Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.2018806
B. Ibsen, Karsten Elmose-Østerlund, Evald Bundgaard Iversen, Jens Høyer-Kruse, Marlene Rosager, Lund Pedersen
ABSTRACT The purpose of the article is to analyse the impact of three forms of involvement in organized civil society – as ‘participant’, as ‘member’ and as ‘volunteer’ – on self-assessed quality of life when checking for coherence between the three forms of participation. The article is inspired by both Lim and Putnam’s claim that close social networks around meaningful and identity-bearing activities increase self-assessed quality of life and Stebbins’ claim that life satisfaction is an essential by-product of ‘serious leisure’. This article utilizes data from a digital survey study conducted among adult citizens in Denmark, which 2514 citizens answered. The questionnaire contained a broad range of questions regarding participation in leisure activities, membership in associations, engagement in voluntary work, subjective life-satisfaction, self-assessed health and social background of the respondents. The statistical regression analysis shows a correlation between volunteering in general and self-assessed quality of life, but the correlation is relatively weak. However, the analysis does not show a significant correlation between the quality of life and membership in an association and participation in ‘serious leisure’. Of the other variables included, self-assessed health, in particular, contributes to explaining the variation in the self-assessed quality of life.
{"title":"Civil society’s impact on quality of life","authors":"B. Ibsen, Karsten Elmose-Østerlund, Evald Bundgaard Iversen, Jens Høyer-Kruse, Marlene Rosager, Lund Pedersen","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.2018806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.2018806","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The purpose of the article is to analyse the impact of three forms of involvement in organized civil society – as ‘participant’, as ‘member’ and as ‘volunteer’ – on self-assessed quality of life when checking for coherence between the three forms of participation. The article is inspired by both Lim and Putnam’s claim that close social networks around meaningful and identity-bearing activities increase self-assessed quality of life and Stebbins’ claim that life satisfaction is an essential by-product of ‘serious leisure’. This article utilizes data from a digital survey study conducted among adult citizens in Denmark, which 2514 citizens answered. The questionnaire contained a broad range of questions regarding participation in leisure activities, membership in associations, engagement in voluntary work, subjective life-satisfaction, self-assessed health and social background of the respondents. The statistical regression analysis shows a correlation between volunteering in general and self-assessed quality of life, but the correlation is relatively weak. However, the analysis does not show a significant correlation between the quality of life and membership in an association and participation in ‘serious leisure’. Of the other variables included, self-assessed health, in particular, contributes to explaining the variation in the self-assessed quality of life.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46053020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1994201
Graciela Trajtenberg
ABSTRACT Over the past few decades, society has witnessed the flourishing of artistic practices with socio-political aims, including street art. Street art created without permission has become one of the most persistent ways of protesting the usurpation of rights in the public space. However, current discussions about civil society and political participation tend to underestimate its political role. Street art has grown in popularity to a point where a legal form of the practice has also emerged. Using the Israeli street art scene as a case study, this article examines how street art has turned into an active intervention in public space and has transformed into a form of political participation that has the potential of reinforcing itself. The author contends that the inclusion of street art practices in the theoretical framework of civil society will enhance our understanding of contemporary political participation.
{"title":"Widening the margins of political participation: The political effect of street art on civil society","authors":"Graciela Trajtenberg","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1994201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1994201","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Over the past few decades, society has witnessed the flourishing of artistic practices with socio-political aims, including street art. Street art created without permission has become one of the most persistent ways of protesting the usurpation of rights in the public space. However, current discussions about civil society and political participation tend to underestimate its political role. Street art has grown in popularity to a point where a legal form of the practice has also emerged. Using the Israeli street art scene as a case study, this article examines how street art has turned into an active intervention in public space and has transformed into a form of political participation that has the potential of reinforcing itself. The author contends that the inclusion of street art practices in the theoretical framework of civil society will enhance our understanding of contemporary political participation.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60388213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.2003138
Camille Martinerie
ABSTRACT The #MustFall campaigns attacked symbols of the past – physical but also mental legacies of the colonial and apartheid periods – using specific disruption mechanisms along with ideological frameworks that are sometimes consciously and/or unconsciously borrowed from previous generations of South African students. In that respect, the students claim a continuity of their present day struggle with that led in the 1970s under the banner of Black Consciousness. All the while, the born-frees completely reject the main outcome of the struggle for National Liberation – that is, the negotiated settlement signed by Nelson Mandela and F.W De Klerk in the 1990s, which could appear paradoxical. The aim of this article is to shed light on both the continuities and ruptures between the #MF campaigns and traditions of national liberations in order to discuss the political practices they entail in a post/decolonial context. Theoretical shifts in #MF notably through the engagement with concepts such as intersectionality, non-racialism and decolonization had certainly a great impact on their modes and means of protest. This comparative analysis may lead to a deeper understanding of the different interpretations of decolonization in practice between generations and the nature of the discrepancies not only between but also within political traditions of liberation .
{"title":"The #MustFall movements and traditions of national liberation in South Africa: Political continuities and ruptures in theory and practice","authors":"Camille Martinerie","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.2003138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.2003138","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The #MustFall campaigns attacked symbols of the past – physical but also mental legacies of the colonial and apartheid periods – using specific disruption mechanisms along with ideological frameworks that are sometimes consciously and/or unconsciously borrowed from previous generations of South African students. In that respect, the students claim a continuity of their present day struggle with that led in the 1970s under the banner of Black Consciousness. All the while, the born-frees completely reject the main outcome of the struggle for National Liberation – that is, the negotiated settlement signed by Nelson Mandela and F.W De Klerk in the 1990s, which could appear paradoxical. The aim of this article is to shed light on both the continuities and ruptures between the #MF campaigns and traditions of national liberations in order to discuss the political practices they entail in a post/decolonial context. Theoretical shifts in #MF notably through the engagement with concepts such as intersectionality, non-racialism and decolonization had certainly a great impact on their modes and means of protest. This comparative analysis may lead to a deeper understanding of the different interpretations of decolonization in practice between generations and the nature of the discrepancies not only between but also within political traditions of liberation .","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48444401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1943855
S. Saxonberg
ABSTRACT Much has been written about civil society’s role in transforming communist regimes; however, scholars have largely ignored the officially sanctioned organizations. Yet, when political openings arise, official organizations evolve into ‘semi-civil society and play an important role in bringing down communist-led regimes. When a reformist regime begins opening up, semi-civil society turns to the regime and pressures it to reach make farther-reaching reforms, which can lead to a negotiated transition. When the regime is less open, semi-civil society turns to the opposition, which can help bring about an uprising. Semi-civil society by itself cannot bring down a regime or make it more pluralist, but it provides a missing link that has been absent from previous analyses of the collapse of communist regimes. This article applies these insights to a reformist Asian communist-ruled country: Vietnam (with reference to China). In such communist-ruled countries, semi-civil society is already making society more pluralist and we can it expect it to be a driving force for the further pluralization of society and possibly even its democratization. If these countries eventually democratize, semi-civil society will help them follow the Hungarian path to negotiated transitions rather than the Czechoslovak path to change through an uprising.
{"title":"Semi-civil society: A missing link in explaining the transformation of communist dictatorships?","authors":"S. Saxonberg","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1943855","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1943855","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Much has been written about civil society’s role in transforming communist regimes; however, scholars have largely ignored the officially sanctioned organizations. Yet, when political openings arise, official organizations evolve into ‘semi-civil society and play an important role in bringing down communist-led regimes. When a reformist regime begins opening up, semi-civil society turns to the regime and pressures it to reach make farther-reaching reforms, which can lead to a negotiated transition. When the regime is less open, semi-civil society turns to the opposition, which can help bring about an uprising. Semi-civil society by itself cannot bring down a regime or make it more pluralist, but it provides a missing link that has been absent from previous analyses of the collapse of communist regimes. This article applies these insights to a reformist Asian communist-ruled country: Vietnam (with reference to China). In such communist-ruled countries, semi-civil society is already making society more pluralist and we can it expect it to be a driving force for the further pluralization of society and possibly even its democratization. If these countries eventually democratize, semi-civil society will help them follow the Hungarian path to negotiated transitions rather than the Czechoslovak path to change through an uprising.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60388119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1943854
Peter C. Weber
ABSTRACT Exclusionary nationalist movements’ rise in recent years challenges liberal democracy’s trust in political institutions’ ability to neutralize and incorporate extremism. The crisis of liberal democracy likewise questions liberal civil society's emphasis on associational membership’s intrinsic democratic side-effects. The study proposes a partisanship spectrum integrating attitudes to conflict into civil society theory, suggesting the centrality of cross-partisanship in mediating modern society’s unavoidable conflicts, a question central to civil society theory and modern democracies. Germany’s first school of public affairs serves as a historical case study to better understand how cross-partisanship addressed the extreme political polarization, radicalization of public discourse, and violence challenging interwar Germany’s transition to democracy. While honouring political factionalism, cross-partisanship (Überparteilichkeit) countered extremism through a correct understanding of political facts and a common commitment to republican institutions. Relying on archival sources, I show that when cross-partisanship was equated to nonpartisanship, it favoured the penetration of extremism by emphasizing compromise and equal representation of all political parties, including the Nazi Party. The question of how to build a civil society is as crucial today as it was in interwar Germany.
{"title":"Cross-partisanship and the vulnerability democracy: how civility and nonpartisanship undermined civil society in interwar Germany","authors":"Peter C. Weber","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1943854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1943854","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Exclusionary nationalist movements’ rise in recent years challenges liberal democracy’s trust in political institutions’ ability to neutralize and incorporate extremism. The crisis of liberal democracy likewise questions liberal civil society's emphasis on associational membership’s intrinsic democratic side-effects. The study proposes a partisanship spectrum integrating attitudes to conflict into civil society theory, suggesting the centrality of cross-partisanship in mediating modern society’s unavoidable conflicts, a question central to civil society theory and modern democracies. Germany’s first school of public affairs serves as a historical case study to better understand how cross-partisanship addressed the extreme political polarization, radicalization of public discourse, and violence challenging interwar Germany’s transition to democracy. While honouring political factionalism, cross-partisanship (Überparteilichkeit) countered extremism through a correct understanding of political facts and a common commitment to republican institutions. Relying on archival sources, I show that when cross-partisanship was equated to nonpartisanship, it favoured the penetration of extremism by emphasizing compromise and equal representation of all political parties, including the Nazi Party. The question of how to build a civil society is as crucial today as it was in interwar Germany.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47982964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1925405
Bertram Lang
ABSTRACT Social mobilisations against corruption have been found to be notoriously difficult to sustain. A major problem from a frame analysis perspective is that the opaque and often abstract, systemic nature of the problem makes consensus about who is responsible and what should be done about it hard to reach. Based on an ethnographic case study tracing the local implantation of Transparency International in Portugal, this article shows how social mobilisations can be successfully created and maintained despite divergent and sometimes outright contradictory ways of framing the addressed social problem (i.e., corruption) among leaders, members and supporters. Process-tracing techniques serve to highlight ‘scholarly activism’ and trans-European advocacy coalitions as key mechanisms: Action-oriented social research fulfils the double function of providing funds for an independent non-governmental and non-business organization and, maybe more importantly, of creating common reference points for members and supporters (frame alignment) despite the persistence of divergent individual frames. However, the intellectually elitist nature of the self-identified ‘grassroots movement’ and the strong emphasis on academic ‘objectivity’ and social ‘respectability’ prevents broader advocacy coalitions with more dispersed, non-hierarchical social movements which address similar causes albeit with a very different repository of action.
{"title":"Framing and localizing anti-corruption norms in transnational civil society organizations: Transparency International in Portugal","authors":"Bertram Lang","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1925405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1925405","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Social mobilisations against corruption have been found to be notoriously difficult to sustain. A major problem from a frame analysis perspective is that the opaque and often abstract, systemic nature of the problem makes consensus about who is responsible and what should be done about it hard to reach. Based on an ethnographic case study tracing the local implantation of Transparency International in Portugal, this article shows how social mobilisations can be successfully created and maintained despite divergent and sometimes outright contradictory ways of framing the addressed social problem (i.e., corruption) among leaders, members and supporters. Process-tracing techniques serve to highlight ‘scholarly activism’ and trans-European advocacy coalitions as key mechanisms: Action-oriented social research fulfils the double function of providing funds for an independent non-governmental and non-business organization and, maybe more importantly, of creating common reference points for members and supporters (frame alignment) despite the persistence of divergent individual frames. However, the intellectually elitist nature of the self-identified ‘grassroots movement’ and the strong emphasis on academic ‘objectivity’ and social ‘respectability’ prevents broader advocacy coalitions with more dispersed, non-hierarchical social movements which address similar causes albeit with a very different repository of action.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17448689.2021.1925405","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48882777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1923905
K. Krawczyk
ABSTRACT One way civil society strengthens democracy is by facilitating political participation. Established literature, for example, demonstrates that individuals with greater associational involvement are more likely to engage in politics. There is growing critique of this micro-level focus, however, and increasing acknowledgment that civil society impacts political participation not just at the individual level, but also at the organizational and structural level. This study helps address this critique by assessing whether civil society density, a structural-level characteristic, impacts political participation in Liberia. Using Round 6 Afrobarometer data, combined with a county-level civil society density measure, I test the relationship between civil society density and six forms of political participation, including conventional forms of participation such as voting, communing, and contacting, and unconventional forms such as participation in demonstrations/protests. How does civil society density influence these various forms of political participation? Does civil society density stimulate or inhibit conventional forms of activity such as voting? How about less conventional forms, such as demonstration/protest? Findings suggest higher civil society density in Liberia reduces a citizen’s propensity towards some forms of participation, including contacting a government official, contacting the media, refusing to pay taxes and fees, and participating in demonstrations and protests.
{"title":"Strengthening democracy and increasing political participation in Liberia: Does civil society density matter?","authors":"K. Krawczyk","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1923905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1923905","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One way civil society strengthens democracy is by facilitating political participation. Established literature, for example, demonstrates that individuals with greater associational involvement are more likely to engage in politics. There is growing critique of this micro-level focus, however, and increasing acknowledgment that civil society impacts political participation not just at the individual level, but also at the organizational and structural level. This study helps address this critique by assessing whether civil society density, a structural-level characteristic, impacts political participation in Liberia. Using Round 6 Afrobarometer data, combined with a county-level civil society density measure, I test the relationship between civil society density and six forms of political participation, including conventional forms of participation such as voting, communing, and contacting, and unconventional forms such as participation in demonstrations/protests. How does civil society density influence these various forms of political participation? Does civil society density stimulate or inhibit conventional forms of activity such as voting? How about less conventional forms, such as demonstration/protest? Findings suggest higher civil society density in Liberia reduces a citizen’s propensity towards some forms of participation, including contacting a government official, contacting the media, refusing to pay taxes and fees, and participating in demonstrations and protests.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17448689.2021.1923905","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47606634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1923904
Gay Marie Manalo Francisco
ABSTRACT This article asks how CSOs engage with policymakers in advancing policy change on women’s rights in the Philippine context where political dynasties are prevalent. It draws primarily upon interviews with leaders of women’s organizations, former leaders, directors, and current staff of the policy agency involved in the advocacy work for the Magna Carta of Women, which is regarded as the Philippine version of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Findings reveal that while CSOs used formal spaces such as official meetings and dialogues, CSOs also used informal modes of engagement: personal relationships, intermediaries, and reciprocity. Informal modes provide CSOs with the opportunity for sustained and long-term engagement as they develop personal bonds with policymakers which may extend beyond the term of office or appointment period.
{"title":"Utilizing informal modes of engagement: civil society, substantive representation of women, and the Philippine women’s rights law","authors":"Gay Marie Manalo Francisco","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1923904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1923904","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article asks how CSOs engage with policymakers in advancing policy change on women’s rights in the Philippine context where political dynasties are prevalent. It draws primarily upon interviews with leaders of women’s organizations, former leaders, directors, and current staff of the policy agency involved in the advocacy work for the Magna Carta of Women, which is regarded as the Philippine version of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Findings reveal that while CSOs used formal spaces such as official meetings and dialogues, CSOs also used informal modes of engagement: personal relationships, intermediaries, and reciprocity. Informal modes provide CSOs with the opportunity for sustained and long-term engagement as they develop personal bonds with policymakers which may extend beyond the term of office or appointment period.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17448689.2021.1923904","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47089713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1923903
G. Higgs, N. Page, M. Langford
ABSTRACT This study explored the respective importance of compositional (individual) and contextual (neighbourhood) factors associated with the propensity to engage in formal volunteering among a nationally representative sample of adults in Wales, UK. To date, while certain contextual characteristics of local communities have been found to be associated with the propensity to volunteer, compositional characteristics of residents tend to be stronger predictors. Few studies to date have specifically explored associations with local volunteering opportunities. To address such gaps, this study examined the extent to which such opportunities and broader neighbourhood factors such as urban/rural status and deprivation impacted upon propensities to volunteer, adjusting for important compositional predictors of voluntarism. In summary, while volunteering was marginally associated with a measure of local voluntary opportunities, hinting that the odds of formal volunteering are greater among those living in areas with more local voluntary organizations, this association was not retained following adjustment for other factors. This suggests that much of the area-level variance is explained by spatial variations in compositional factors. Further research is needed to examine determinants of volunteering behaviour at a range of spatial scales by drawing on wider measures of volunteering opportunities, before the factors at play can be fully understood.
{"title":"Exploring the relationship between local volunteering opportunities and the propensity to volunteer using a nationally representative survey of adults in Wales","authors":"G. Higgs, N. Page, M. Langford","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1923903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1923903","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study explored the respective importance of compositional (individual) and contextual (neighbourhood) factors associated with the propensity to engage in formal volunteering among a nationally representative sample of adults in Wales, UK. To date, while certain contextual characteristics of local communities have been found to be associated with the propensity to volunteer, compositional characteristics of residents tend to be stronger predictors. Few studies to date have specifically explored associations with local volunteering opportunities. To address such gaps, this study examined the extent to which such opportunities and broader neighbourhood factors such as urban/rural status and deprivation impacted upon propensities to volunteer, adjusting for important compositional predictors of voluntarism. In summary, while volunteering was marginally associated with a measure of local voluntary opportunities, hinting that the odds of formal volunteering are greater among those living in areas with more local voluntary organizations, this association was not retained following adjustment for other factors. This suggests that much of the area-level variance is explained by spatial variations in compositional factors. Further research is needed to examine determinants of volunteering behaviour at a range of spatial scales by drawing on wider measures of volunteering opportunities, before the factors at play can be fully understood.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17448689.2021.1923903","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47390671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1886764
Asma Faiz
ABSTRACT The Siraiki ethnic movement in Pakistan has gained prominence since the 2000s through its demand for the creation of a new province in the southern districts of Punjab. This article examines the crucial role played by civil society in the growth of Siraiki nationalism. Starting from the 1960s, the Siraiki intelligentsia engaged in identity construction through an emphasis on recognition of Siraiki as a language separate from Punjabi. Having achieved this goal in 1981, the Siraiki movement quickly moved towards territorial ambitions with the adoption of the demand for creation of a Siraiki province in south Punjab. This claim gained momentum after the 18th Amendment to the Pakistan constitution in 2010 that gave rise to the demand for new provinces from ethnic minorities. The question of a south Punjab province became part of mainstream politics when it was adopted by the Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in the 2013 and 2018 elections, respectively. Throughout the evolution of the Siraiki movement towards the agenda of a new province, civil society acted as the prime agency for ethnic mobilization.
{"title":"Building language, building province: Civil society and ethnic nationalism in Pakistan","authors":"Asma Faiz","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2021.1886764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1886764","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Siraiki ethnic movement in Pakistan has gained prominence since the 2000s through its demand for the creation of a new province in the southern districts of Punjab. This article examines the crucial role played by civil society in the growth of Siraiki nationalism. Starting from the 1960s, the Siraiki intelligentsia engaged in identity construction through an emphasis on recognition of Siraiki as a language separate from Punjabi. Having achieved this goal in 1981, the Siraiki movement quickly moved towards territorial ambitions with the adoption of the demand for creation of a Siraiki province in south Punjab. This claim gained momentum after the 18th Amendment to the Pakistan constitution in 2010 that gave rise to the demand for new provinces from ethnic minorities. The question of a south Punjab province became part of mainstream politics when it was adopted by the Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in the 2013 and 2018 elections, respectively. Throughout the evolution of the Siraiki movement towards the agenda of a new province, civil society acted as the prime agency for ethnic mobilization.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17448689.2021.1886764","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41552339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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