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Decolonization, self-determination, and the rise of global human rights politics 非殖民化、自决和全球人权政治的兴起
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2184195
T. Quevillon
In 2010, the publication of Samuel Moyn’s The Last Utopia1 took a wrecking ball to the well-established narrative of the global history of human rights – a story of constant progress from the US Declaration of Independence (1776) and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789) to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). Moyn’s revisionist account centred on the thesis that human rights only emerged as the dominant aspirational framework in the 1970s. They broke through, he argued, only after other utopias failed, like that of self-determination embraced by the anti-colonial actors of previous decades. Edited by historians A. Dirk Moses, Marco Duranti and Roland Burke, Decolonization, Self-Determination, and the Rise of Global LIBRARIAN’S PICK
2010年,塞缪尔·莫恩(Samuel Moyn)的《最后的乌托邦》(the Last utopia)一书的出版打破了全球人权史的既定叙述——从美国《独立宣言》(1776年)到法国《人权宣言》(1789年),再到《世界人权宣言》(1948年),人权史一直在不断进步。莫恩的修正主义解释集中在人权在20世纪70年代才成为主导的理想框架这一论点上。他认为,只有在其他乌托邦失败之后,它们才会取得突破,比如前几十年反殖民行动者所信奉的自决乌托邦。由历史学家A. Dirk Moses, Marco Duranti和Roland Burke编辑,非殖民化,自决和全球图书馆员选择的兴起
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引用次数: 7
Protestant missionaries and humanitarianism in the DRC: the politics of aid in Cold War Africa 新教传教士与刚果民主共和国的人道主义:冷战时期非洲的援助政治
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2190427
Eva Schalbroeck
Libya was involved in the attack. But why had Gadaffi --who praised the ‘heroic operation’ at Fiumicino, assisted militants in attacking his Italian friends? Could it have had something to do with the sharply escalating tensions between Libya and Italy’s US ally? Regardless of the answer, even before the US bombing of Tripoli in April 1986, the Italian-Libyan lodo was in tatters. As the author shows, some Italian officials were eager to try to minimise the damage, but it is misleading to suggest that nothing had really changed since 1974 (p. 120). On 14 April 1986, Rome agreed to a European Community embargo on arms sales to Libya. Later the same month, it expelled 10 Libyan diplomats and officials, including the local representative of the Libyan Arab Foreign Investment Company (LAFICO). A LAFICO employee was arrested as part of an investigation into Libyan financing of terrorism. It had been through LAFICO that Libya had purchased a 10% stake in the Fiat automobile company in 1976. If anybody could tell how the wind had shifted by early 1986, it was the Agnelli family, owners of a controlling share of Fiat. With Italian government encouragement, they bought back the shares held by LAFICO, a transaction completed in September 1986. To conclude, Lomellini has done impressive spade work in Italian, French, British, US, and German sources. Students of Cold War history will find the story rather peripheral to the main axes of East-West conflict. But she makes an important contribution to our understanding of Italian foreign relations, in particular the ways in which Italy attempted to cope with the external shocks of the 1970s and 1980s, and to pursue a semi-independent approach to its southern neighbour.
利比亚参与了这次袭击。但是,为什么卡扎菲——他赞扬了在菲乌米奇诺的“英勇行动”——协助武装分子袭击他的意大利朋友呢?这可能与利比亚和意大利的美国盟友之间急剧升级的紧张局势有关吗?不管答案如何,早在1986年4月美国轰炸的黎波里之前,意大利-利比亚的洛多就已经破败不堪。正如作者所表明的,一些意大利官员急于将损失降至最低,但认为自1974年以来一切都没有真正改变是误导性的(第120页)。1986年4月14日,罗马同意欧洲共同体禁止向利比亚出售武器。同月晚些时候,它驱逐了10名利比亚外交官和官员,其中包括利比亚阿拉伯外国投资公司(LAFICO)的当地代表。一名LAFICO雇员在对利比亚资助恐怖主义的调查中被捕。正是通过LAFICO,利比亚在1976年购买了菲亚特汽车公司10%的股份。如果有人能说出1986年初风向的变化,那就是拥有菲亚特控股权的阿涅利家族。在意大利政府的鼓励下,他们回购了LAFICO持有的股份,这笔交易于1986年9月完成。总之,Lomelini在意大利、法国、英国、美国和德国的消息来源中做了令人印象深刻的坦诚工作。研究冷战历史的学生会发现,这个故事与东西方冲突的主轴相当接近。但她对我们理解意大利外交关系做出了重要贡献,特别是意大利试图应对20世纪70年代和80年代的外部冲击,并对其南部邻国采取半独立的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Building the population bomb 制造人口炸弹
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2184663
Martha Liliana Espinosa
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引用次数: 0
The CIA and creole anticommunism in Cold War Ecuador 中央情报局与冷战时期厄瓜多尔的克里奥尔反共主义
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2167981
M. Becker
ABSTRACT ‘Creole’, or domestically birthed, anticommunisms came in many different flavours and are in need of deeper investigation to understand how they responded to local conditions. This study examines one case from Ecuador where political leaders eagerly manipulated an anticommunist agenda to advance their own partisan prospects in ways that were distinct from the United States government’s global geopolitical concerns. Conservatives had their own motivations, which sometimes paralleled with and at other times came into conflict with those of larger political powers. These ‘creole anticommunisms’ could be more aggressive than those of United States officials, even as they served other purposes. [q]TQ3[/q]
“克里奥尔人”,或称本土出生的反共主义,有许多不同的风格,需要更深入的研究,以了解他们是如何应对当地条件的。本研究考察了厄瓜多尔的一个案例,那里的政治领导人急切地操纵反共议程,以推进自己的党派前景,其方式与美国政府的全球地缘政治关切截然不同。保守派有他们自己的动机,这些动机有时与那些更大的政治力量并驾齐驱,有时又与之相冲突。这些“克里奥尔反共主义者”可能比美国官员更具侵略性,即使他们有其他目的。[问]TQ3 [/ q]
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引用次数: 0
Ploughshares and swords: India’s nuclear program in the global Cold War 犁头与剑:印度在全球冷战中的核项目
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-21 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2178262
Bérénice Guyot-Réchard
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引用次数: 1
Human Rights and the Status of Children as Victims in the Late Cold War 冷战后期儿童的人权与受害者地位
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2167980
Isabella Cosse
ABSTRACT This article argues that in the late 1970s the human rights movement recognised children as subjects in their own right, giving them their own voice. The author questions the claims that until recently the dominant view of victims and their suffering was adult-centric and that human rights and humanitarianism were two unrelated paradigms. In studying this process, the author offers a historiographical contribution that centres on the value of children as a way of gaining new insights into the Cold War and history in general.
摘要本文认为,20世纪70年代末,人权运动承认儿童是有其自身权利的主体,赋予他们自己的声音。提交人对以下说法提出质疑:直到最近,对受害者及其痛苦的主流观点都是以成年人为中心的,人权和人道主义是两种不相关的范式。在研究这一过程时,作者提供了一份以儿童价值为中心的史学贡献,以此获得对冷战和整个历史的新见解。
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引用次数: 0
NATO and the Strategic Defense Initiative: a transatlantic history of the Star Wars programme 《北约与战略防御计划:星球大战计划的跨大西洋历史》
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2171358
B. Fischer
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引用次数: 0
Ripe for revolution: building socialism in the Third World 革命时机成熟:在第三世界建设社会主义
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2171351
Sara Lorenzini
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引用次数: 1
‘Better to be a chicken’s head than an ox’s tail’: Japanese envoy diplomacy in the mediation of Konfrontasi (1965) “宁做鸡头不做牛尾”:Konfrontasi斡旋下的日本特使外交(1965)
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-26 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2157819
Giulia Garbagni
ABSTRACT This article examines a lesser-known episode of the Cold War in Asia, namely Japan’s mediation in the Konfrontasi crisis between Indonesia and Malaysia, focusing on Prime Minister Satō’s appointment of a special envoy, Kawashima Shōjirō, in spring 1965. Drawing on multi-archival research in Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, it shows how Japan’s envoy diplomacy initiative was shaped by unilateralism, partisanship and a brazen diplomatic style that defied ‘low-profile’ expectations and revealed regional leadership aspirations. Kawashima’s (eventually unsuccessful) endeavour played out as a remarkably ‘interventionist’ initiative, mirroring domestic tensions over the definition of Japan’s post-war role in Asia.
摘要本文探讨了亚洲冷战中一个鲜为人知的事件,即日本在印尼和马来西亚之间的Konfrontasi危机中的斡旋,重点关注1965年春季首相佐藤任命的特使川岛实二。根据日本、英国和美国的多档案研究,它展示了日本的特使外交倡议是如何由单边主义、党派之争和公然无视“低调”期望并揭示地区领导愿望的外交风格所塑造的。川岛的努力(最终失败)是一项引人注目的“干预主义”举措,反映了日本战后在亚洲角色定义上的国内紧张局势。
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引用次数: 0
Freedom on the offensive: human rights, democracy promotion, and US interventionism in the late Cold War 攻势中的自由:冷战后期的人权、民主促进和美国干预主义
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-22 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2158713
Brian S. Mueller
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引用次数: 1
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Cold War History
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