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‘Our Own People’: The Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association in Interwar Britain and Ireland “我们自己的人民”:两次世界大战期间英国和爱尔兰的南爱尔兰保皇派救济协会
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000789
B. Hughes
The Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association (SILRA) was originally founded in London in 1922 to aid ‘refugees’ in Britain. It also had an Irish sub-committee, and soon focussed its attention almost exclusively on those loyalists who remained in the Irish Free State (IFS). Populated by diehard Conservatives and Irish unionists, SILRA demonstrates the longevity of the afterlife of the Irish Revolution for both of these groups – though both had experienced it very differently. As a non-violent reactionary movement that spanned Britain, Ireland, and the dominions, SILRA offers a useful transnational case-study of interwar counter-revolution in a British context. Moreover, SILRA's Irish committee highlights some of the ways in which the sternest southern loyalists and unionists – who found themselves among the ‘losers’ of the Irish Revolution – preserved allegiances and social solidarity in the IFS.
南爱尔兰保皇派救济协会(SILRA)最初于1922年在伦敦成立,旨在帮助英国的“难民”。它也有一个爱尔兰小组委员会,并很快将注意力几乎完全集中在那些留在爱尔兰自由邦(IFS)的忠诚者身上。SILRA由顽固的保守党和爱尔兰联合主义者组成,它证明了爱尔兰革命对这两个群体的影响是持久的——尽管两者的经历非常不同。作为一场跨越英国、爱尔兰和自治州的非暴力反动运动,SILRA为两次世界大战期间英国反革命提供了一个有用的跨国案例研究。此外,SILRA的爱尔兰委员会还强调了最严厉的南方保皇派和联合派——他们发现自己是爱尔兰革命的“失败者”——在IFS中保持忠诚和社会团结的一些方式。
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引用次数: 1
Polish Experts in School-based Sex Education and the West: Exchanging Ideas through the IPPF (1956–1989) 波兰学校性教育专家与西方:通过IPPF交流思想(1956–1989)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000649
Natalia Jarska
In this paper I examine the relationship between Polish experts on school-based sex education and international developments in the field during the post-war period. From 1956 onwards, Polish experts, hoping to introduce sex education to schools, drew on Western experience and knowledge. Using Polish sources, I focus on the ways in which this knowledge was transmitted, the role of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, and the approach of Polish experts towards the West. I argue that during the late 1950s and 1960s, Polish experts valued and relied exclusively on Western models. International exchange on sex education intensified in the 1970s and 1980s, with the Polish expert Mikołaj Kozakiewicz becoming a regional leader within the international family planning movement. However, as Polish experts became more critical about certain Western models of sex education, they began to promote the socialist model of family life education as a more appropriate option.
在这篇论文中,我考察了战后波兰学校性教育专家与该领域国际发展之间的关系。从1956年起,波兰专家希望将性教育引入学校,他们借鉴了西方的经验和知识。利用波兰的资料来源,我重点介绍了这些知识的传播方式、国际计划生育联合会的作用以及波兰专家对西方的态度。我认为,在20世纪50年代末和60年代,波兰专家重视并完全依赖西方模式。20世纪70年代和80年代,随着波兰专家Mikołaj Kozakiewicz成为国际计划生育运动的地区领导人,国际性教育交流加强。然而,随着波兰专家对某些西方性教育模式越来越挑剔,他们开始将社会主义家庭生活教育模式作为一种更合适的选择。
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引用次数: 0
Agents of Change? Families, Welfare and Democracy in Mid-to-Late Twentieth-Century Europe 变革的推动者?二十世纪中后期欧洲的家庭、福利与民主
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777323000152
Jennifer Crane
Families have always been vulnerable. They have long been torn apart by the mass migrations of warfare, the oppression of minority groups, the closure of international borders and the refugee crises governed ‘from above’. Families have also always been powerful symbols. Nationalist–populist movements have capitalised on fears about familial decline and liberal democracies have built moralistic views of the family into their welfare systems. Yet, this special issue aims to demonstrate that families have not merely been objects or subjects buffeted by political and social change. Rather, families have also consistently acted as ‘agents of change’. This is not to valorise the family – families have been patriarchal, damaging and oppressive as well as supportive, empowering and caring. However, this is to say that historical work must take ‘the family’ seriously as an active participant in shaping historical change.
家庭一直都很脆弱。长期以来,他们一直被战争的大规模移民、对少数群体的压迫、国际边境的关闭以及“自上而下”的难民危机所撕裂。家庭也一直是强有力的象征。民族主义-民粹主义运动利用了对家庭衰落的担忧,自由民主国家在其福利制度中建立了对家庭的道德观。然而,本期特刊旨在表明,家庭不仅仅是受到政治和社会变革冲击的对象或主体。相反,家庭也一直扮演着“变革的推动者”的角色。这并不是为了给家庭增加价值——家庭一直是父权制的、破坏性的、压迫性的,也是支持性的、赋权性的和关爱性的。然而,这意味着历史工作必须认真对待“家庭”,将其作为塑造历史变革的积极参与者。
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引用次数: 0
Britain and Europe's Gifted Children in the Quests for Democracy, Welfare and Productivity, 1970-1990. 英国和欧洲的天才儿童在对民主、福利和生产力的追求中,1970-1990
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-01 Epub Date: 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777322000078
Jennifer Crane

Policy, voluntary, psychological and educational interest in gifted children emerged across Europe in the early twentieth century but surged dramatically in the 1970s and 1980s. This article explores the transnational voluntary circles hoping that gifted youth would bring peace and liberal democracy across Europe in these years. It analyses, also, how such work came into conflict with the expectations of conservative press in Britain: that gifted children would in fact bolster national economic progress. Critically, the article demonstrates that parents and children, drawing on professional and cultural capital, resisted ideas of gifted youth as global assets. Interest in giftedness revealed the growing 'agency' of articulate, affluent, middle-class families within the contexts of individualism and neoliberalism, but also its limits. Further, we can and must centre the experiences of young people in our scholarship, to truly understand how 'agency' operates within families and beyond.

20世纪初,欧洲各地出现了对天才儿童的政策、自愿、心理和教育兴趣,但在20世纪70年代和80年代急剧上升。这篇文章探讨了跨国志愿团体,他们希望这些年有天赋的年轻人能给整个欧洲带来和平与自由民主。它还分析了这些工作是如何与英国保守派媒体的期望相冲突的:天才儿童实际上会促进国家经济进步。至关重要的是,这篇文章表明,父母和孩子利用专业和文化资本,抵制将天才青年视为全球资产的想法。对天赋的兴趣揭示了在个人主义和新自由主义的背景下,能说会道的富裕中产阶级家庭的“能动性”不断增强,但也揭示了其局限性。此外,我们可以而且必须在我们的奖学金中以年轻人的经历为中心,真正了解“代理”是如何在家庭内外运作的。
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 2 Cover and Back matter CEH第32卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000255
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 2 Cover and Front matter CEH第32卷第2期封面和封面
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000243
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引用次数: 0
After the Colonial Past: Ambivalences of Assimilation in French Guiana from 1946 to the mid-1950s 殖民历史之后:1946年至1950年代中期法属圭亚那同化的矛盾
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000218
E. Maurice
Focusing on the case of French Guiana from 1946 to the mid-1950s, this article aims to contribute to reflection on the controversial notion of assimilation. The author therefore pays attention to the trajectories of the préfet, i.e. from 1947 the highest civil representative of the state and Creole teachers, the latter providing the largest contingent of indigenous colonial officials. The article argues that, while assimilation is often perceived as a policy that aims to impose an order designed for the mainland through a universalist ideal that erases differences, in reality it did not produce uniformity and its ideal could be – and often was – negotiated under the constraints of a post-slavery society in which the elites were indeed Black.
本文以1946年至1950年代中期法属圭亚那为个案,旨在对有争议的同化概念进行反思。因此,作者注意到了公共关系的轨迹,即从1947年起,国家最高民事代表和克里奥尔语教师,后者提供了最大的土著殖民官员队伍。文章认为,虽然同化通常被视为一种政策,旨在通过消除差异的普遍主义理想来强加一种为大陆设计的秩序,但事实上,它并没有产生统一性,它的理想可以——而且经常是——在精英确实是黑人的后奴隶制社会的约束下进行谈判。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Childhood and War in the Twentieth Century 反思二十世纪的童年与战争
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/s096077732300019x
Friederike Kind-Kovács
On 7 March 2022, Catherine Russell, UNICEF executive director, and Filippo Grandi, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, demanded that ‘unaccompanied and separated children fleeing escalating conflict in Ukraine must be protected’.1 They insisted that children should, once they crossed Ukraine's borders, be immediately registered, offered safe spaces, reunified with their families, and receive emergency care.2 Under no circumstances should children who came with their families be separated, and everything should be done to protect children from exploitation, trafficking and gender-based violence.3 However, since then, countless children from Ukraine who have crossed the borders unaccompanied have become victims of human trafficking and exploitation. Tens of thousands of children in Ukrainian state institutions or who had been orphaned prior to the war could not be protected. They were deported to Russia, many were interned in reeducation camps, and many were forcefully adopted by Russian families or moved into foster care.4 Since the war started, children have again become a means of warfare. The current war against Ukraine once more demonstrates how vulnerable children can become when they are separated from their families. Children have, once again, become targets of massive human rights violations and of crimes against humanity.
2022年3月7日,联合国儿童基金会执行主任凯瑟琳·拉塞尔和联合国难民事务高级专员菲利波·格兰迪要求“必须保护逃离乌克兰冲突升级的无人陪伴和失散儿童”,与家人团聚,并接受紧急护理。2在任何情况下,与家人团聚的儿童都不应被分离,应尽一切努力保护儿童免受剥削、贩运和基于性别的暴力。3然而,从那时起,无数来自乌克兰的儿童在无人陪伴的情况下越境,成为人口贩运和剥削的受害者。乌克兰国家机构中的数万名儿童或战前成为孤儿的儿童得不到保护。他们被驱逐到俄罗斯,许多人被关押在再教育营,许多人被迫被俄罗斯家庭收养或被寄养。4自战争开始以来,儿童再次成为战争的手段。当前对乌克兰的战争再次表明,当儿童与家人分离时,他们会变得多么脆弱。儿童再次成为大规模侵犯人权和危害人类罪的目标。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the Origins of EU Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland through the Role of John Hume and the European Parliament 从约翰·休谟和欧洲议会的作用探讨欧盟在北爱尔兰建设和平的起源
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000206
Giada Lagana, P. Mcloughlin
This article explores the origins of the European Union (EU) peacebuilding approach in Northern Ireland through the role of the long-serving MEP and Nobel Laureate, John Hume. It gives particular emphasis to the part played by the European Parliament (EP) in this endeavour, which has been neglected in existing studies of the EU influence on Northern Ireland. The article shows how Hume helped to create better understanding, interest and ultimately engagement by the EU to support peacebuilding efforts in Northern Ireland. Local political shifts would prove decisive in creating the peace process that emerged in the region in the 1990s, but the article argues that Hume's efforts, stretching as far back as the 1970s, both encouraged these shifts and then provided the basis for much greater EU engagement in support of the peace process. This deepens our understanding of the EU role in aiding political change in Northern Ireland.
本文通过长期任职的欧洲议会议员、诺贝尔奖得主约翰·休谟的角色,探讨了欧盟在北爱尔兰建设和平方法的起源。它特别强调了欧洲议会在这一努力中所发挥的作用,而这一作用在目前关于欧盟对北爱尔兰影响的研究中被忽视了。这篇文章展示了休谟如何帮助欧盟建立更好的理解、兴趣和最终参与,以支持北爱尔兰的和平建设努力。20世纪90年代,当地的政治转变对该地区出现的和平进程起到了决定性的作用,但文章认为,休谟的努力,可以追溯到20世纪70年代,既鼓励了这些转变,又为欧盟更大程度地参与支持和平进程提供了基础。这加深了我们对欧盟在帮助北爱尔兰政治变革中的作用的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Do-It-Yourself Socialism: Home Construction Credits, Private Property and the Introduction of the Self-Build Programme in Hungary, 1954–1956 亲力亲为的社会主义:住房建设信贷、私有财产和匈牙利自建计划的引入,1954–1956
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000164
Szinán Rádi
Ideology and state ownership are supposed to have characterised socialist housing. This article argues that economic and monetary constraints were also dominant in shaping housing policy in early socialist Hungary. These factors increasingly compelled the regime to promote private home ownership through state-subsidised credits. Despite high public interest in the programme, however, neither wealth, personal connections nor ideology alone could condition the outcome of home-build applications due to severe shortages. This impasse put the regime at a crossroads of whether to pursue needs-based housing or to introduce ‘profitability’ considerations in credit checks for self-build. This article argues that the Nagy government's pursuit of the latter option increasingly undermined the ideological basis of communism. The scheme's failure not only made citizens receptive to radical change in 1956 but also put the regime on a new trajectory where private wealth accumulation and self-provisioning became inseparable from the economic legitimacy of communism in Hungary.
意识形态和国家所有制被认为是社会主义住房的特征。这篇文章认为,在早期社会主义的匈牙利,经济和货币约束在制定住房政策方面也占主导地位。这些因素越来越迫使该政权通过国家补贴信贷来促进私人住房所有权。然而,尽管公众对该计划有很高的兴趣,但由于严重短缺,无论是财富、个人关系还是意识形态都无法单独决定房屋建造申请的结果。这种僵局使该政权处于十字路口,是追求基于需求的住房,还是在自建房屋的信贷检查中引入“盈利能力”考虑。本文认为,纳吉政府对后一种选择的追求越来越破坏了共产主义的意识形态基础。该计划的失败不仅使公民在1956年接受了彻底的变革,还使该政权走上了一条新的轨道,私人财富积累和自我供应与匈牙利共产主义的经济合法性密不可分。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary European History
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