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Partha Chatterjee’s concepts of civil society and ‘uncivil’ political society: Is the distinction valid? 查特吉关于公民社会和“非公民”政治社会的概念:这种区分是否有效?
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1886759
H. Bhattacharyya
ABSTRACT Partha Chatterjee's distinction between civil society and 'political society' in post-colonial countries has provoked much debate and discussion. This has remained controversial in the current literature on post-colonialism in respect of democracy, development and politics. In this article I contest his distinction by pointing out, first that his conception of civil society is limited and abstract (and universalist) that leaves out the vast rural life in India. Second, I question the conceptual and empirical validity of his concept of political society, and argue that his original concept of political society was an urban space of illegality and criminality, but his subsequent shift to cover rural India does not explain how original conception works out in rural India. The empirical evidence available suggests that his so-called political society in rural India is actually part of civil society such as rural clubs, NGOs and other associations that operates in the interface of state, politics and society. In conclusion I seek to restore the political society as the space of the nation-state based on, following Locke, the right to life, liberty and property; trust (contract), definite and codified laws, impartial judiciary, separation of powers, limited government by popular consent and the people's right to revolt.
帕塔·查特吉对后殖民国家公民社会和“政治社会”的区分引发了许多争论和讨论。这在当前关于后殖民主义的民主、发展和政治文献中仍然存在争议。在这篇文章中,我对他的区别提出了质疑,首先指出,他对公民社会的概念是有限的、抽象的(和普遍主义的),忽略了印度广阔的农村生活。其次,我质疑他政治社会概念的概念和经验有效性,并认为他最初的政治社会概念是一个非法和犯罪的城市空间,但他随后转向覆盖印度农村,并不能解释最初的概念是如何在印度农村产生的。现有的经验证据表明,他所谓的印度农村政治社会实际上是民间社会的一部分,如乡村俱乐部、非政府组织和其他在国家、政治和社会界面上运作的协会。最后,我试图恢复政治社会作为民族国家的空间,以洛克之后的生命权、自由权和财产权为基础;信任(契约)、明确和成文的法律、公正的司法、分权、民众同意的有限政府以及人民反抗的权利。
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引用次数: 2
Does a plural civil society matter? Reflecting on the varieties of associational life in India 多元公民社会重要吗?反思印度社团生活的多样性
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1886761
Gurpreet Mahajan
ABSTRACT Civil society is increasingly being viewed as the domain of communicative rationality; a sphere where the collective ‘we’ emerges and acts to affirm the Kantian ideals of human dignity and equal respect. In these normative accounts, the civil does not simply supplement the existing institutions of constitutional democracy, it embodies the very idea of democracy, albeit in its ideal form. This article engages with this conception and examines whether the civil should be considered as the domain of ‘universal reason’, in which ‘rational’ individuals act to realize the goal of equal rights for all. Not only is the empirical reality quite different, it is indeed desirable to make space for the plural and the diverse within our conception of the civil. Drawing upon the Indian debates and experiences, it is argued that the civil domain is internally differentiated and often deeply fragmented. The task of securing basic rights for all takes many different forms; individuals and collectives that pursue this goal do so with different conceptions of the self and different understanding of the political and economic system. One needs to recognize this plurality for it is the co-presence of deep differences – with regard to assessments, judgments, forms of collective action – that sustain democracy and make civil society central to the democratic imaginary.
市民社会越来越被视为交往理性的领域;在这个领域中,集体的“我们”出现并行动起来,以肯定康德关于人类尊严和平等尊重的理想。在这些规范的描述中,公民不仅仅是对现有宪政民主制度的补充,它体现了民主的理念,尽管是以理想的形式。本文探讨了这一概念,并探讨了公民是否应该被视为“普遍理性”的领域,在这个领域中,“理性”的个人采取行动,实现所有人的平等权利。不仅经验现实是完全不同的,而且在我们的公民概念中为多元和多样化留出空间确实是可取的。根据印度的辩论和经验,本文认为,民事领域是内部分化的,往往是深度分裂的。保障所有人基本权利的任务有许多不同的形式;追求这一目标的个人和集体有着不同的自我概念和对政治和经济制度的不同理解。人们需要认识到这种多元性,因为正是在评估、判断和集体行动形式方面的深刻分歧共同存在,维持了民主并使公民社会成为民主想象的中心。
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引用次数: 1
Community organizations and educational development among Muslims: Lessons from the ‘Kerala Experience’ 穆斯林社区组织与教育发展:喀拉拉邦经验的教训
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1886762
Mohd. Sanjeer Alam
ABSTRACT The overall image of Indian Muslims today is of a community deprived of a minimally decent life, having low educational attainment and experiencing socio-cultural stagnation. But, interestingly, Kerala's Muslims stand out in sharp contrast to their counterparts in most parts of the country as they are doing well, not just in education, but in most other aspects of life as well even as a century ago they were put in a defined image box and appeared to represent a community steeped in illiteracy and poverty. Equally interesting is their story of overcoming barriers to socioeconomic and educational development at the heart of which is the role played by social agencies though not fully captured in the available literature. Against this backdrop, the present paper aims to bring into sharp focus the role of social agencies, notably non-political community organizations, in shaping educational development among Kerala's Muslims. By foregrounding the ‘Kerala Experience’, this paper argues that structural barriers to education of a community, Muslims in the present case, are neither fixed nor immutable. It is possible for Muslims to address their educational backwardness by themselves through sustained, engaged and organized forms of efforts. The paper also discusses the lessons from the Kerala Experience and ask if the ‘Kerala Model’ is worth emulating for overcoming educational backwardness of Muslims in other parts of the country. Key words: community organization, education, Kerala, Mappila, Muslims, voluntary organizations.
今天印度穆斯林的整体形象是一个被剥夺了最起码的体面生活的社区,教育程度低,经历社会文化停滞。但有趣的是,喀拉拉邦的穆斯林与该国大部分地区的穆斯林形成鲜明对比,因为他们不仅在教育方面做得很好,而且在生活的大多数其他方面都做得很好,甚至一个世纪前,他们被置于一个明确的形象框中,似乎代表着一个沉浸在文盲和贫困中的社区。同样有趣的是他们克服社会经济和教育发展障碍的故事,其核心是社会机构所扮演的角色,尽管在现有文献中没有完全捕捉到。在此背景下,本文旨在将社会机构,特别是非政治社区组织,在塑造喀拉拉邦穆斯林教育发展中的作用纳入重点。通过突出“喀拉拉邦经验”,本文认为,一个社区(在本案例中是穆斯林)的教育结构性障碍既不是固定的,也不是不可改变的。穆斯林有可能通过持续的、参与的和有组织的努力,自己解决教育落后的问题。本文还讨论了喀拉拉邦经验的教训,并询问“喀拉拉邦模式”是否值得效仿,以克服该国其他地区穆斯林的教育落后。关键词:社区组织、教育、喀拉拉邦、马皮拉、穆斯林、志愿组织。
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引用次数: 0
Catholics, caste and citizenship: Engagements in civil society 天主教徒、种姓和公民身份:参与公民社会
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1886763
R. Robinson
The article connects discussions on civil society with those on citizenship and foregrounds Young’s notion of ‘differentiated citizenship’. Through fieldwork on Catholic lay associations in Mumbai and Chennai in India, it takes up the specific idea of ‘religious citizenship’ and tries to understand how citizenship works on the ground in the activities and engagements of members of these associations. The article is concerned with a number of questions. In particular, it asks what sense do these Catholics have of themselves as citizens? How is their understanding of citizenship inspired by their faith? Emerging through the different sites of the study is the idea that civil society is a domain of deeply contested notions of citizenship. Some of the new literature on ‘religious citizenship’ favors an understanding that is based on the idea of care; what is shown in the article, however, is that citizenship must implicate power or else it is bereft of meaning for those castes experiencing structural exclusion.
文章将公民社会的讨论与公民身份的讨论联系起来,突出了杨的“差别化公民身份”的概念。通过对印度孟买和钦奈的天主教会的实地考察,本书提出了“宗教公民”的具体概念,并试图了解公民身份如何在这些协会成员的活动和参与中发挥作用。这篇文章涉及许多问题。特别是,它问这些天主教徒对自己作为公民的意义是什么?他们对公民身份的理解是如何受到信仰的启发的?通过研究的不同地点,出现了这样一种观点,即公民社会是一个深受争议的公民概念领域。一些关于“宗教公民”的新文献倾向于一种基于关怀理念的理解;然而,这篇文章所表明的是,公民身份必须包含权力,否则对于那些经历结构性排斥的种姓来说,它就失去了意义。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to special issue on Civil Society in South Asia 南亚民间社会特刊简介
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1896263
David S. Taylor, Heewon Kim
The articles included in this special issue were, with one exception (from an author who was unable to obtain a visa to travel to India), presented at a workshop on civil society in South Asia, held in Hyderabad in South India in March 2018. The workshop was organized jointly by the Aga Khan University’s Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisations, based in London, and the Aga Khan Academy in Hyderabad. Both organizing institutions belong to the Aga Khan Development Network, which has for many years seen the strengthening of civil society through the promotion of community-based organization and initiative as a core part of its work. The purpose of the Hyderabad workshop was not, however, to focus only or even primarily on the way that contemporary development discourse has incorporated ideas of voluntarism and local initiative into its work but to consider how a concept that emerged from seventeenth and eighteenth century European reflections on social and political life in the age of absolutism has been received by scholars and intellectuals in different times and places, and the extent to which it can illuminate contemporary political movements as well as offering ways to address and engage with the full range of issues that concern the contemporary world. Gurpreet Mahajan sets out one of the key issues by contrasting the abstract universality of certain conceptions of civil society with the lived reality of noisy quotidian politics. This tension can be observed in all states but is particularly striking in South Asia, where the legitimacy of post-colonial institutions is constantly challenged, and where, spurred on by international agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have become major service providers. Mahajan’s article includes a section that deals specifically with organizations that have an explicit focus on the needs of particular religious populations, a theme that is also the focus of the contributions by Rowena Robinson and Sanjeer Alam. She argues that the work of such organizations can benefit the wider society both directly and indirectly, even while carrying an element of risk to social integration and democratic values. More generally, it is precisely these divergent interests and value-orientations that make up the democratic imaginary. Two of the contributors to this special issue, Harihar Bhattacharyya and Sanjeeb Mukherjee, continue the themes raised by Mahajan by engaging with the work of Partha Chatterjee. Chatterjee has made one of the most influential interventions in the debate over civil society in regions such as South Asia and his work over many years has advanced the idea that civil society is indeed a Western concept that transplants poorly to a South Asian postcolonial context. Those who wish to accompany him on
本期特刊所载文章均于2018年3月在印度南部海得拉巴举行的南亚公民社会研讨会上发表,但有一篇文章例外(作者未能获得前往印度的签证)。这次研讨会是由位于伦敦的阿迦汗大学穆斯林文明研究所和位于海德拉巴的阿迦汗学院联合举办的。这两个组织机构都属于阿迦汗发展网络,该网络多年来一直把通过促进以社区为基础的组织和倡议来加强民间社会作为其工作的核心部分。然而,海德拉巴研讨会的目的不仅仅是,甚至主要是关注当代发展话语如何将唯意志论和地方主动性的思想纳入其工作,而是考虑从17世纪和18世纪欧洲对专制主义时代的社会和政治生活的反思中出现的概念是如何被不同时间和地点的学者和知识分子所接受的。以及它能在多大程度上照亮当代政治运动,并提供解决和参与当代世界所关注的各种问题的方法。Gurpreet Mahajan通过将公民社会某些概念的抽象普遍性与嘈杂的日常政治的生活现实进行对比,提出了一个关键问题。这种紧张关系在所有国家都可以观察到,但在南亚尤其明显,在那里,后殖民制度的合法性不断受到挑战,在国际机构的推动下,非政府组织(ngo)已成为主要的服务提供者。Mahajan的文章中有一节专门讨论了那些明确关注特定宗教人群需求的组织,这也是Rowena Robinson和Sanjeer Alam的贡献的重点。她认为,这些组织的工作可以直接和间接地使更广泛的社会受益,即使对社会一体化和民主价值有一定的风险。更一般地说,正是这些不同的利益和价值取向构成了民主的想象。本期特刊的两位撰稿人Harihar Bhattacharyya和Sanjeeb Mukherjee通过参与Partha Chatterjee的工作,继续了Mahajan提出的主题。查特吉在南亚等地区关于公民社会的辩论中做出了最有影响力的干预,他多年来的工作推动了这样一种观点,即公民社会实际上是一个西方概念,在南亚后殖民背景下移植得很差。那些愿意陪伴他的人
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引用次数: 1
Civil society in Bengal: The postcolonial conundrum 孟加拉的公民社会:后殖民时期的难题
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2021.1886760
Sanjeeb Mukherjee
ABSTRACT This article seeks to interrogate the concept of civil society in the postcolonial context of Bengal. Under colonialism the English educated Bengali elite engaged with colonialism in a critical and creative manner and played a crucial role in the making of civil society, public institutions and a new nation. All these overlapped and reinforced each other. This article critiques the works of the Subaltern school scholars, Partha Chatterjee and Dipesh Chakraborty for discounting the role of civil society in the history of Bengal.
本文试图在孟加拉的后殖民背景下探讨公民社会的概念。在殖民主义下,受过英国教育的孟加拉精英以批判和创造性的方式参与殖民主义,并在公民社会、公共机构和新国家的建立中发挥了关键作用。所有这些都相互重叠,相互加强。本文批评次等学派学者帕塔·查特吉(Partha Chatterjee)和迪佩什·查克拉博蒂(Dipesh Chakraborty)的著作,认为他们低估了公民社会在孟加拉历史中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Open Tenders in Public Procurement of Welfare Services: Professionalization, Standardization, and Innovation among Civil Sector Providers 福利服务公共采购的公开招标:私营部门供应商的专业化、标准化和创新
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-18 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2020.1827810
Nils Asle Bergsgard, Svein Ingve Nødland
In the article we discuss the increased use of open tenders in the public procurement of welfare services in Norway in order to determine if this implies standardization, professionalization, and/ or innovation among civil sector providers and if this differs between welfare areas. The study is based on a review of public documents over the last 40 years and interviews with both purchasers and providers of welfare services in two welfare areas: SUD treatment and vocational rehabilitation. We emphasize the systemic and in part organizational levels, focusing on what the purchaser and management of the provider perceive as the result of these changes in the procurement regime. In light of neoinstitutional theory and theories on innovation, we find that the increased use of public procurement and tenders have professionalized and standardized non-profit organizations while also providing room for innovations, according to our informants. We find a kind of dual process, where organizations become more alike in structure, administration, and – to some degree – treatment while also becoming more specialized and, in some cases, arriving at new and innovative solutions regarding content.
在本文中,我们讨论了在挪威福利服务的公共采购中越来越多地使用公开招标,以确定这是否意味着民间部门提供者之间的标准化、专业化和/或创新,以及这是否在福利领域之间有所不同。这项研究是基于对过去40年的公共文件的回顾,以及对两个福利领域的福利服务购买者和提供者的访谈:SUD治疗和职业康复。我们强调系统层面和部分组织层面,重点关注采购方和供应商管理层对采购制度这些变化的看法。根据新制度理论和创新理论,我们发现越来越多地使用公共采购和招标使非营利组织专业化和规范化,同时也为创新提供了空间。我们发现了一种双重过程,组织在结构、管理和某种程度上的待遇上变得更加相似,同时也变得更加专业化,在某些情况下,就内容达成新的和创新的解决方案。
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引用次数: 2
Ratification of multilateral environmental agreements: Civil society access to international institutions 批准多边环境协定:民间社会参与国际机构
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2020.1859227
Vassiliki Koubi, Steffen Mohrenberg, T. Bernauer
The stage in which countries formally decide on whether to participate in (i.e., ratify) international agreements is crucial to global governance efforts. The reason is that, by and large, internat...
各国正式决定是否加入(即批准)国际协定的阶段对全球治理工作至关重要。原因是,总的来说,国际……
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引用次数: 4
An institutionally Ableist State? Exploring civil society perspectives on the implementation of the convention on the rights of persons with disabilities in India 制度上的专制国家?探讨民间社会对在印度执行《残疾人权利公约》的看法
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2020.1852824
Paul Chaney
In response to international concerns about ongoing rights violations, this benchmark study analyses the situated knowledge of civil society organizations and examines their discourse on the implem...
为了回应国际社会对正在发生的侵犯人权行为的关注,这项基准研究分析了民间社会组织的处境知识,并考察了他们对侵犯人权行为影响的论述。。。
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引用次数: 2
‘Authoritarian civil society’: How anti-democracy activism shapes Thailand’s autocracy “威权公民社会”:反民主激进主义如何塑造泰国的独裁
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2020.1854940
Janjira Sombatpoonsiri
In this article, the author argues that civil society can actively foster anti-democratic agendas that propel young democracies on an autocratic path. Therefore, civil society is not idly coopted b...
在这篇文章中,作者认为,公民社会可以积极推动反民主议程,推动年轻的民主国家走上独裁道路。因此,公民社会并不是无所事事地被关在。。。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
Journal of Civil Society
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