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The Price of Isolation: Fascism, Vichy and the Holocaust in French History 孤立的代价:法西斯主义、维希与法国历史上的大屠杀
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000498
Christoph Farquet
The historiographical debate about France during the Second World War has long been dominated by two foreign historians. On the one hand, the Israeli intellectual Zeev Sternhell notoriously placed the origin of fascism in France's Belle Epoque and saw Vichy France as the paradigmatic example of a fascist regime in his book, Neither Right nor Left, four decades ago. Year after year, Sternhell, who had studied in Paris, made criticisms of the Parisian intellectual milieu and denounced its egocentrism and provincialism. On the other hand, American historian Robert Paxton reigned over the history of French collaboration with Nazi Germany. Although it raised certain controversies when it was translated into French in 1973, his Vichy France has been since accepted as the key reference on the subject, as well as an indispensable pedagogical tool against apologetic views of Marshall Pétain's regime, which enjoy periodic revivals in the country. Despite their age – Sternhell died in 2020 and Paxton is ninety years old – these two historians have remained the unavoidable cornerstones in the discussion on French attitudes during the Second World War – the first as a competitor, the second as a paternal figure.
关于第二次世界大战期间法国的史学争论长期以来一直由两位外国历史学家主导。一方面,以色列知识分子泽夫·斯特恩霍尔(Zeev Sternhell)将法西斯主义的起源放在了法国的美好时代,并在40年前的《既不是右翼也不是左翼》一书中将维希·法国视为法西斯政权的典范。年复一年,曾在巴黎留学的Sternhell对巴黎的知识环境提出了批评,并谴责其自我中心主义和地方主义。另一方面,美国历史学家罗伯特·帕克斯顿统治着法国与纳粹德国合作的历史。尽管它在1973年被翻译成法语时引起了一些争议,但他的《维希法国》自那以后一直被认为是该主题的关键参考文献,也是反对马歇尔·佩坦政权道歉观点的不可或缺的教学工具,这些观点在该国定期复兴。尽管他们年事已高——Sternhell于2020年去世,帕克斯顿90岁了——但这两位历史学家仍然是第二次世界大战期间法国态度讨论中不可避免的基石——第一位是竞争对手,第二位是父亲。
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引用次数: 0
Archaeology of a Treasure Island: Actors and Practices of Holding Companies in Luxembourg (1929–1940) 金银岛考古:卢森堡控股公司的行为和实践(1929–1940)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000437
Matteo Calabrese, B. Majerus
Tax avoidance has become a hotly discussed topic. These debates have been informed by academic research done by social scientists. Historians, relative latecomers in the field, argue for a greater consideration of the interwar period so as to understand the pathway dependencies of the infrastructures used for tax dodging practices today. This article explores the question of how Luxembourg became, in the 1930s, an important node in the network of legal re-coding of capital for tax shopping purposes. The Holding Act of 1929 offered legal security but was vague enough to foster a fiscal bricolage that allowed notaries, banks and lawyers to serve a heterogeneous group of people eager to pay less tax. Concealing the real beneficiaries of the holding while at the same publicising the opportunities of the legal coding proved to be a complementary process.
避税已经成为一个热门话题。社会科学家的学术研究为这些争论提供了依据。历史学家是该领域相对较晚的人,他们主张更多地考虑两次世界大战期间,以了解当今用于逃税行为的基础设施的路径依赖性。本文探讨了卢森堡如何在20世纪30年代成为资本法律重新编码网络中的一个重要节点,以实现税收购物目的。1929年的《控股法》提供了法律保障,但过于模糊,助长了一种财政拼凑,允许公证人、银行和律师为渴望少纳税的异质群体服务。事实证明,在公开法律编码的机会的同时,隐瞒控股的真正受益人是一个互补的过程。
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引用次数: 0
Between Political Constraints and Professional Historical Writing: Three Decades of Croatian Historiography (1990–2021) 在政治约束与专业历史写作之间:克罗地亚史学三十年(1990-2021)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000486
Snježana Koren, Damir Agičić
Like most European historiographies, modern Croatian historiography was founded in the second half of the nineteenth century. It coincided with the appearance and spread of nationalism – what is more, it was one of its essential components. Nonetheless, the number of historians in Croatia remained small for a long period of time (In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, approximately twenty historians worked in universities, museums, and archives), and historiographic production was modest and methodologically traditional. The number of historians and institutions dedicated to historical writing increased significantly in the decades following the Second World War, reflecting the importance placed on history by the communist authorities. Approximately one hundred historians were employed in Croatia at the time of its independence in the early 1990s, principally at the country's two universities and a number of historical institutes. Today, Croatia – a country with a population of less than four million – offers up to eight undergraduate and graduate history programs, as well as several doctoral programs. More than 300 professional historians work in faculties, institutes and other institutions such as archives, museums or non-governmental organisations.
像大多数欧洲史学一样,现代克罗地亚史学建立于19世纪下半叶。它与民族主义的出现和传播不约而同——更重要的是,它是民族主义的重要组成部分之一。尽管如此,克罗地亚历史学家的数量在很长一段时间内仍然很少(在第二次世界大战刚结束时,大约有20名历史学家在大学、博物馆和档案馆工作),历史编纂工作规模不大,方法上也很传统。在第二次世界大战后的几十年里,致力于历史写作的历史学家和机构的数量显著增加,这反映了共产党当局对历史的重视。克罗地亚在1990年代初独立时雇用了大约100名历史学家,主要是在该国的两所大学和一些历史研究所。今天,克罗地亚——一个人口不到400万的国家——提供多达8个本科和研究生历史课程,以及几个博士课程。300多名专业历史学家在学院、研究所和其他机构(如档案馆、博物馆或非政府组织)工作。
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引用次数: 0
New Histories of and for Europe: Narrating the European Project 欧洲的新历史:叙述欧洲计划
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000450
Félix Krawatzek, Friedemann Pestel
Approaching Europe's historical trajectories to explain its present condition is an ever-growing genre. More than 200 years after the Congress of Vienna, more than 100 years after the First World War, more than sixty years after the Treaty of Rome, more than half a decade after the Brexit referendum – and after more than a year of open warfare in Ukraine, the European project remains in constant flux. A seemingly endless sequence of junctures over the last two decades has raised the demand for historically grounded analyses of Europe. The desire for such publications, both academic and for a broader audience, is thus far from exhausted. Every turn in European politics gives rise to a new take on Europe's past by historians and scholars working in related disciplines.
接近欧洲的历史轨迹来解释其现状是一种不断增长的流派。维也纳会议召开200多年后,第一次世界大战结束100多年后,《罗马条约》签订60多年后,英国脱欧公投结束5年多后,以及乌克兰一年多的公开战争之后,欧洲项目仍在不断变化。在过去的二十年中,一系列看似无穷无尽的转折点,提高了对欧洲历史分析的需求。对这种出版物的渴望,无论是学术的还是更广泛的读者,远远没有枯竭。欧洲政治的每一次转折都会引起相关学科的历史学家和学者对欧洲历史的新看法。
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引用次数: 0
Neighbors, the Jedwabne Massacre of Jews and the Controversy that Changed Poland 邻居、犹太人杰德瓦布内大屠杀和改变波兰的争议
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000504
Paweł Machcewicz
There are not many other cases when one single book about history, written by an academic, not only provoked a massive and stormy nationwide debate involving mass media, political leaders and bishops, but also unleashed processes that strongly influenced the self-perceptions of a nation, opening the way for ground-breaking new historical research and, at the same time, for political responses which had a tangible impact on the direction in which the whole country moved. It was all achieved by a not very long historical essay (around 100 pages in Polish, 170 pages in the subsequent English-language edition, excluding photographs, maps, indexes) by Jan Tomasz Gross.1 Its subject was the massacre of almost all Jews (the number is still debatable: between several hundred to 1,600 – the latter number claimed by Gross) living in the small town of Jedwabne in German-occupied Poland, committed by their Polish neighbours in July 1941. After its Polish debut, the book was translated into thirteen languages.
没有多少其他案例表明,一位学者写的一本关于历史的书,不仅引发了一场涉及大众媒体、政治领导人和主教的大规模、暴风雨般的全国性辩论,而且还引发了强烈影响一个国家自我认知的过程,为开创性的新历史研究开辟了道路,同时,对整个国家的发展方向产生切实影响的政治对策。这一切都是由Jan Tomasz Gross的一篇不太长的历史文章(波兰语约100页,随后的英文版约170页,不包括照片、地图和索引)实现的。1文章的主题是对年居住在杰德瓦布内小镇的几乎所有犹太人的大屠杀(这个数字仍有争议:几百到1600人之间——格罗斯声称的后一个数字)1941年7月,德国占领了波兰。在波兰语出版后,这本书被翻译成了十三种语言。
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引用次数: 0
How Transnational Exchanges Shaped Conceptions about Morality and Small Nations in Europe: Catalan (and Spanish) Readings of Václav Havel in the 1990s 跨国交流如何塑造欧洲的道德和小国观念:1990年代Václav哈维尔的加泰罗尼亚语(和西班牙语)解读
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000449
José Luis Aguilar López-Barajas
This paper deals with appraisals of Havel made in Spain in the 1990s. During this decade, the Czech politician's popularity reached a peak in Europe, and Spanish politicians approached his vision of morality in politics in different ways, taking advantage of it to support different political and national projects. In the first half of the decade, interpretations of Havel were especially productive in Catalonia, where two almost antagonistic political projects drew inspiration from Havel and elaborated on different concepts of European small nations. The decade's second half gave way to a more one-sided vision of him, in which he was transformed, thanks to the Spanish conservative president José María Aznar, into a reference point to support conservatism and the Atlantic agenda.
本文论述了20世纪90年代西班牙对哈维尔的评价。在这十年里,这位捷克政治家在欧洲的受欢迎程度达到了顶峰,西班牙政治家以不同的方式接近他对政治道德的愿景,并利用这一愿景支持不同的政治和国家项目。在这十年的前五年,对哈维尔的解读在加泰罗尼亚尤其富有成效,两个几乎对立的政治项目从哈维尔那里获得了灵感,并阐述了欧洲小国的不同概念。十年的后半段让位于对他的更片面的看法,在西班牙保守派总统何塞·马里亚·阿兹纳尔的帮助下,他被转变为支持保守主义和大西洋议程的参考点。
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引用次数: 0
Heroes or Outcasts? The Long Saga of the State's Recognition of the Greek Resistance (1944–2006) 英雄还是弃儿?国家承认希腊抵抗运动的漫长历程(1944-2006)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000395
Magda Fytili, Manos Avgeridis, Eleni Kouki
This article explores how the Greek state created and implemented the legislation relating to recognition of the National Resistance during three different transitional periods of the country's postwar history: civil war, dictatorship and democracy. The article's principal argument is that recognition served as the main tool for building consecutive national narratives not only of the resistance but also of Greekness, determining who was included in and excluded from the nation. By addressing one of the most loaded political issues in Greek society and politics in its entirety, this article revisits Greece's postwar history, highlighting the ruptures and continuities over a long period.
本文探讨了希腊在战后三个不同的过渡时期(内战、独裁和民主)如何制定和实施与承认民族抵抗运动有关的立法。这篇文章的主要论点是,承认是建立连续的民族叙事的主要工具,不仅是抵抗运动,还有希腊人,决定谁被包括在这个国家,谁被排除在这个国家之外。通过全面解决希腊社会和政治中最沉重的政治问题之一,本文重新审视了希腊战后的历史,突出了长期以来的断裂和连续性。
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引用次数: 0
Class Divisions in Use: The Swedish Social Group Taxonomy as Difference Technology, 1911–1970 使用中的阶级划分:作为差异技术的瑞典社会群体分类法,1911–1970
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000413
Carl-Filip Smedberg
This article investigates an important but understudied phenomenon: the bureaucratic class division, which is analysed as a difference technology for envisioning, studying and managing the population. I examine a long-lived and widely spread taxonomy of the Swedish population into three social groups (Socialgrupper). Specifically, I look at how it influenced the production of statistics and knowledge about the voter during the first half of the twentieth century and higher education in the post-war welfare state era. The article understands the effects of the taxonomy as a ‘scientisation of the social’, using Lutz Raphael's term, in which fuzzy conceptual class boundaries were turned into exact classification, making it possible for different actors to act and calculate through them. The division was at the same time contested among social scientists and politicians. However, because of lack of alternatives and because it was well established, actors continued using it.
本文研究了一个重要但尚未得到充分研究的现象:官僚阶级划分,并将其作为一种设想、研究和管理人口的差异技术进行了分析。我研究了一个长期存在且广泛传播的瑞典人口分类学,将其分为三个社会群体(Socialgrupper)。具体来说,我研究了它是如何影响20世纪上半叶关于选民的统计数据和知识的产生,以及战后福利国家时代的高等教育。本文使用卢茨·拉斐尔的术语,将分类法的作用理解为“社会的科学化”,将模糊的概念类边界转化为精确的分类,使不同的参与者能够通过它们来行动和计算。与此同时,社会科学家和政界人士也对这种划分提出了质疑。然而,由于缺乏替代方案,又因为它已经确立,演员们继续使用它。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: New Histories of the Irish Revolution – CORRIGENDUM 导言:爱尔兰革命的新历史-勘误表
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000425
James McConnel, Caoimhe Nic Dháibhéid
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引用次数: 0
The Birth of the Finance Consumer: Feminists, Bankers and the Re-Gendering of Finance in Mid-Twentieth-Century Sweden 金融消费者的诞生:女权主义者、银行家与二十世纪中期瑞典金融的重新分类
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000383
Orsi Husz
This article examines a series of financial study courses for women in 1950s Sweden, jointly organised by commercial banks and an important non-partisan women's organisation, the Fredrika Bremer Association. The aim is to highlight and explain historical connections between feminism and financialisation. I argue that the feminist aspiration to emancipate women from the curtailments of ‘petty’ domestic finance aligned with the banks’ desire to domesticate financial markets. The performances of ‘female finance’ in these campaigns – striking a balance between PR and empowerment – contributed to the making of a new historical figure, not that of the female investor but rather the consumer of finance. The article not only demonstrates the role of gender in the financialisation of everyday life and in the domestication of finance, but also uncovers a longer pre-history behind these processes that are conventionally associated with neoliberalisation in later decades.
本文考察了20世纪50年代瑞典妇女的一系列金融研究课程,这些课程由商业银行和一个重要的无党派妇女组织弗雷德里克·布雷默协会联合组织。其目的是强调和解释女权主义和金融化之间的历史联系。我认为,女权主义者将女性从“小额”国内金融的束缚中解放出来的愿望与银行将金融市场本土化的愿望相一致。“女性金融”在这些运动中的表现——在公关和赋权之间取得了平衡——有助于塑造一个新的历史人物,而不是女性投资者,而是金融消费者。这篇文章不仅展示了性别在日常生活的金融化和金融本土化中的作用,而且揭示了这些过程背后更长的历史,这些过程通常与后来几十年的新自由主义有关。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary European History
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