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The tools of tailoring as technologies-in-use in twentieth century Benin, West Africa 裁剪工具作为技术在20世纪西非贝宁的应用
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1928452
E. A. Fretwell
ABSTRACT Beninois tailors use sewing machines to make made-to-order clothing for clients and they award and display artisanal diplomas that attest to the completion of an apprenticeship with a master tailor. This article traces the history of these materials to argue that missions, states, and artisans used the tools of tailoring to construct and contest identities and to assert new notions of social status and mobility. Missions and the French colonial state promoted industrially produced machinery and certified documentation to delineate new categories of homemakers, efficient workers, and elites in the first half of the twentieth century. By the country’s 1960 independence, craftspeople began to develop new practices around making, exchanging, and displaying machines and diplomas, which upset (post-) colonial social categories of class and gender and asserted individual prestige and mobility. This article reveals how these technologies-in-use had multiple and often contradictory uses that were at once political, social, and material.
贝努瓦的裁缝使用缝纫机为客户定制服装,他们颁发并展示手工文凭,证明在裁缝大师那里完成了学徒期。本文追溯了这些材料的历史,以证明使团、国家和工匠使用剪裁工具来构建和竞争身份,并主张社会地位和流动性的新概念。在20世纪上半叶,传教会和法国殖民政府促进了工业生产的机器和认证文件,以描绘家庭主妇、高效工人和精英的新类别。到1960年国家独立时,工匠们开始在制造、交换和展示机器和文凭方面发展新的做法,这打破了(后)殖民社会对阶级和性别的分类,并维护了个人的声望和流动性。本文揭示了这些正在使用的技术如何同时具有政治、社会和物质方面的多重且经常是相互矛盾的用途。
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引用次数: 1
Energy, history, and the humanities: against a new determinism 能源、历史和人文:反对新的决定论
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1891394
Thomas Turnbull
ABSTRACT The study of past ‘energy transitions’ are being reinterpreted as possible guides to a low-carbon future. But little is known about the historians who shaped how we understand our transition into a predominantly hydrocarbon-based energy system. Before energy history emerged as a subfield, historians John Nef, Edward Wrigley, and Rolf Sieferle already explained the Industrial Revolution as a result of coal use. In unleashing industrialism, they argued that coal took on an historically decisive role. These notions of energy determinism will be the central concern of this paper. In revisiting their lives and work, it will be argued that in pursuit of a low-carbon future, we should not ignore the grave concerns posed by fossil energy use nor slip into a crude form of energy determinism.
对过去“能源转型”的研究正被重新解读为通向低碳未来的可能指南。但是,对于那些塑造了我们如何理解人类向以碳氢化合物为主的能源体系过渡的历史学家,我们知之甚少。在能源史作为一个分支领域出现之前,历史学家约翰·奈夫、爱德华·瑞格利和罗尔夫·西弗勒已经将工业革命解释为煤炭使用的结果。在释放工业主义的过程中,他们认为煤炭在历史上扮演着决定性的角色。这些能源决定论的概念将是本文关注的中心。在回顾他们的生活和工作时,我们会认为,在追求低碳未来的过程中,我们不应该忽视化石能源使用带来的严重担忧,也不应该陷入一种粗略的能源决定论。
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引用次数: 4
Front-line Fowl: Messenger Pigeons as Communications Technology in the U.S. Army 前线家禽:信鸽作为美国陆军的通信技术
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1898896
Alice Shackelford Clifton-Morekis
ABSTRACT The United States Army Signal Corps maintained a program for communication by messenger pigeon from 1917 to 1957, long after developments in electronic communications technology rendered pigeons obsolete in many contexts. This article presents the history of the Signal Corps Pigeon Service as one of technological persistence and innovation. It argues that messenger pigeons remained significantly useful to the U.S. Army in World War I, World War II, and the Korean War, primarily as a means of backup or emergency communication working in tandem with electronics. It shows that the physical and social environments of warfare created frequent need for this ‘low tech’ system. The article further suggests that certain changes in physical and social environments on and off the battlefield encouraged the program’s dismantling.
在电子通信技术的发展使鸽子在许多情况下已经过时很久之后,美国陆军通信队从1917年到1957年一直维持着一个信使鸽子的通信项目。这篇文章介绍了信鸽服务的历史,作为一个技术的坚持和创新。它认为信鸽在第一次世界大战、第二次世界大战和朝鲜战争中对美军仍然非常有用,主要是作为与电子设备协同工作的备份或紧急通信手段。它表明,战争的物理和社会环境创造了对这种“低技术”系统的频繁需求。文章进一步指出,战场内外的物理和社会环境的某些变化鼓励了该计划的解体。
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引用次数: 0
Three tons of uranium from the International Atomic Energy Agency: diplomacy over nuclear fuel for the Japan Research Reactor-3 at the Board of Governors’ meetings, 1958–1959 国际原子能机构的三吨铀:1958-1959年理事会会议上关于日本研究反应堆3号核燃料的外交
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1897963
Kenji Ito
ABSTRACT This paper combines renewed attention to science diplomacy with the rising interest in material and ontological aspects of science studies. It examines nuclear diplomacy by reviewing negotiations over three tons of natural uranium that the Japanese government requested from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in 1958. The uranium was half the amount required for the Japan Research Reactor-3, which reached criticality in 1962 and became Japan’s first domestically developed nuclear reactor. Japan’s request provided an opportunity to reaffirm the IAEA’s raison d’être and set in motion the process of establishing a safeguarding system against the military use of atomic energy. The IAEA Board of Governors deliberated on the issue from October 1958 to April 1959. Although Japan’s request was generally welcomed, it sparked confrontations between countries that accepted IAEA safeguards and those against them. By analysing the IAEA Board’s official records, this paper shows how the negotiations transformed the uranium into a ‘diplomatic object’.
本文结合了对科学外交的重新关注和对科学研究的物质和本体论方面日益增长的兴趣。1958年,日本政府向国际原子能机构(IAEA)提出了3吨天然铀的要求。这些铀是日本研究反应堆3号所需铀量的一半。日本研究反应堆3号在1962年达到临界状态,成为日本首个自主研发的核反应堆。日本的请求提供了一个机会,可以重申原子能机构成立être的理由,并启动建立一个防止军事利用原子能的保障制度的进程。原子能机构理事会从1958年10月至1959年4月审议了这个问题。虽然日本的要求受到普遍欢迎,但它引发了接受原子能机构保障措施的国家与反对这些措施的国家之间的对抗。通过分析国际原子能机构理事会的官方记录,本文展示了谈判如何将铀转变为“外交对象”。
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引用次数: 6
Mobilizing the Transnational History of Knowledge Flows. COVID-19 and the Politics of Research at the Borders 动员知识流动的跨国历史。2019冠状病毒病与边境研究政治
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1890524
J. Krige, S. Leonelli
ABSTRACT This paper mobilizes a transnational approach to intervene in the unfolding history of the Covid-19 pandemic, advocating for nationally based, interdependent initiatives that push back against the fragmentation of national responses and, eventually, national protectionism. Focusing on the governance of digital technologies for data sharing, and using two case studies as illustrations, we describe the emergence of transnational realms of scientific and political cooperation, that were structured to foster interdependence, to bypass insular nationalism, and to subvert digital feudalism. By critically reading these case studies through the lens of the transnational flows of knowledge across borders, we exploit the intellectual and political agendas embedded in this historiographic approach.
本文动员了一种跨国方法来干预Covid-19大流行的发展历史,倡导以国家为基础的、相互依存的举措,以抵制国家应对措施的碎片化,并最终抵制国家保护主义。我们关注数据共享的数字技术治理,并使用两个案例研究作为例证,描述了科学和政治合作的跨国领域的出现,这些领域的结构旨在促进相互依存,绕过孤立的民族主义,并颠覆数字封建主义。通过批判性地阅读这些案例研究,通过跨国界知识的跨国流动,我们利用嵌入在这种史学方法中的知识和政治议程。
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引用次数: 5
The ‘conceit of controllability’: nuclear diplomacy, Japan’s plutonium reprocessing ambitions and US proliferation fears, 1974-1978 “可控性的自负”:核外交、日本的钚再处理野心和美国对核扩散的担忧,1974-1978
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1882126
F. Hoey
ABSTRACT US-Japanese nuclear diplomacy on plutonium reprocessing was a means by which both attempted to assert control. For Japan, this meant control over its energy supplies and the status associated with advanced nuclear power technology. Japan had emerged as an economic giant but had accepted a diminution in status by adhering to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and was determined not to have its access to cutting edge nuclear power technology curtailed. The US sought to control the spread of a technology which would produce plutonium and consequently, it was feared, increase the chances of weapons proliferation. Washington’s diplomatic gambit, the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation, attempted to use ‘neutral’ science for political ends. However, Tokyo was able to ally with partners to frustrate Washington’s ambitions. In the long-term Japan did not score a victory since the hopes of reprocessing were not realized. Ultimately, neither was able to assert control.
美日关于钚再处理的核外交是双方试图维护控制的一种手段。对日本来说,这意味着对本国能源供应的控制,以及与先进核电技术相关的地位。日本已成为一个经济巨人,但由于加入了《不扩散条约》(不扩散条约),它接受了地位的下降,并决心不使其获得尖端核电技术的机会受到限制。美国试图控制一种生产钚的技术的传播,担心这种技术会增加武器扩散的机会。华盛顿的外交策略“国际核燃料循环评估”(International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation)试图利用“中立”的科学来达到政治目的。然而,东京能够与伙伴国结盟,挫败华盛顿的野心。从长期来看,日本没有取得胜利,因为再处理的希望没有实现。最终,双方都无法取得控制权。
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引用次数: 1
From lobbyists to backstage diplomats: how insurers in the field of third party liability shaped nuclear diplomacy 从说客到幕后外交官:第三方责任领域的保险公司如何影响核外交
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1893999
Alexandros-Andreas Kyrtsis, Maria Rentetzi
ABSTRACT Third party liability insurance in the event of nuclear accidents emerged as a pressing issue in the 1950s, triggered to a great extent by the activities of international organizations and major nuclear accidents. By the mid-1960s a tight international network of negotiators comprising insurers, lawyers, scientists, engineers, businessmen, and government officials made its appearance along with nuclear insurance pools. Experts, functionaries, diplomats and politicians with often diverging views and expertise were involved in negotiations over the newly emerging legal and regulatory problems related to radiation protection and third party liability in the event of severe accidents. This paper argues that insurers transformed their identities from lobbyists to backstage nuclear diplomats, making their role explicitly political and profoundly diplomatic in an emerging international nuclear order. Within this novel multilayered context of negotiations the nuclear insurance pools developed a unique form of nuclear diplomacy, altering both terms of ‘nuclear’ and ‘diplomacy’.
核事故第三者责任保险在20世纪50年代成为一个紧迫的问题,在很大程度上是由国际组织的活动和重大核事故引发的。到20世纪60年代中期,一个由保险公司、律师、科学家、工程师、商人和政府官员组成的紧密的国际谈判网络随着核保险池的出现而出现。专家、工作人员、外交官和政界人士往往有不同的意见和专门知识,他们参与了有关辐射防护和发生严重事故时第三方责任的新出现的法律和管制问题的谈判。本文认为,保险公司将自己的身份从说客转变为幕后的核外交官,使他们在新兴的国际核秩序中扮演明确的政治角色和深刻的外交角色。在这种新的多层谈判背景下,核保险池发展了一种独特的核外交形式,改变了“核”和“外交”的术语。
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引用次数: 6
The co-production of nuclear science and diplomacy: towards a transnational understanding of nuclear things 核科学与外交的合作:实现对核事物的跨国理解
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1905462
Kenji Ito, Maria Rentetzi
ABSTRACT This paper proposes diplomatic studies of science as a new field of research, which sheds light on actual diplomatic processes as an integral part of knowledge making and presents the notion of nuclear science and diplomacy as co-produced. Science and diplomacy display fundamental similarities: scientists attempt to make knowledge produced locally seem global, thereby achieving universal epistemic order, while diplomats endeavour to maintain political order on a global scale that accommodates the local concerns of their country. In particular, the co-production of nuclear knowledge and political nuclear order has characterised the post-World War Two period. Hence, the making of global political orders includes the emergence of relevant diplomatic actors, which comprise not only sovereign states but also non-state actors, such as international organisations or individual experts. This paper claims that nuclear history provides a suitable ground for cross-fertilisation between the history of science and diplomatic history.
本文提出科学外交研究作为一个新的研究领域,它揭示了作为知识制造的一个组成部分的实际外交过程,并提出了核科学与外交共同产生的概念。科学和外交表现出基本的相似之处:科学家试图使当地产生的知识看起来是全球性的,从而实现普遍的认识秩序,而外交官则努力维持全球范围内的政治秩序,以适应他们国家的地方关切。特别是,核知识和政治核秩序的共同生产是二战后时期的特征。因此,全球政治秩序的建立包括相关外交行为体的出现,这些行为体不仅包括主权国家,还包括非国家行为体,如国际组织或个人专家。本文认为,核史为科学史和外交史之间的相互融合提供了一个合适的基础。
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引用次数: 11
From paper files to terabytes: the evolution of IAEA documentation in the nuclear age 从纸质文件到tb:原子能机构文件在核时代的演变
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1906480
Gabriella Ivacs
Documentation in one form or another is at the heart of any organisation large or small. When it comes to global intergovernmental organisations such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA...
各种形式的文档是任何大型或小型组织的核心。谈到国际原子能机构(IAEA)等全球性政府间组织……
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引用次数: 1
The ways and means of ITER: reciprocity and compromise in fusion science diplomacy ITER的途径与手段:核聚变科学外交中的互惠与妥协
IF 1.2 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2021.1891851
A. Åberg
ABSTRACT ITER (short for International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor, and the Latin word for ‘the way’, as in ‘the way to new energy’), a controlled thermonuclear fusion experiment currently being built in Cadarache, France, is one of the world’s largest technoscientific collaborations. ITER’s complex organisation is rooted in decisions taken during the early negotiation phase in the 1990s. This article focuses on this initial period of the ITER negotiations, showing the importance of reciprocity and compromise in the organizational decisions of the project. These decisions were enacted by actors and organisations who strived to keep ITER together through continuous ‘backstage’ diplomacy work. This work included finding acceptable compromises for the involved Parties on both a diplomatic and scientific level. Looking closely at such work reveals the entangled character of science and diplomacy in large international technoscientific collaborations, as well as the need for compromise to make a project like ITER materialise.
ITER (International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor,国际热核实验反应堆的缩写,拉丁语意为“道路”,如“通往新能源的道路”)是目前正在法国卡达拉切建造的受控热核聚变实验项目,是世界上最大的科技合作项目之一。ITER复杂的组织结构植根于20世纪90年代早期谈判阶段做出的决定。本文着重于ITER谈判的初始阶段,展示了互惠和妥协在项目组织决策中的重要性。这些决定是由演员和组织制定的,他们通过持续的“后台”外交工作努力使ITER保持在一起。这项工作包括在外交和科学两方面为有关各方寻求可接受的妥协。仔细观察这些工作,就会发现在大型国际技术科学合作中,科学和外交的纠缠特征,以及使ITER这样的项目成为现实的妥协的必要性。
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引用次数: 5
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