptions of national identity as linked to an emergent Puerto Rican nationalism throughout the nineteenth- and twentieth-century, this paper relates individual-level conceptions of membership criteria to institutional and discursive interventions, thereby contributing to studies of national identity in colonially (un)settled times.KEYWORDS: Beliefsculturemembership criterianational identityPuerto Rico Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Data availability statementThe data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, J. E. R., upon reasonable request.Notes1 This study was granted an exemption by the author’s IRB-granting institution; review type: non-committee.2 The ‘hybrid’ racial category trigueño is widely and commonly used on the island to indicate that someone’s skin color is not as dark as ‘black’ or not a light as ‘white’; the category ‘people of color’ or de color can, depending on the social context, be understood as a euphemism to categorize people as Black in Puerto Rico. However, the fact that all nine participants who identified using this category were residing in the U.S. might suggest an adherence to ‘people of color’ as a way to index ‘non-white’. For a fuller discussion of these terms in Puerto Rico see Godreau (Citation2008).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJorge E. RamosJorge E. Ramos is a Ph.D. student in Spanish Linguistics at Georgetown University. His research interests include language attitudes and beliefs, (national) identity and social perception.
虽然联合国不再将波多黎各归类为殖民地，但波多黎各对(后)殖民局势下的国家认同问题提出了理论和经验上的挑战。通过社会历史的视角，本研究探讨了关于合法成员标准的信念如何与自我认同的波多黎各人对他们和群体内其他人的国家身份的理解有关。通过将当前对国家认同的看法与整个19世纪和20世纪新兴的波多黎各民族主义联系起来，本文将个人层面的成员标准概念与制度和话语干预联系起来，从而有助于研究殖民地(未)定居时期的国家认同。关键词:信仰、文化、记忆、标准、国籍、波多黎各披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。数据可用性声明支持本研究结果的数据可根据通讯作者j.e.r.的合理要求获得。注1本研究获得了作者的irb授权机构的豁免;审查方式:非委员会“混血”种族类别trigueño在岛上广泛而常用，表示某人的肤色不像“黑”那么深，也不像“白”那么亮;根据社会背景，“有色人种”或“de color”这一类别可以被理解为将波多黎各人归类为黑人的委婉说法。然而，所有使用这一分类的9名参与者都居住在美国，这一事实可能表明，“有色人种”是一种对“非白人”进行分类的方法。有关这些术语在波多黎各的更全面的讨论，请参阅Godreau (Citation2008)。作者简介:jorge E. Ramos jorge E. Ramos是乔治城大学西班牙语语言学的博士生。主要研究方向为语言态度与信仰、(民族)认同与社会认知。
{"title":"‘It’s in my blood, in my food and in my soul’: current understandings of Puerto Ricanness within the Puerto Rican nation","authors":"Jorge E. Ramos","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2270448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2270448","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAlthough the United Nations no longer classifies Puerto Rico as a colony, Puerto Rico poses theoretical and empirical challenges to inquiries about national identity within (post-)colonial situations. Gazing through a sociohistorical lens, the present study explores how beliefs about legitimate membership criteria relate to self-identified Puerto Ricans’ understanding of their and in-group others’ national identity. By contextualizing current perceptions of national identity as linked to an emergent Puerto Rican nationalism throughout the nineteenth- and twentieth-century, this paper relates individual-level conceptions of membership criteria to institutional and discursive interventions, thereby contributing to studies of national identity in colonially (un)settled times.KEYWORDS: Beliefsculturemembership criterianational identityPuerto Rico Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Data availability statementThe data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, J. E. R., upon reasonable request.Notes1 This study was granted an exemption by the author’s IRB-granting institution; review type: non-committee.2 The ‘hybrid’ racial category trigueño is widely and commonly used on the island to indicate that someone’s skin color is not as dark as ‘black’ or not a light as ‘white’; the category ‘people of color’ or de color can, depending on the social context, be understood as a euphemism to categorize people as Black in Puerto Rico. However, the fact that all nine participants who identified using this category were residing in the U.S. might suggest an adherence to ‘people of color’ as a way to index ‘non-white’. For a fuller discussion of these terms in Puerto Rico see Godreau (Citation2008).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJorge E. RamosJorge E. Ramos is a Ph.D. student in Spanish Linguistics at Georgetown University. His research interests include language attitudes and beliefs, (national) identity and social perception.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":"24 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135863026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2267477
William Hatungimana
ABSTRACTThe perception of immigrants varies across countries. In Botswana, xenophobia is rarely violent and manifests in stereotypes the host population has about immigrants. In South Africa, anti-immigrant violence has claimed many lives. However, South Africa's nation-building process has facilitated the co-existence of people from different backgrounds and races under an inclusive national identity. In contrast, Botswana's nation-building process assimilated different ethnic groups under the BatswanaFootnote1 identity, hence fostering an ethno-national identity, which is exclusivist. This study draws N=2,390 and N=1,200 South African and Batswana respondents from Afrobarometer, respectively, and finds that Batswana who identify with national identity are likely to have negative attitudes towards immigrants. Conversely, South Africans identifying with national identity are likely to have positive attitudes toward immigrants. Still, South Africans who endorse ethnic identity are likely to have negative attitudes towards immigrants. This study has larger implications for policies promoting pluralistic national identity. Curricula inculcating pluralism can be introduced in citizenship-building programs..KEYWORDS: Immigrantsnation buildingnational identitySouth AfricaBotswana Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Batswana (Tswana) is a plural of Motswana, which is how citizens of Botswana identify themselves. In terms of ethnic identity, there are Batswana (Tswana) and non-Batswana ethnic group who belong to other ethnic groups in Botswana.2 Coloureds are the mixed-raced population of South Africa. This is one of the race categories in South Africa. This should not be confused with the racially charged pejorative term ‘colored’ in the context of the United States.3 SA stands for South Africa.4 BW is Botswana’s country code.Additional informationNotes on contributorsWilliam HatungimanaWilliam Hatungimana is a visiting assistant professor at Oklahoma State University. His research focuses on Immigration and African Politics.
{"title":"What has nation building got to do with immigration?","authors":"William Hatungimana","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2267477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2267477","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe perception of immigrants varies across countries. In Botswana, xenophobia is rarely violent and manifests in stereotypes the host population has about immigrants. In South Africa, anti-immigrant violence has claimed many lives. However, South Africa's nation-building process has facilitated the co-existence of people from different backgrounds and races under an inclusive national identity. In contrast, Botswana's nation-building process assimilated different ethnic groups under the BatswanaFootnote1 identity, hence fostering an ethno-national identity, which is exclusivist. This study draws N=2,390 and N=1,200 South African and Batswana respondents from Afrobarometer, respectively, and finds that Batswana who identify with national identity are likely to have negative attitudes towards immigrants. Conversely, South Africans identifying with national identity are likely to have positive attitudes toward immigrants. Still, South Africans who endorse ethnic identity are likely to have negative attitudes towards immigrants. This study has larger implications for policies promoting pluralistic national identity. Curricula inculcating pluralism can be introduced in citizenship-building programs..KEYWORDS: Immigrantsnation buildingnational identitySouth AfricaBotswana Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Batswana (Tswana) is a plural of Motswana, which is how citizens of Botswana identify themselves. In terms of ethnic identity, there are Batswana (Tswana) and non-Batswana ethnic group who belong to other ethnic groups in Botswana.2 Coloureds are the mixed-raced population of South Africa. This is one of the race categories in South Africa. This should not be confused with the racially charged pejorative term ‘colored’ in the context of the United States.3 SA stands for South Africa.4 BW is Botswana’s country code.Additional informationNotes on contributorsWilliam HatungimanaWilliam Hatungimana is a visiting assistant professor at Oklahoma State University. His research focuses on Immigration and African Politics.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":"17 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135316368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-29DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2249711
Melinda Harlov-Csortán
{"title":"The monumental nation. Magyar nationalism and symbolic politics in fin-de-siècle Hungary","authors":"Melinda Harlov-Csortán","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2249711","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2249711","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45110935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-23DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2248906
G. Hitman, Amichai Alperovich
ABSTRACT This study focuses on the complexity of the national representation of Arab players on the Israeli national soccer team. For 90 min, the players are part of society and their presence resembles the inclusion of Arabs in Israel. However, when the match ends, they are again part of the deprived Arab minority and excluded from Israeli society. The study is based on theoretical academic materials, interviews with six prominent Arab soccer players who played in the national team from 1976 until the present day, and selected press interviews with several other Arab internationals. The research findings show that the players define themselves as Arabs who, first and foremost, represent themselves and their families and communities. They ignore racist calls based on ethnic, national, or religious differences. Ultimately, all of them have a hybrid identity and see soccer as a way of life and an opportunity to promote their career and make their families and communities proud due to being part of the national soccer squad. These findings thus adhere to the theoretical framework of instrumental inclusion that this paper offers.
{"title":"Exclusion, inclusion, and the multiple identities of a national minority: Israeli soccer players in the national team","authors":"G. Hitman, Amichai Alperovich","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2248906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2248906","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study focuses on the complexity of the national representation of Arab players on the Israeli national soccer team. For 90 min, the players are part of society and their presence resembles the inclusion of Arabs in Israel. However, when the match ends, they are again part of the deprived Arab minority and excluded from Israeli society. The study is based on theoretical academic materials, interviews with six prominent Arab soccer players who played in the national team from 1976 until the present day, and selected press interviews with several other Arab internationals. The research findings show that the players define themselves as Arabs who, first and foremost, represent themselves and their families and communities. They ignore racist calls based on ethnic, national, or religious differences. Ultimately, all of them have a hybrid identity and see soccer as a way of life and an opportunity to promote their career and make their families and communities proud due to being part of the national soccer squad. These findings thus adhere to the theoretical framework of instrumental inclusion that this paper offers.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47630774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2242792
Daniel Lemus-Delgado
ABSTRACT The opening ceremonies of sports mega-events are privileged for transmitting discourse about the past and constructing a national identity. Although it is difficult to determine how vital opening ceremonies are in the long term or how much they are ever remembered beyond the media coverage, these ceremonies project national images of the countries that organize them by reinforcing identities. Based on the theoretical assumptions of constructivism, this article contrasts the Beijing 2008 and Tokyo 2020 opening ceremonies, discussing how the creation of these narratives reflects the aspirations to build national identities linked with an idealized past. Also, this article analyses how these events illustrate how China and Japan present their identity in an international scenario. Finally, the conclusions emphasize the importance of opening ceremonies beyond the limited sports context and their profound political implications.
{"title":"Opening ceremonies and national identity: Beijing 2008 and Tokyo 2020","authors":"Daniel Lemus-Delgado","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2242792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2242792","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The opening ceremonies of sports mega-events are privileged for transmitting discourse about the past and constructing a national identity. Although it is difficult to determine how vital opening ceremonies are in the long term or how much they are ever remembered beyond the media coverage, these ceremonies project national images of the countries that organize them by reinforcing identities. Based on the theoretical assumptions of constructivism, this article contrasts the Beijing 2008 and Tokyo 2020 opening ceremonies, discussing how the creation of these narratives reflects the aspirations to build national identities linked with an idealized past. Also, this article analyses how these events illustrate how China and Japan present their identity in an international scenario. Finally, the conclusions emphasize the importance of opening ceremonies beyond the limited sports context and their profound political implications.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44577646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2222659
Priyansh
ABSTRACT This paper will study a recent protest in Indian football against the Citizenship Amendment Act, a law championed by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party that threatens to render millions of Indian citizens stateless. Recent scholarship on supporter activism in football tends to focus on the local conditions that drive fan-led actions. Yet, as witnessed at the Kolkata demonstration against the amendment in early 2020, the horizon of politics as imagined by fans remains much wider in its scope. Through this study, we can discern a mode of political articulation by football supporters that combines the local and the national.
{"title":"‘When we were here, there were no documents’: the national question at a Kolkata football Derby","authors":"Priyansh","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2222659","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2222659","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper will study a recent protest in Indian football against the Citizenship Amendment Act, a law championed by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party that threatens to render millions of Indian citizens stateless. Recent scholarship on supporter activism in football tends to focus on the local conditions that drive fan-led actions. Yet, as witnessed at the Kolkata demonstration against the amendment in early 2020, the horizon of politics as imagined by fans remains much wider in its scope. Through this study, we can discern a mode of political articulation by football supporters that combines the local and the national.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":"25 1","pages":"391 - 405"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45964246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-26DOI: 10.1080/14608944.2023.2226075
Stevo Đurašković, N. Petrović
ABSTRACT The article discusses the main obstacles encountered in the course of the earliest stages of supranational identity – building that took place in Socialist Yugoslavia in the 1950s, and in the European Community in the 1980s. Due to World War II legacy, both supranational identities were predominantly built on a promise of peace and prosperity that exclusively related the emotional attachment of citizens to the economic and political success of the supranational polities. Since both polities originally brought fulfillment of (single) national goals to their constituencies, any cultural component of supranational identities could be successfully challenged by the narratives on hegemony of supranational center over national constituencies.
{"title":"Failure to build Yugoslav and European identity: comparison between the 1950s Yugo Prophecy and 1980s Euro Prophecy","authors":"Stevo Đurašković, N. Petrović","doi":"10.1080/14608944.2023.2226075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2023.2226075","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article discusses the main obstacles encountered in the course of the earliest stages of supranational identity – building that took place in Socialist Yugoslavia in the 1950s, and in the European Community in the 1980s. Due to World War II legacy, both supranational identities were predominantly built on a promise of peace and prosperity that exclusively related the emotional attachment of citizens to the economic and political success of the supranational polities. Since both polities originally brought fulfillment of (single) national goals to their constituencies, any cultural component of supranational identities could be successfully challenged by the narratives on hegemony of supranational center over national constituencies.","PeriodicalId":45917,"journal":{"name":"NATIONAL IDENTITIES","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48480703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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