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CEH volume 32 issue 3 Cover and Front matter CEH第32卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000358
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引用次数: 0
Reverting to Restraint: A Keynesian Intermezzo and Neoliberalism in the Netherlands (1971–1977) 回归约束:荷兰的凯恩斯主义间奏曲与新自由主义(1971-1977)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000267
Jonne Harmsma
In line with recent studies revealing the role of neoliberalism in Dutch post-war history, this article highlights the influence of neoliberal ideas during the first half of the 1970s. In addition to a clear orientation towards supply-side economic policies and a firm tradition of fixed budgetary rules, the author emphasises the importance of Dutch monetarism in guiding Central Bank policies and prioritising monetary objectives such as price stability, fixed exchange rates and balance of payment equilibrium over Keynesian policy goals. A short-lived Keynesian intermezzo of countercyclical demand-management commenced in March 1974, after which rules-based, stability- and supply-side economic, financial and monetary policies started to regain the upper hand in 1976.
最近的研究揭示了新自由主义在荷兰战后历史中的作用,本文强调了新自由主义思想在20世纪70年代上半叶的影响。除了供给侧经济政策的明确方向和固定预算规则的坚定传统外,作者还强调了荷兰货币主义在指导中央银行政策和优先考虑价格稳定、固定汇率和国际收支平衡等货币目标而不是凯恩斯主义政策目标方面的重要性。1974年3月,短暂的凯恩斯主义反周期需求管理间歇期开始,之后,以规则为基础的、稳定和供给方面的经济、金融和货币政策在1976年开始重新占据上风。
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 3 Cover and Back matter CEH第32卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/s096077732300036x
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引用次数: 0
Honorary Aryans? Japanese German Mischlinge and the Negotiation of Identity in Nazi Germany 荣誉雅利安人吗?日德混血与纳粹德国的身份协商
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000334
Sarah Panzer
Race is the black box at the centre of the German–Japanese alliance during the Second World War. Early Nazi racial legislation provoked speculation regarding its potential impact on Japanese German Mischlinge (individuals of mixed race), and the regime's reluctance to define its position helped to spread the rumour that they had been recognised as ‘honorary Aryans’. Although this was never more than a rumour, the ambiguous racialisation of the Japanese historically seemingly legitimised demands by Japanese Germans that the regime should recognise their rights as members of the Nazi Volksgemeinschaft (national community). This article traces how the Japanese Germans were able to negotiate concessions enabling them to function as a protected minority, albeit in contingent and arbitrarily defined ways. In effect, the Japanese Germans were able to exploit the ambiguities of Nazi racial thinking in order to carve out a place for themselves within the margins of the racial state.
种族是第二次世界大战期间德日同盟中心的黑匣子。早期的纳粹种族立法引发了人们对其对日德混血儿(混血儿)潜在影响的猜测,而该政权不愿明确其立场,助长了他们被公认为“荣誉雅利安人”的谣言。尽管这只是一个谣言,但历史上对日本人的模糊种族化似乎使日裔德国人的要求合法化,即该政权应该承认他们作为纳粹民族共同体成员的权利。这篇文章追溯了日裔德国人是如何谈判让步的,使他们能够作为受保护的少数民族发挥作用,尽管是以偶然和任意定义的方式。实际上,日裔德国人能够利用纳粹种族思想的模糊性,在种族国家的边缘为自己开辟一个位置。
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引用次数: 0
Shaming Through Photographic Denunciation in Nazi Germany, 1933–1938 1933年至1938年,纳粹德国在摄影上的耻辱
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000346
Julie R. Keresztes
After seizing power in 1933, the Nazis added photographic denunciation to the repertoire of modern European public shaming practices to forge a new consensus about who belonged in German society. Photographic denunciation, in which Nazi functionaries took and displayed pictures of non-Jewish Germans shopping at Jewish-owned businesses advanced the Nazi dispossession of German Jews while coercing non-Jewish Germans into severing ties with Jewish neighbours . Contrary to what most historical scholarship has implied, photographic denunciation lasted well into the 1930s in Germany and even transcended German borders. Ultimately, photographic denunciation was among the Nazis’ most successful tools to turn non-Jewish Germans against Jews, a key precursor to the ability of the Nazi regime to perpetrate the Holocaust.
在1933年夺取政权后,纳粹在现代欧洲公开羞辱的手段中加入了照片谴责,以形成关于谁属于德国社会的新共识。纳粹官员拍摄并展示非犹太裔德国人在犹太人拥有的企业购物的照片,这些照片推动了纳粹对德国犹太人的剥夺,同时迫使非犹太裔德国人与犹太邻居断绝关系。与大多数历史学者所暗示的相反,对照片的谴责在德国一直持续到20世纪30年代,甚至超越了德国的边界。最终,照片谴责是纳粹最成功的工具之一,使非犹太德国人反对犹太人,这是纳粹政权有能力实施大屠杀的关键前兆。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: New Histories of the Irish Revolution 导言:爱尔兰革命的新历史
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000322
James McConnel, Caoimhe Nic Dháibhéid
The centenary of the Irish Revolution has just concluded, with 2023 marking the hundredth anniversary of the ‘dump arms’ order which ended, albeit ambiguously, the civil war of 1922–3. European history has been accustomed to marking centenaries during the past ten years, from the First World War which overturned a global order, to the Russian Revolution which created a new one, to the post-war national reverberations which created revolutions of their own. The enthusiasm with which these have been marked across Europe has varied considerably, with the sombre ne plus jamais tones of the centenary of the First World War giving way rapidly to the muted if not entirely absent commemorations of the October Revolution in Russia. The island of Ireland has perhaps been more wedded than elsewhere in Europe to the relentless treadmill of centenaries, with the Irish state formally dating its existence to the vanguardist rebellion, popular mandates and political institutions that occurred between 1916 and 1922, and Northern Ireland being dated to 1920. The ‘Decade of Centenaries’, as it is known in Ireland, has been unfolding according to a carefully arranged schedule since 2012; the end, marking the ambiguous conclusion of the Irish Civil War, is finally upon us. The implications of the ‘Decade’ for public history, for the position of professional historians within and outside the academy, and for the broader understanding of the revolutionary decade are significant and have generated their own critical literature.
爱尔兰革命一百周年纪念日刚刚结束,2023年是“倾倒武器”令一百周年,该命令结束了1922–3年的内战,尽管意义不明确。在过去的十年里,欧洲历史已经习惯于纪念一百周年,从推翻全球秩序的第一次世界大战,到创造新秩序的俄罗斯革命,再到创造自己革命的战后国家反响。欧洲各地对这些事件的热情差异很大,第一次世界大战一百周年的忧郁加上睡衣的基调很快被俄罗斯十月革命的无声纪念所取代,如果不是完全没有的话。爱尔兰岛可能比欧洲其他地方更紧密地与百年来无情的跑步机联系在一起,爱尔兰国家的存在正式可以追溯到1916年至1922年间发生的先锋叛乱、民众授权和政治制度,北爱尔兰可以追溯到1920年。爱尔兰称之为“百年庆典”,自2012年以来一直按照精心安排的时间表展开;“十年”对公共历史的影响,对学院内外专业历史学家的地位的影响,以及对革命十年的更广泛理解,都具有重要意义,并产生了自己的批评文献。
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引用次数: 0
‘Omelette Without Eggs’: Eating Under War and Dictatorship “没有鸡蛋的煎蛋卷”:战争和独裁下的饮食
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000310
Gloria Román Ruiz
During the Dutch Hunger Winter (1944–5), a woman sold ration cards on the Noordplein, one of the busiest streets in Rotterdam. She was paid twenty guilders for each ration card. Her buyers, in turn, resold the coupons for sugar, butter or bread separately in order to make a higher profit. They could make up to 150 guilders per ration card. Not far from there, in Amsterdam, people went to the corner of Rozendwarsstraat to fraudulently buy coupons for bread or wheat cake on the black market. Anyone with seven guilders could buy a slice. Considering that some people only earned twenty-two guilders a week, not everyone could afford to go to the black market for extra calories. Both of these stories were told by women who survived the Dutch Hunger Winter, and are included in Ingrid de Zwarte's recent monograph. They illustrate some of the important contributions that have emerged from recent historical works in the related fields of Hunger and Food Studies. They demonstrate the agency of ordinary and marginalised subjects, particularly women, in the face of scarcity. They reveal the importance of the coping strategies people developed, which allows us to think of these individuals beyond their traditional status as passive victims of scarcity. And they show us how, in the context of hunger and famine, ideas of what was normal or acceptable behaviour could be transformed.
在荷兰的饥饿之冬(1944–5年),一名妇女在鹿特丹最繁忙的街道之一的诺德广场上出售配给卡。每张配给卡付给她20荷兰盾。反过来,她的买家将糖、黄油或面包的优惠券单独转售,以获得更高的利润。他们每张配给卡最多可以赚150盾。在离那里不远的阿姆斯特丹,人们来到Rozendwarsstraat的角落,在黑市上欺诈性地购买面包或小麦蛋糕的优惠券。任何有七盾的人都可以买一块。考虑到有些人一周只挣22荷兰盾,并不是每个人都能负担得起去黑市获取额外热量的费用。这两个故事都是由在荷兰饥饿之冬幸存下来的女性讲述的,并被收录在英格丽·德·兹沃特最近的专著中。它们说明了最近在饥饿和粮食研究相关领域的历史著作中做出的一些重要贡献。它们展示了普通和边缘化的主体,尤其是女性,在稀缺面前的能动性。它们揭示了人们制定的应对策略的重要性,这使我们能够将这些人视为稀缺性的被动受害者,超越他们的传统地位。它们向我们展示了在饥饿和饥荒的背景下,什么是正常或可接受的行为的观念是如何转变的。
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引用次数: 0
Fascist Claims to Sovereign Power: Law, Politics and the Romanian Legionary Movement 法西斯对主权的要求:法律、政治和罗马尼亚军团运动
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000279
Cosmin Sebastian Cercel
This article aims to provide the basis for a theoretical framework conceptualising Romanian fascist ideology at work in relation to law and politics, by focusing on the way it operated within the movement's understanding of foundational concepts of state power, sovereignty and justice. In doing so, I investigate the relationship between fascism, understood here as both an ideology and a political movement, and constitutional law in the context of interwar Romania. I ask how the ideology – that is, the doctrinal body of Romanian ultranationalism, as well as political practice – related to core constitutional concepts such as sovereign power and popular sovereignty. Accordingly, I map the nexus between law and politics within the ideology of the Romanian main ultranationalist movement – the Legion of Archangel Michael and its paramilitary branch, the Iron Guard.
本文旨在通过关注罗马尼亚法西斯意识形态在运动中对国家权力、主权和正义等基本概念的理解,为将罗马尼亚法西斯意识形态概念化的理论框架提供基础。在这样做的过程中,我研究法西斯主义之间的关系,在这里被理解为一种意识形态和政治运动,以及两次世界大战之间罗马尼亚的宪法。我问,意识形态——即罗马尼亚极端民族主义的理论体系,以及政治实践——是如何与主权和人民主权等核心宪法概念联系起来的。因此,我在罗马尼亚主要的极端民族主义运动——大天使迈克尔军团及其准军事分支——铁卫队的意识形态中描绘了法律与政治之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
‘Power is in the Streets’: Protest and Militancy in France, Italy and West Germany, 1968–1979 “权力在街头”:1968年至1979年法国、意大利和西德的抗议和军事活动
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1017/s096077732300022x
L. Provenzano
This article explores cultures of militancy in public space among currents of the revolutionary left in France, Italy and West Germany during the ‘red decade’. It shows how radicals embraced convergent strategic perspectives, discourses on violence and insubordinate practices for confronting the police. However, patterns of militancy subsequently diverged along national lines in the face of different experiences of neo-fascist violence, domestic social conflict, and legacies of armed resistance and civil war. In particular, the relatively frequent use of lethal force by Italian police in defence of public order motivated a current of the Italian revolutionary left to endorse the use of firearms during protests. Across national experiences, domestic protest policing conditioned the use of force by protestors and the transformation – or not – of protestors into terrorists.
本文探讨了“红色十年”期间法国、意大利和西德革命左派在公共空间中的战斗文化。它展示了激进分子如何接受趋同的战略观点、关于暴力的言论和对抗警察的不服从行为。然而,面对新法西斯暴力、国内社会冲突以及武装抵抗和内战的遗留问题的不同经历,战斗模式随后沿着国家路线出现了分歧。特别是,意大利警方为维护公共秩序而相对频繁地使用致命武力,促使意大利革命左派支持在抗议活动中使用枪支。根据各国的经验,国内抗议警察的条件是抗议者使用武力,以及抗议者是否转变为恐怖分子。
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引用次数: 0
Active Service and Environmental Damage in Revolutionary Ireland 革命爱尔兰的现役与环境破坏
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000704
J. Stover
The Irish Revolution inflicted significant damage to built-up and natural landscapes between 1916 and 1923. Destruction transcended national and ideological divisions and remained a fixture within Irish urban and rural landscapes years after independence, presenting an Ireland politically transformed yet physically disfigured. An environmental reading of this transformative period calls into question many of its established lessons and interpretative boundaries, including the agency and considerations of those who participated in and witnessed it. This article examines the extent and impacts of environmental destruction experienced on communal levels throughout the revolution, and how a war that was waged on higher ideological grounds very often disrupted and alienated the everyday lives of communities and individuals.
1916年至1923年间,爱尔兰革命对建筑和自然景观造成了重大破坏。破坏超越了国家和意识形态的分歧,在独立多年后仍然是爱尔兰城乡景观中的一个固定因素,呈现出一个政治上已经改变但身体上已经变形的爱尔兰。对这一变革时期的环境解读使人们对其许多既定的经验教训和解释边界产生了质疑,包括参与和见证变革的人的机构和考虑,以及一场基于更高意识形态的战争如何经常扰乱和疏远社区和个人的日常生活。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary European History
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