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Patterns of Irish Civil War Memory in Later-Generation Oral Histories 后世口述历史中的爱尔兰内战记忆模式
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000996
Gavin Foster
No phase of Ireland's 1913–23 revolution has proven as challenging for social remembrance as the 1922–3 civil war. While the conflict structured party politics and fuelled political agendas for decades, its toxic memory was widely regarded as best forgotten. Yet, as Beiner has argued, even ‘when communities try . . . to forget discomfiting historical episodes’, they still ‘retain muted recollections’. Drawing on oral history interviews, this article examines civil war silences and selective memories transmitted across generations among families and communities impacted by the conflict. Themes to be touched on include silence; memories of incidents of violence and other traumatic experiences; partisan animosities and political reverberations of the period; and the material and physical manifestations of civil war memory. Consideration of these patterns illuminates complexities in nationalist memory in Ireland, while it suggests broader insights into how societies and communities make sense of divisive historical episodes.
事实证明,在爱尔兰1913年至1923年的革命中,没有哪个阶段像1922年至1923年的内战那样对社会记忆构成挑战。尽管这场冲突构成了政党政治,并推动了数十年的政治议程,但人们普遍认为,最好忘记它的有毒记忆。然而,正如贝纳所说,即使“社区尝试……为了忘记令人不安的历史事件,他们仍然“保持沉默的回忆”。通过对口述历史的采访,本文考察了受冲突影响的家庭和社区之间代代相传的内战沉默和选择性记忆。涉及的主题包括沉默;暴力事件和其他创伤经历的记忆;党派仇恨和那个时期的政治反响;以及内战记忆的物质和物质表现。对这些模式的思考阐明了爱尔兰民族主义记忆的复杂性,同时也为社会和社区如何理解分裂的历史事件提供了更广泛的见解。
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引用次数: 0
The War that Didn't Happen: Waiting for Ambushes in the Irish War of Independence 没有发生的战争:在爱尔兰独立战争中等待伏击
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000819
M. Ó. Ó Catháin
There is a widely held perception that the Anglo-Irish War or War of Independence was a hard-fought series of guerrilla war engagements punctuated by larger and often spectacular events in Cork, Dublin and elsewhere. However, an examination of the conflict from the perspective of a search for an alternative war, where little if anything occurred, can yield interesting and counter-intuitive results. This is exactly what this article sets out to do in order to demonstrate the often rich potential in the quest for nothing in particular, but primarily to establish that in every conflict of this type, another war often takes place, which shows itself to be largely ineffectual and futile though ultimately quite rewarding in its own way.
人们普遍认为,英爱战争或独立战争是一系列艰苦的游击战,其间科克、都柏林和其他地方发生了规模更大、往往壮观的事件。然而,从寻找另一场战争的角度来审视这场冲突,在这场战争中,几乎没有发生任何事情,可能会产生有趣和反直觉的结果。这正是本文所要做的,目的是展示在不寻求任何特别的东西的过程中往往具有丰富的潜力,但主要是为了确定在每一场此类冲突中,都会发生另一场战争,这表明它在很大程度上是无效和徒劳的,尽管最终以其自身的方式获得了相当大的回报。
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引用次数: 0
‘I Have Lost a Lot by Fighting for My Country’: Reckoning with the Irish Revolution “我为祖国而战,损失惨重”:爱尔兰革命的反思
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000790
A. Dolan
Taking the lives of seven men with one act of violence in common, this article explores how the history of a whole life might reframe our sense of the ‘soldiers’ tale’. If violence stops being the only experience we seek, if, rather than isolated and sought out, it gets left in the muddle of getting older, of getting by, do we come closer to the marks that violence made, or begin to see them in the context of all the other things that shape a life? Do we find something of the perspective that those who lived with killing tried to put it in? Rather than see their lives through the prism of one episode of conflict, which is the position so many histories of killing begin from, this article proposes instead a history of seven individuals, who just happened to have been party to the killing of two men.
这篇文章以七个有共同暴力行为的男人的生命为例,探讨了整个生命的历史如何重塑我们对“士兵”故事的理解。如果暴力不再是我们寻求的唯一体验,如果它不是孤立和寻求的,而是在变老和生活中变得一团糟,我们是更接近暴力留下的痕迹,还是开始在塑造生活的所有其他事物的背景下看到它们?我们是否发现了那些生活在杀戮中的人试图把它放在什么角度?这篇文章没有从一次冲突的角度来看待他们的生活,这是许多杀戮历史的起点,而是提出了七个人的历史,他们恰好是杀害两名男子的一方。
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引用次数: 0
‘Our Own People’: The Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association in Interwar Britain and Ireland “我们自己的人民”:两次世界大战期间英国和爱尔兰的南爱尔兰保皇派救济协会
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000789
B. Hughes
The Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association (SILRA) was originally founded in London in 1922 to aid ‘refugees’ in Britain. It also had an Irish sub-committee, and soon focussed its attention almost exclusively on those loyalists who remained in the Irish Free State (IFS). Populated by diehard Conservatives and Irish unionists, SILRA demonstrates the longevity of the afterlife of the Irish Revolution for both of these groups – though both had experienced it very differently. As a non-violent reactionary movement that spanned Britain, Ireland, and the dominions, SILRA offers a useful transnational case-study of interwar counter-revolution in a British context. Moreover, SILRA's Irish committee highlights some of the ways in which the sternest southern loyalists and unionists – who found themselves among the ‘losers’ of the Irish Revolution – preserved allegiances and social solidarity in the IFS.
南爱尔兰保皇派救济协会(SILRA)最初于1922年在伦敦成立,旨在帮助英国的“难民”。它也有一个爱尔兰小组委员会,并很快将注意力几乎完全集中在那些留在爱尔兰自由邦(IFS)的忠诚者身上。SILRA由顽固的保守党和爱尔兰联合主义者组成,它证明了爱尔兰革命对这两个群体的影响是持久的——尽管两者的经历非常不同。作为一场跨越英国、爱尔兰和自治州的非暴力反动运动,SILRA为两次世界大战期间英国反革命提供了一个有用的跨国案例研究。此外,SILRA的爱尔兰委员会还强调了最严厉的南方保皇派和联合派——他们发现自己是爱尔兰革命的“失败者”——在IFS中保持忠诚和社会团结的一些方式。
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引用次数: 1
Polish Experts in School-based Sex Education and the West: Exchanging Ideas through the IPPF (1956–1989) 波兰学校性教育专家与西方:通过IPPF交流思想(1956–1989)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777322000649
Natalia Jarska
In this paper I examine the relationship between Polish experts on school-based sex education and international developments in the field during the post-war period. From 1956 onwards, Polish experts, hoping to introduce sex education to schools, drew on Western experience and knowledge. Using Polish sources, I focus on the ways in which this knowledge was transmitted, the role of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, and the approach of Polish experts towards the West. I argue that during the late 1950s and 1960s, Polish experts valued and relied exclusively on Western models. International exchange on sex education intensified in the 1970s and 1980s, with the Polish expert Mikołaj Kozakiewicz becoming a regional leader within the international family planning movement. However, as Polish experts became more critical about certain Western models of sex education, they began to promote the socialist model of family life education as a more appropriate option.
在这篇论文中,我考察了战后波兰学校性教育专家与该领域国际发展之间的关系。从1956年起,波兰专家希望将性教育引入学校,他们借鉴了西方的经验和知识。利用波兰的资料来源,我重点介绍了这些知识的传播方式、国际计划生育联合会的作用以及波兰专家对西方的态度。我认为,在20世纪50年代末和60年代,波兰专家重视并完全依赖西方模式。20世纪70年代和80年代,随着波兰专家Mikołaj Kozakiewicz成为国际计划生育运动的地区领导人,国际性教育交流加强。然而,随着波兰专家对某些西方性教育模式越来越挑剔,他们开始将社会主义家庭生活教育模式作为一种更合适的选择。
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引用次数: 0
Agents of Change? Families, Welfare and Democracy in Mid-to-Late Twentieth-Century Europe 变革的推动者?二十世纪中后期欧洲的家庭、福利与民主
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777323000152
Jennifer Crane
Families have always been vulnerable. They have long been torn apart by the mass migrations of warfare, the oppression of minority groups, the closure of international borders and the refugee crises governed ‘from above’. Families have also always been powerful symbols. Nationalist–populist movements have capitalised on fears about familial decline and liberal democracies have built moralistic views of the family into their welfare systems. Yet, this special issue aims to demonstrate that families have not merely been objects or subjects buffeted by political and social change. Rather, families have also consistently acted as ‘agents of change’. This is not to valorise the family – families have been patriarchal, damaging and oppressive as well as supportive, empowering and caring. However, this is to say that historical work must take ‘the family’ seriously as an active participant in shaping historical change.
家庭一直都很脆弱。长期以来,他们一直被战争的大规模移民、对少数群体的压迫、国际边境的关闭以及“自上而下”的难民危机所撕裂。家庭也一直是强有力的象征。民族主义-民粹主义运动利用了对家庭衰落的担忧,自由民主国家在其福利制度中建立了对家庭的道德观。然而,本期特刊旨在表明,家庭不仅仅是受到政治和社会变革冲击的对象或主体。相反,家庭也一直扮演着“变革的推动者”的角色。这并不是为了给家庭增加价值——家庭一直是父权制的、破坏性的、压迫性的,也是支持性的、赋权性的和关爱性的。然而,这意味着历史工作必须认真对待“家庭”,将其作为塑造历史变革的积极参与者。
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 2 Cover and Back matter CEH第32卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000255
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引用次数: 0
CEH volume 32 issue 2 Cover and Front matter CEH第32卷第2期封面和封面
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000243
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引用次数: 0
After the Colonial Past: Ambivalences of Assimilation in French Guiana from 1946 to the mid-1950s 殖民历史之后:1946年至1950年代中期法属圭亚那同化的矛盾
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000218
E. Maurice
Focusing on the case of French Guiana from 1946 to the mid-1950s, this article aims to contribute to reflection on the controversial notion of assimilation. The author therefore pays attention to the trajectories of the préfet, i.e. from 1947 the highest civil representative of the state and Creole teachers, the latter providing the largest contingent of indigenous colonial officials. The article argues that, while assimilation is often perceived as a policy that aims to impose an order designed for the mainland through a universalist ideal that erases differences, in reality it did not produce uniformity and its ideal could be – and often was – negotiated under the constraints of a post-slavery society in which the elites were indeed Black.
本文以1946年至1950年代中期法属圭亚那为个案,旨在对有争议的同化概念进行反思。因此,作者注意到了公共关系的轨迹,即从1947年起,国家最高民事代表和克里奥尔语教师,后者提供了最大的土著殖民官员队伍。文章认为,虽然同化通常被视为一种政策,旨在通过消除差异的普遍主义理想来强加一种为大陆设计的秩序,但事实上,它并没有产生统一性,它的理想可以——而且经常是——在精英确实是黑人的后奴隶制社会的约束下进行谈判。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Childhood and War in the Twentieth Century 反思二十世纪的童年与战争
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/s096077732300019x
Friederike Kind-Kovács
On 7 March 2022, Catherine Russell, UNICEF executive director, and Filippo Grandi, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, demanded that ‘unaccompanied and separated children fleeing escalating conflict in Ukraine must be protected’.1 They insisted that children should, once they crossed Ukraine's borders, be immediately registered, offered safe spaces, reunified with their families, and receive emergency care.2 Under no circumstances should children who came with their families be separated, and everything should be done to protect children from exploitation, trafficking and gender-based violence.3 However, since then, countless children from Ukraine who have crossed the borders unaccompanied have become victims of human trafficking and exploitation. Tens of thousands of children in Ukrainian state institutions or who had been orphaned prior to the war could not be protected. They were deported to Russia, many were interned in reeducation camps, and many were forcefully adopted by Russian families or moved into foster care.4 Since the war started, children have again become a means of warfare. The current war against Ukraine once more demonstrates how vulnerable children can become when they are separated from their families. Children have, once again, become targets of massive human rights violations and of crimes against humanity.
2022年3月7日,联合国儿童基金会执行主任凯瑟琳·拉塞尔和联合国难民事务高级专员菲利波·格兰迪要求“必须保护逃离乌克兰冲突升级的无人陪伴和失散儿童”,与家人团聚,并接受紧急护理。2在任何情况下,与家人团聚的儿童都不应被分离,应尽一切努力保护儿童免受剥削、贩运和基于性别的暴力。3然而,从那时起,无数来自乌克兰的儿童在无人陪伴的情况下越境,成为人口贩运和剥削的受害者。乌克兰国家机构中的数万名儿童或战前成为孤儿的儿童得不到保护。他们被驱逐到俄罗斯,许多人被关押在再教育营,许多人被迫被俄罗斯家庭收养或被寄养。4自战争开始以来,儿童再次成为战争的手段。当前对乌克兰的战争再次表明,当儿童与家人分离时,他们会变得多么脆弱。儿童再次成为大规模侵犯人权和危害人类罪的目标。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary European History
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