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Scholars and the Politics of International Art Restitution 学者与国际艺术品归还的政治
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000613
Jelena Subotić
Almost every week brings news of another major European museum agreeing to return looted art. Since the 2000s we have grown somewhat accustomed to the headlines describing a ceremonial return to its original owners of a painting looted in the Holocaust, a process that took decades to develop and was initially met with considerable resistance in the art world and in the countries where this art was displayed.1 In the past few years, however, building in part on the perceived success of Holocaust art restitution but also on the increased visibility and impact of national and global social movements demanding racial justice and institutional decolonisation, major international museums have come under ever stronger pressure to return art looted as part of colonial occupations. Perhaps the most organised of the current campaigns is the campaign to return the so-called ‘Benin Bronzes’ – a vast collection of various artifacts looted from the Kingdom of Benin (in today's Nigeria) and dispersed across major international museums, most prominently the British Museum in London, the Ethnological Museum in Berlin, and the Musée du quai Branly in Paris, among others. Since 2020, a number of museums have pledged to return their holdings of Benin Bronzes and restitute them to Nigeria, where a major new museum is being built to display them in Benin City. All of this activity has also reenergised perhaps the most famous case for restitution – the movement to return the Parthenon ‘Elgin’ marbles from the British Museum to the Acropolis in Athens.
几乎每周都会有另一家欧洲主要博物馆同意归还被掠夺艺术品的消息。自2000年代以来,我们已经多少习惯了新闻标题中描述的在大屠杀中被掠夺的一幅画的原主回归仪式,这一过程花了几十年的时间来发展,最初在艺术界和展出这幅画的国家遇到了相当大的阻力然而,在过去几年中,一方面是由于大屠杀艺术品归还的成功,另一方面是由于要求种族正义和机构非殖民化的国家和全球社会运动的知名度和影响日益增加,主要的国际博物馆面临着越来越大的压力,要求归还作为殖民占领一部分被掠夺的艺术品。也许目前最有组织的运动是归还所谓的“贝宁青铜器”的运动-从贝宁王国(今天的尼日利亚)掠夺的大量各种各样的文物,分散在主要的国际博物馆,最突出的是伦敦的大英博物馆,柏林的民族学博物馆和巴黎的mussame du quai Branly,等等。自2020年以来,一些博物馆已承诺归还其持有的贝宁青铜器,并将其归还给尼日利亚,尼日利亚正在建造一座新的大型博物馆,在贝宁市展示它们。所有这些活动也重新激发了可能是最著名的归还案例——将帕台农神庙埃尔金大理石雕像从大英博物馆归还给雅典卫城的运动。
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 1 Cover and Front matter CEH第32卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000972
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引用次数: 0
The Political Role of the Historian 历史学家的政治角色
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777322000716
David Motadel
Debates about history have never been strictly confined to the world of scholarship. They have also been at the centre of political controversies in society. ‘The problem for professional historians’, Eric Hobsbawm once observed, ‘is that their subject has important social and political functions’.1 ‘This duality’, he noted, ‘is the core of our subject’. This essay offers some reflections on the political role of historians, exploring the relationship between their scholarly work and their involvement in political debates. A closer look at the issue shows that it is not so much a problem as an opportunity for historians to engage with their subject on various levels, from the realm of scholarship to the realm of contemporary politics, which makes their position in society both more complex and more critical.
关于历史的辩论从来没有严格局限于学术界。他们也一直处于社会政治争议的中心埃里克·霍布斯鲍姆(Eric Hobsbawm)曾指出,专业历史学家的问题在于,他们的学科具有重要的社会和政治功能。1他指出,“这种双重性”是我们学科的核心。本文对历史学家的政治角色进行了一些思考,探讨了他们的学术工作与参与政治辩论之间的关系。仔细研究这个问题会发现,与其说这是一个问题,不如说这是历史学家在学术领域到当代政治领域等各个层面参与研究的机会,这使他们在社会中的地位更加复杂和批判性。
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引用次数: 0
The (Re-)construction of Monuments in Germany: New Historical Narratives in a Time of Nation-building 德国纪念碑(再)建构:国家建构时代的新历史叙事
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777322000467
Sandrine Kott, T. Wieder
In the slipstream of the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States, there has been a global mobilisation around monuments and statues of famous figures involved in the slave trade and European colonial conquest. In former colonial states – such as France and Britain – and states shaped by the legacies of slavery – such as the United States – activists have defaced, damaged or torn down monuments associated with these contested pasts. This is hardly a novelty. The destruction of physical symbols is often a response to regime change. But, in this case, the mobilisation has taken a different form. Instead of legitimising a new regime and new elites, the destruction of monuments is part of a demand for justice from historically marginalised groups who are seeking to reclaim their heritage. The deconstruction of these monuments automatically entails the deconstruction of dominant national narratives that have contributed to such marginalisation.
随着美国“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)运动的兴起,围绕参与奴隶贸易和欧洲殖民征服的著名人物的纪念碑和雕像展开了全球动员。在前殖民地国家,如法国和英国,以及受奴隶制影响的国家,如美国,活动人士污损、破坏或拆除了与这些有争议的过去有关的纪念碑。这并不是什么新鲜事。对物理符号的破坏通常是对政权更迭的反应。但是,在这种情况下,动员采取了不同的形式。摧毁纪念碑不是让新政权和新精英合法化,而是历史上被边缘化的群体要求伸张正义的一部分,这些群体正在寻求收回自己的遗产。对这些纪念碑的解构自然而然地需要对导致这种边缘化的主导民族叙事的解构。
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引用次数: 0
Putin's Histories
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777322000777
S. Radchenko
One day in December 2019 I knew something was badly amiss. Russian President Vladimir Putin had called a meeting with the leaders of the Commonwealth of Independent States – the vague post-Soviet association of former Soviet republics that semi-defer to Russia – in order to discuss history. Not just discuss: he actually brought a thick stack of archival documents to the meeting, which, he said, demonstrated certain truths about the history of the Second World War. These had allegedly been forgotten or perhaps deliberately ignored in the West. He then selectively cited from these documents (most, if not all, of which are well-known to historians) to prove that, effectively, the West, and especially Poland, were responsible for the war.
2019年12月的一天,我知道出了什么大问题。俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)与独立国家联合体(Commonwealth of Independent States)领导人举行了一次会议,讨论历史。不仅仅是讨论:他实际上带了一大堆档案文件来参加会议,他说,这些文件证明了第二次世界大战历史的某些真相。据称,这些东西在西方被遗忘了,或者可能被故意忽视了。然后,他选择性地引用了这些文件(其中大部分,如果不是全部的话,历史学家都很熟悉),以证明西方,尤其是波兰,对这场战争负有责任。
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 1 Cover and Back matter CEH第32卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000984
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引用次数: 0
When History Matters Too Much: Historians and the Politics of History in Poland 当历史太重要时:历史学家与波兰的历史政治
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777322000510
Paweł Machcewicz
Academic historians often complain that their work is not appreciated by the public and that the impact of their books is limited to a few other scholars. There are, however, situations where historians face the opposite challenge, namely a great deal of interest from both the public and from politicians who want to exploit or interfere with their work to further their political agendas. This arises most often in countries that are undergoing deep political and social changes. At these times, the legacies of the past that emerge after a fundamental regime transformation, like the collapse of dictatorship, have a profound impact on historical research and discourse.
学院派历史学家经常抱怨他们的工作不被公众欣赏,他们的著作的影响仅限于少数其他学者。然而,在某些情况下,历史学家面临着相反的挑战,即来自公众和政治家的极大兴趣,他们想利用或干涉他们的工作来推进他们的政治议程。这种情况最常发生在正在经历深刻政治和社会变革的国家。在这些时候,在一个根本的政权转型之后出现的过去的遗产,比如独裁政权的崩溃,对历史研究和话语产生了深远的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Historians and the Decade of Centenaries in Modern Ireland 历史学家与现代爱尔兰百年
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777322000522
Caoimhe Nic Dháibhéid
The Irish ‘Decade of Centenaries’ is, at last, drawing to a close, ending the ‘interminable round of national soul-searching’ which one prominent historian warily anticipated in 2013.1 The final major event to be commemorated is the Civil War of 1922–3, when the Irish republican movement split bitterly and violently over the terms of the treaty granting the southern part of Ireland partial independence from Britain. As it turns out, the government in charge of overseeing that commemoration is a coalition made up of the two principal political parties that emerged from the aftermath of that civil war. Where for a century these parties had formed the binaries of the Irish political division, now their peaceful cooperation in government could be seen as proof of the ‘end of history’, Irish-style. Even erstwhile political enemies – whose ancestors one hundred years ago executed and assassinated each other – could unite in a shared project of ‘inclusive’ and ‘ethical’ commemoration informed by an expert advisory panel made up of prominent academic and public historians. Their unprecedented political cooperation would be encapsulated by the peaceful swapping of the position of Taoiseach (Prime Minister) half-way through the government's term. The third great strand of the Irish Revolution, the labour movement, was fortuitously represented by the election to the Irish Presidency in 2007 of Michael D. Higgins, an academic sociologist and former Labour Party TD (member of parliament). Casann an roth, as Higgins declared in one of his many addresses during the ‘Decade’, as it is colloquially known in Irish history parlance.2 The wheel turns, and this time had come full circle, repairing the fractures in the national movement and restoring national political unity.
爱尔兰的“百年纪念十年”终于接近尾声,结束了一位著名历史学家在2013年谨慎预测的“无休止的民族自我反省”。最后一个值得纪念的重大事件是1922年至1922年的内战,当时爱尔兰共和运动因条约条款而激烈分裂,该条约允许爱尔兰南部部分独立于英国。事实证明,负责监督纪念活动的政府是由内战后出现的两个主要政党组成的联盟。一个世纪以来,这些政党形成了爱尔兰政治分裂的二元,现在他们在政府中的和平合作可以被视为爱尔兰风格的“历史终结”的证据。即使是昔日的政治敌人——他们的祖先在一百年前互相处决和暗杀——也可以在一个由著名学术和公共历史学家组成的专家顾问小组的指导下,团结起来,共同开展一个“包容”和“道德”的纪念项目。他们史无前例的政治合作,将在本届政府任期过半时和平互换总理职位。爱尔兰革命的第三股力量是劳工运动,2007年,迈克尔·d·希金斯(Michael D. Higgins)意外当选爱尔兰总统,他是一位学术社会学家,也是前工党议员(国会议员)。正如希金斯在“十年”期间的众多演讲之一中所宣称的那样,Casann and roth是爱尔兰历史术语中俗称的轮子转了,这一次又转了一圈,修补了民族运动的裂痕,恢复了民族的政治团结。
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引用次数: 0
Agents of Change? Families, Welfare and Democracy in Mid-to-Late Twentieth Century Europe – RETRACTION 变革的推动者?20世纪中后期欧洲的家庭、福利与民主
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000036
Jennifer Crane
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引用次数: 0
Entanglements of Scale: The Beer Purity Law from Bavarian Oddity to German Icon, 1906–1975 规模的纠缠:1906-1975年从巴伐利亚奇地到德国偶像的啤酒纯度定律
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-18 DOI: 10.1017/s096077732200087x
R. Terrell
Today, the Beer Purity Law (Reinheitsgebot) is presented as a timeless touchstone of German commercial sentiments, but that was not always the case. Until the mid-twentieth century, the law was relatively unknown and unevenly applied across Germany. This began to change thanks to the market protectionism of Bavarian brewers in two conflicts of integration between the 1950s and 1970s. The first was sparked by West German market integration and pitted capital interest Old Bavaria (Altbayern) against consumer practices in Franconia. The second followed a parallel development but was initiated by Western European market integration and set Bavarian and West German brewers and regulators in opposition to Brussels. In both, brewers, fearful that integration threatened their market share, rallied around the Reinheitsgebot to win political allies, cudgel industry outliers and generate popular support through claims to culture and tradition. Analysing the transformation of the Reinheitsgebot, this article theorises the causal ‘entanglements of scale’ by which a little-known provincial law transformed into a German icon.
如今,《啤酒纯度法》(Reinheitsgebot)被视为德国商业情绪的永恒试金石,但情况并非一直如此。直到20世纪中期,这项法律在德国还不为人所知,适用范围也不均衡。在20世纪50年代至70年代的两次一体化冲突中,巴伐利亚酿酒商的市场保护主义开始改变这种情况。第一次是由西德市场一体化引发的,是旧巴伐利亚州(旧巴伐利亚州)的资本利益与法兰克尼亚的消费者行为之间的冲突。第二次谈判与此类似,但由西欧市场一体化发起,导致巴伐利亚和西德的酿酒商和监管机构反对布鲁塞尔。在这两个国家,酿酒商都担心整合会威胁到他们的市场份额,他们团结在《Reinheitsgebot》周围,以赢得政治盟友,打击行业异类,并通过宣称自己的文化和传统赢得民众支持。本文通过分析《Reinheitsgebot》的转变,将一部鲜为人知的地方性法律转变为德国标志性法律的因果关系“尺度纠缠”理论化。
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Contemporary European History
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