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Rostislav Ulianovskii, the Tudeh Party of Iran and Soviet attempts to set Iran on a non-capitalist path of development (1979–83) Rostislav Ulianovskii,伊朗和苏联的图德党试图让伊朗走上非资本主义的发展道路(1979–83)
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-25 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2217753
D. Asinovskiy
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引用次数: 0
‘China marching with India’: India’s Cold War advocacy for the People’s Republic of China at the United Nations, 1949–1971 “中国与印度同行”:1949-1971年,印度在联合国对中华人民共和国的冷战宣传
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-25 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2217763
Anatol E. Klass
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引用次数: 0
Cigar socialism: an entangled history of Yugoslav-Cuban relations 雪茄社会主义:南斯拉夫与古巴关系的纠缠历史
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-25 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2217759
A. Calori
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引用次数: 0
After empire?: Cold War scholarship on Mao’s China 帝国之后?:毛中国的冷战学术
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-25 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2217084
Covell F. Meyskens
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引用次数: 0
Pakistan’s pathway to the bomb. Ambition, politics, and rivalries 巴基斯坦通往炸弹的道路。野心、政治和竞争
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2218022
M. Elli
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引用次数: 0
Response to the article ‘Unfit for purpose: reassessing the development and deployment of French nuclear weapons (1956–74)’ by Mongin and Vaïsse 对Mongin和Vaïsse的文章“不适合目的:重新评估法国核武器的发展和部署(1956-74)”的回应
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-17 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2207316
D. Mongin, Maurice Vaïsse
The article ‘Unfit for Purpose: Reassessing the Development and Deployment of French Nuclear Weapons (1956–74)’, which Benoît Pelopidas and Sébastien Philippe coauthored in 2020 in Cold War History, calls for a certain number of comments on our part. These relate, above all, to the scholarly nature of their work, both in terms of content and method. Our comments are all the more forceful in that, although the authors focus on the period from 1956 to 1974, they do not hesitate to extrapolate their conclusions to the contemporary period, so as to cast doubt on French strategy. There is, therefore, a methodological and ideological bias, which, in our view, undermines the scholarly rigour of this publication. The first methodological problem with this article is the implication that it provides new evidence (‘we provide evidence that challenges established claims in French nuclear history’) – in particular through the use of the oral archives of Admiral Marcel Duval, former director of the Revue de défense nationale – by asserting that ‘traditional’ historiography had supposedly failed to cover the difficulties encountered by France in the initial stages of establishing its nuclear deterrent. This assertion is all the more untrue as the article in question is partly based on the consultation of interview transcripts from Admiral Duval with the agreement of Maurice Vaïsse, which was a sign of trust. ‘Technology repeatedly determined French nuclear choices negatively. For example, the decision to build the air component of the nuclear arsenal first was due to the inability to build longrange ballistic missiles’, say Pelopidas and Philippe. But this statement is completely removed from its historical context. In support of this thesis, they cite the case of the Mirage IV bomber, which became operational in 1964. One might mention at this point that there were public announcements by the Mollet Government as early as November 1956 in favour of a mediumand long-range strategic bomber, as the most effective weapon of retaliation until ballistic missiles were ready. Indeed, in the mid1950s, the French government gave priority to the bomber to equip its future nuclear deterrent force, but this was because, at the time, it was the only system likely to become operational in the short term. For the record, the United States had been forced to make the same choice, and the first intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) were not operational until 1960. Moreover, General François Maurin (French Armed Forces Chief of Staff from French Armed Forces Chief of Staff, 1971-75) stated that, after a
Benoît Pelopidas和Sébastien Philippe于2020年在《冷战史》上合著的文章《不符合目的:重新评估法国核武器的发展和部署(1956–74)》呼吁我们发表一定数量的评论。最重要的是,这与他们工作的学术性质有关,无论是在内容还是方法上。我们的评论更加有力,因为尽管作者关注的是1956年至1974年这一时期,但他们毫不犹豫地将自己的结论外推到当代,从而对法国的战略提出质疑。因此,存在方法论和意识形态偏见,在我们看来,这破坏了本出版物的学术严谨性。这篇文章的第一个方法论问题是,它提供了新的证据(“我们提供的证据挑战了法国核历史上的既定主张”),特别是通过使用海军上将Marcel Duval的口头档案,法国国防部前部长声称,“传统”史学据称未能涵盖法国在建立核威慑力量的最初阶段所遇到的困难。这一说法更加不真实,因为这篇文章在一定程度上是基于对杜瓦尔上将的采访记录的咨询,并得到了莫里斯·瓦伊塞的同意,这是信任的象征。”技术一再否定法国的核选择。例如,Pelopidas和Philippe表示,决定首先建造核武库的空中部分是因为无法建造远程弹道导弹。但这一说法完全脱离了其历史背景。为了支持这一论点,他们引用了幻影IV轰炸机的案例,该轰炸机于1964年投入使用。在这一点上,有人可能会提到,莫莱特政府早在1956年11月就公开宣布支持中远程战略轰炸机,将其作为弹道导弹准备就绪之前最有效的报复武器。事实上,在20世纪50年代中期,法国政府优先考虑轰炸机,以装备其未来的核威慑力量,但这是因为当时,它是唯一可能在短期内投入使用的系统。记录在案的是,美国被迫做出同样的选择,第一批洲际弹道导弹直到1960年才投入使用。此外,François Maurin将军(法国武装部队参谋长,1971-75年)指出
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引用次数: 0
Response to the article ‘Unfit for purpose: reassessing the development and deployment of French nuclear weapons (1956–74)’ by Pelopidas and Philippe 对Pelopidas和Philippe的文章“不符合目的:重新评估法国核武器的发展和部署(1956–74)”的回应
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-17 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2207314
Benoît Pelopidas, Sébastien Philippe
In ‘Unfit for Purpose: Reassessing the Development and Deployment of French Nuclear Weapons (1956–74)’, we developed an interdisciplinary methodology combining archival material from France, the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as technical analysis of the performance of French nuclear weapon systems, to reassess the strategic rationality of the first generation of the force de frappe and its credibility. This is particularly important as, over the last three decades, claims about the strategic rationality of the procurement and credibility of the French nuclear force, which are at odds with discoveries about other nuclear weapon programmes, have been made across history and security studies. We found that ‘the development of the French nuclear force was chaotic and absent of any strategic rationality’ (p. 258) and that ‘French nuclear weapons lacked credibility until at least 1974’ (p. 259). We also corrected claims in security studies about the supposed security drivers of the French nuclear procurement strategy and the labelling of the French nuclear posture as ‘asymmetric escalation’, and confirmed an ‘existential deterrence bias’ in existing scholarship. Maurice Vaïsse and Dominique Mongin, in their response to our article, focus on our first two claims only but disprove neither. They engage in a critique of our scholarly methodology and standards, failing to address the fact that the article underwent a rigorous peer-review and editorial process. Finally, they attempt to undermine our findings by casting our work as ‘an ideological attempt to deconstruct history’. On the rationality of French nuclear weapon strategy, Vaïsse and Mongin rely solely on official French stated intentions as if they were adequate and sufficient evidence of the outcomes and technical performance of the arsenal. They are absolutely not, and we have established this in our article. We define ‘rationality’ as
在“不适合目的:重新评估法国核武器的发展和部署(1956 - 1974)”中,我们开发了一种跨学科的方法,结合来自法国、英国和美国的档案材料,以及对法国核武器系统性能的技术分析,重新评估第一代核力量的战略合理性及其可信度。这一点尤其重要,因为在过去三十年中,关于法国核力量采购的战略合理性和可信度的说法,与其他核武器计划的发现不一致,已经在历史和安全研究中提出。我们发现“法国核力量的发展是混乱的,缺乏任何战略合理性”(第258页),“法国的核武器至少在1974年之前缺乏可信度”(第259页)。我们还纠正了安全研究中关于法国核采购战略的假定安全驱动因素的说法,以及将法国核态势标记为“不对称升级”的说法,并确认了现有学术中的“存在威慑偏见”。Maurice Vaïsse和Dominique Mongin在他们对我们文章的回应中,只关注了我们的前两个说法,但都没有反驳。他们对我们的学术方法和标准进行了批评,却没有说明这篇文章经过了严格的同行评审和编辑过程。最后,他们试图通过将我们的工作描述为“解构历史的意识形态尝试”来破坏我们的发现。关于法国核武器战略的合理性,Vaïsse和Mongin完全依赖法国官方声明的意图,仿佛它们是武器库成果和技术性能的充分证据。他们绝对不是,我们已经在我们的文章中证实了这一点。我们把“理性”定义为
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引用次数: 0
Welcome to Santiago. Commercial aviation relations between Chile and the socialist countries, 1970–1973 欢迎来到圣地亚哥。1970-1973年智利与社会主义国家的商业航空关系
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2206649
Diego Barría Traverso, Eduardo Carreño Lara
This study analyses why Cuba, the Soviet Union, Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia attempted to establish air transport agreements with Chile, as well as their objectives and those of their airlines. It also examines the response of the Allende government and other Chilean key actors. The paper shows that the interest in signing these agreements lay in the Socialist bloc countries. Their reasons varied depending on their particular situation and foreign policy goals. By contrast, Chile saw the negotiation of agreements as a means of strengthening its ties with the Soviet bloc.
本研究分析了古巴、苏联、保加利亚和捷克斯洛伐克为何试图与智利订立航空运输协定,以及它们及其航空公司的目标。它还审查了阿连德政府和其他智利关键行动者的反应。论文表明,社会主义集团国家对签署这些协议感兴趣。他们的理由因其具体情况和外交政策目标而异。相比之下,智利将协议谈判视为加强与苏联集团关系的一种手段。
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引用次数: 0
Pirates and imperialists: Taiwan and the United States in the Polish communist press, 1953-1955 海盗与帝国主义者:波兰共产主义报刊中的台湾与美国,1953-1955
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2206650
Antonina Łuszczykiewicz
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the image of Taiwan (the Republic of China) in the Polish communist press in the mid-1950s. It focuses on the news coverage related to the two Polish cargo ships – the Praca and the Prezydent Gottwald – which were detained by the Taiwanese authorities in 1953 and 1954, respectively. Based on the press narratives and supported by declassified government documents, the paper analyses the impact of the Cold War conflicts and divisions on the detention of Polish ships and its coverage by the Polish communist media.
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引用次数: 0
From convergence to divergence: Mozambique’s failed campaign to join the CMEA and the reconfiguration of East-South relations 从趋同到分化:莫桑比克加入经互会的失败运动和东南关系的重新配置
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2023.2206648
E. Burton
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引用次数: 0
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Cold War History
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